407. Churches in Hampshire.
Account of the visitation in the county of Hants (including the Isle
of Wight) exercised by Nic. Harpisfelde, LL.D., official of the archdeacon
of Winchester, between 29 March and 16 April 1543, giving the names of
the clergy of each church and persons sworn, who commonly present that
all is well. In some cases particular repairs, such as of windows or churchyard
walls, are ordered to be done by a certain date. At St. Peter's
Chesell, the rector, Thos. Alen, is ordered to pay his induction fees before
Michaelmas on pain of sequestration of fruits. Sentence of contumacy
pronounced against Lucy Myllis executrix of Will. Milles of Alton for not
appearing in answer to a citation to show the will and take or refuse
408. The Privy Council.
Note that at Westm., 16 April, the Council assembled not, as it
was "a removing day."
Meeting at Westminster, 17 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal,
Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley.
Business : — Roland Griffith, of Bangor county, after long attendance,
dismissed. — (blank) Ogan, sheriff of Pembroke, eftsoons examined
touching gold conveyed out of a French ship, commanded to write to his
son and others for diligent search for the same.
409. The Privy Council to Suffolk.
Perceiving the perplexity of things in Scotland and the uncertain
sequel of them, the King will have provisions for the war made with all
diligence. Mr. Shelley, and such others as Suffolk shall join with him,
shall with all haste get wheat ground, so as to begin to make biscuit on 12
June next, and provide place to bestow the biscuit until needed, "which
cannot be long after if it shall this year be used for that purpose." Likewise
Shelley shall get all the "cask" possible and put his malt to grinding,
so as to begin to brew on the 1st June. The King "hath commanded us not
only to send unto you bakers, brewers and coopers but also to [cause] (fn. 1)
provision of wheat to be ground here, and sent in cask, and for clapboard,
hoops, cheese, carriages and all other necessaries to be sent likewise thither
with all the diligence that may be possible. The ordnance that is there
shall be put in order and the rest shall be supplied from hence. For the
things to be done here the King has already disbursed money. Require
him to accelerate these things.
Draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 4. Endd. : Mynute to the duke of
Suff., xvijo Aprilis ao xxxiiijo.
32,650, f. 192.
410. The Privy Council to Angus.
By his own wisdom and Mr. Sadler's advice, Angus will know how
necessary it is, now on the Cardinal's delivery, for the Governor to take
heed to himself and use the secret counsel of only trusty persons; and will
now at this assembly have special regard to the surety of the young
daughter of Scotland, the Governor and himself. However the Governor
may be persuaded, the matter of the conspiracy against him is true. The
Cardinal's deliverance is so important and so wrought as to decipher their
intent, and warn you to provide against further damage, which may be
best eschewed by the sure keeping of the child and the secret handling of
your counsels; and therefore advise the Governor to appoint as Councillors
wise men who trust not too much to their own wit but will use the advice
of their fellows, and to foresee mischiefs ere they chance, or at once
repress them if they chance suddenly. Thus you may perceive how the
King and his Council desire the good of the Governor and all you that be
of honest disposition to both realms.
Draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 3. Endd. : Mynute to th'erle of
Anguishe, xvijo Aprilis ao xxxiiijo.
411. Parliament of Ireland.
Parliament of 34 Hen. VIII. 2nd session held at Dublin 17 April,
34 Hen. VIII. [See Vol. XVI. No. 901.] Act :—
Chap. 1. Manor and castle of Dungarvan. Rot. Parl. c. 2.
2. List, apparently of the contents of the Irish Parliament rolls from
11 Hen. IV. to 34 Hen. VIII., but not taken in strictly chronological order,
with some corrections and additions (including note of proclamation by the
Parliament of 8 Hen. VII.), in the handwriting of Thomas earl of Sussex
(Deputy of Ireland in 1556) who has marked as "to be repealed" an act
of 10 Edw. IV. making the taking or giving of clipped money treason, an
act of 16 Edw. IV. authorising the church of St. Patrick, Dublin, to let
lands to Irishmen, and the act and oath against the bishop of Rome in
28 Hen. VIII. With marginal annotations by the original copyist and
others. A great number of acts are described which are not printed in the
Statutes at Large.
Under 33 Hen. VIII. the following are described :—Printed Statutes
33 Hen. VIII., 1st session, chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 14, 6, 7, 8,
"Item, an act for distresses."
Pr. St. 33 Hen. VIII., chapters 9, 10, 11, 15, 12, 13,
"Item, the King and his successors to be kings of Ireland, made again in
this Parliament at Limerick."
Printed Statutes 33 Hen. VIII., 2nd session, chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
Printed Statutes 34 Hen. VIII., 1st session, chapter 1, 2,
"Item, a subsidy granted of xiiis. iiijd. upon every ploughland, wherein
is contained that one of the Council with ij of the com. by commission may
cess freedoms and ploughlands."
Printed Statutes 34 Hen. VIII., 2nd session, chapter 1.
"Item, for walling the town of the Navan."
"Item, for making James earl of Ormond earl to him and his heirs
males with xli. of the fee farm of Waterford."
412. Adrien De Croy [Sieur De Roeulx] to Wallop.
Has received his letters about the French camp and the report that
they will besiege a castle near Therouenne. That should be Pernes,
which is only fortified against forayers and is not nearly so strong as the
abbey of Licques, in which he has put some men to guard the poor
people of the flat country. Wallop writes that the French are not more
than 3,000 horse and 7,000 foot, but he must remember that 1,000 foot
and 800 horse are coming to join them and the garrison of Therouenne
is 500 horse. Cannot at present assemble his men, because he has had
to send great part of them to prevent a practice of the French to take the
town of Arras. St. Omer, 17 April '43. Signed.
French, p. 1. Add. Endd.
413. Scotch Guard in France.
Certificate by Robert Stuart, knight of the King's Order, Sieur
d'Aubigny, marshal of France and captain of the King's Scottish Guard, of
the names of the said Guard (109), viz. Jehan Stuart, l'aisné, lieutenant,
Jehan Stuart, le jeune, sieur Darnley, James Stuart, ensign, &c., and
that he has ordered payment of their wages, &c., for the year ended 31 Dec.,
1542. Dated 17 April 1543. Signed : Robert Stuart.
A. P. C., 113.
414. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Westm., 18 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal,
Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley.
Business :— Letters written to Ric. Broke, captain of the navy upon
the Narrow Seas, who had taken certain Portugal ships, to release them at
once "with all gentle entreatment."
415. Chapuys to Charles V.
The copy herewith contains all news. London, 18 April, 1543.
French. Modern note (appended to No. 284) of a MS. at Vienna.
416. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
On the 12th inst. received hers of the 8th with the duplicate of the
29th ult. The King being a little weary (? pesant) and occupied with the
Scottish ambassadors and other affairs, Winchester and Wriothesley
advised Chapuys to defer going to Court until the Sunday following, and
meanwhile they would advertise the King of her diligence in imparting to
him all occurrents there, as the amity required, and would also, to obviate
misrepresentations, communicate Chapuys's news touching the battle on
Easter Eve. Was on the Sunday countermanded, to give place to the
French ambassador, who had for eight days importuned audience. On
Monday the King changed his lodging and on Tuesday, yesterday, Chapuys
had audience. The King received him well, but, when he had recited the
contents of the duplicate, spoke more drily than before, saying that her
informants had learnt from the French how to enrich and disguise their
tales (for he thought she herself would on no account make one thing
another) and the French ambassador had shown him what the duke of
Cleves wrote to his master about the battle, which was very different; and
as to the Duke's refusing the appointment with the Emperor, he knew the
opposite, and that it was because unjust and unreasonable conditions were
demanded of the Duke. Chapuys replied upon these two points and he
was well satisfied. The King then told how the French ambassador last
came before him, thinking to espy his intention as to entering war against
France, but left as uncertain as when he came, the King's answer having
been that if the French king would in all points observe the treaties and
capitulations between them, and act like a good prince and such as he
called himself, he might be certain of Henry's friendship, and if the
French king would not do so, and would persevere as for some time past,
Henry would like much better to be at open enmity than to live in these
dissimulations. And he told Chapuys that the ruses and dissimulations of
the French were marvellous, who on the one hand preached throughout their
country amity with England and that English subjects should be well
treated there (as Chapuys told him, and he already knew) and on the other
detained closely and rudely all the Englishmen in their hands,
without freeing any of them; and that although they published
peace they felt certain of war, having dreamt that the Emperor was just
now coming into this realm. The King said, moreover, that he heard that
the French had equipped 60 ships and were preparing more, and he could
not tell why; he would have doubted that it was for Scotland if there had
been men of war in Normandy, or where the ships were arming, but
there were none, and he could not but think that it was to surprise
Dunkerke or assist a siege of Gravelinghes. He thought that Chapuys
should advertise the Queen of this, and also how the French were this day
to begin to march abroad for the revictualling of Theroenne and other
enterprises, and were to assemble 2,000 men of arms and 18,000 or 20,000
foot, some of whom were Almains, the worst and most useless rascals
(canaille) possible. Most of them were from the frontier garrisons, which
were left unprovided, but good provision had to be left at Abeville where
lately a great piece of the wall had fallen. Told him that it would be easy
when the ships were equipped to put men into them, and, although there
were no soldiers in Normandy, a great number could easily be transported
together from Paris, by the Seine; and perhaps some of those for
Theroenne might, after the revictualment, embark at Boulogne. The
King answered that there was no appearance of it since they were garrison
soldiers who could not go far; but forgetting this, he said afterwards that
he heard that the whole band, after an exploit about Theroenne, was to go
a la Champaigne, and when Chapuys pointed out the difficulty, the
impossibility indeed, of going that way, he said that perhaps they intended
to go a la champaigne de Brabant. Returning to the French ships, the
King wondered that some good number of ships did not go out from
Flanders. Told him that Mons. de Bevrez had already some ready,
waiting only for the one which was detained here and the order (fn. 2) to be kept,
and, now that the ship was released and the order devised, the ships
of Flanders would soon sail. The King thought that they should first
touch at the Downs or at Dover in order to communicate with his; and he
will give order not to damage the Emperor's subjects both to his own ships
and those which certain crafts of London have armed by his licence.
As to particularising the affairs concerning the invasion against France,
thinks he did enough in inducing the King to condescend to the invasion,
without giving occasion, by interrogations, for his cooling, especially
as he was then indisposed and most of the points which she desires
to know are partly explained by comparing the King's answer and
speech with Granvelle's memorial and instructions, upon which the communication
was founded. Nevertheless, for her further satisfaction, he
yesterday tried to feel the King's intention in that behalf (touchant ladite
particularité). At first he refused, saying that it was strange he was always
desired to speak first, but, gradually, Chapuys drew from him that he
thought the enterprise should be made about the beginning of July, and
reckoned upon having in his army 16,000 English foot, 4,000 or 5,000
pioneers and 5,000 horse; and that, for his enterprise, he had disbursed
quite 40,000 ducats and would be sorry if that was thrown away; and that,
although he had put many ships on the sea, he saw no appearance on the
Emperor's side of preparing ships for the number of men agreed upon by
last treaty in case of common invasion (and it was these ships he meant
when he last spoke to Chapuys); and, as for artillery for battery and for
the field, he was well furnished, and all was in order, but he would be very
pleased if he could get some artillery of iron to put in other ships which he
wishes to arm, provided it was done in better faith than 300 pieces which
were formerly sent him from Holland and were so bad as to be useless;
and he would beg her favour and assistance in this; and with regard to the
provision of wheat for his army he will send to Calais. Besides, his army,
which will not go far from the coast, will be assisted by the army on the
sea. Did not suggest that perhaps the Emperor might be unable this year
to make the enterprise, or whether he expected the assistance of horse and
foot mentioned in the 23rd article, (fn. 3) knowing, from conversation with the Council,
that it would spoil all to make difficulty in the latter and suggest that
he should make the enterprise without the Emperor. The main difficulty
is that (since he says nothing about providing himself with Almain cavalry,
although he has been told that he should get them at the same time as the
Emperor) it is thought that he trusts to have them out of Flanders.
Nevertheless, Chapuys has not dared to speak of it without the Queen's
command, but has only assured him that she wishes to be warned early in
order to provide all things necessary for the enterprise.
As to the new impost of the centiesme the King is dissatisfied, and at first
found the case strange, but softened a little after hearing Chapuys, whom
he ordered to communicate with his Council. After leaving the King, had
a great altercation with the Council, who said that it was reasonable that
English subjects trading in Flanders, who there did as much or more than
any other nation, should gratify her with some sum of money, but they
did not wish to subject themselves to new imposts and to have all their
merchandise searched and taxed, and would rather redeem themselves with
twice as much as the impost would amount to; the Council would speak
to the King and also to the principal merchants and let Chapuys know
their decision. Can by no means get the passport for the 20 ships laden
with wine and the others with woad, the King grounding himself, not upon
what the French ships could do, but upon the permitting so great a sum of
money to be sent to the enemy's country, and would himself rather drink
beer, indeed water, than permit his subjects to have wine from France as
usual; and he marvelled extremely that the licence should be for 10,000
tuns, seeing that in time of peace both this realm and Flanders scarcely
consumed more than 3,000; the wine, without the woad, would amount
to a horrible sum, and it was not suitable for carrying after a camp, but
spoiled at once; he would willingly grant passport for 600 tuns for her
own provision. Asked what news he had of his man, (fn. 4) whom he sent
towards Denmark, he answered that from Bresme and Ambourg he had
news, but not from beyond; and that the man's detention, which had been
made a little without discretion and reason, about Utrecht, cost his
subjects dear, for they had not yet heard whether they might go to Iceland
for fish, and he feared that they had lost the season. He said twice or
thrice that those of Ambourg wrote him most honorable letters. Had no
opportunity to ask the King about affairs of Scotland, and has heard
nothing since his last. Sends copy of what has been passed here upon the
manner of living by the crews of the ships of either side. The viceadmiral
of Flanders will carry the original. This King shows a desire that
Granvelle should make a trip hither, which would suit well if it came to
a question of marching. London, 18 April 1543.
French, pp. 10. Modern transcript from Vienna.
417. Sadler to Henry VIII.
The letter printed in Sadler State Papers, I. 142, as of the
18th April is of the 19th. See No. 425.
32,650, f. 194.
Papers, I. 122.
418. Sadler to the Council.
Yesterday, received their letters of 13 April, (fn. 5) when there were dining
with him in his lodging the earls of Cassils and Glencairn, newly come
hither. Thought well to participate with them the portion touching the
Queen's person; and said that the Cardinal, being now at liberty, and
Lennox, who began to assemble a power, would probably try to seize the
young Queen, and therefore they should devise with the Governor to
remove her to Edinburgh castle. They answered that very likely Lennox
and the Cardinal would go about such a purpose, but, as she was well
guarded, could not succeed unless the Governor joined them; and indeed
Lennox had no gathering; but they would go down to the Court and speak
with the Governor, Angus and Sir George Douglas.
Sadler afterwards sent for Douglas, who said he liked the King's advice
and had (upon a previous talk with Sadler about putting her in a place of
safety from Lennox and that party) been in hand with the Governor to
remove her to Edinburgh castle, where her father was nourished. The
Governor had said Edinburgh was too near England; and he had received an
"untrue information" that the King would not receive the ambassadors,
but referred them to the Council, and that many soldiers (whom he called
whitecoats) were come to the Borders to put him in fear that the King
minded an enterprise for conveying her into England. Douglas thought
that Sadler should reassure the Governor and make no mention of removing
her to Edinburgh.
To-day, repaired to the Governor and told him that the King, perceiving
"how he had been deceived in the matter of the Cardinal" and how
Lennox began to gather force, either (with the consent of the Cardinal and
his accomplices) to surprise the young Queen or to do the Governor some
displeasure, advised him to remove her to some place of strength, providing
that he was not served therein as in the matter of the Cardinal. He
answered that never man was worse served than he was in that matter, and
if the King's advice then had come in time he would have followed it. He
thanked the King for his advice; but there was no danger, as Lennox
made no assembly and would have come to him ere this save for fear of
Angus, and now had taken up lodging to be here on Sunday next; and the
Cardinal remained at St. Andrews, feigning himself sick and saying that
when whole he would come hither. Besides, he said, the young Queen was
at Linlithgow, "in his chief strength," where he could not be deceived; and
although Sadler reminded him how Seton, his kinsman, had handled him,
and that Linlithgow was a place of no great strength, he said Parliament
had appointed that she should be kept nowhere save at Linlithgow or
Stirling without the consent of the Dowager and him and the other estates
of the realm; he himself was content that she should be removed to Edinburgh
castle, where her father was nourished, and doubtless the lords
would consent, but what the Dowager would do he doubted. Hearing him
conformable to bring her to Edinburgh (which on Douglas's advice Sadler
had forborne to mention) pressed him to accomplish it; and announced
that, by the Council's "said letters," he had learnt that the ambassadors
had had access to the King and were well entreated; whereat the Governor
seemed glad. Took occasion to speak of the perplexed state of the realm
and how he (the Governor) stood in contempt of the clergy and their
adherents for his affection to God's Word, what honor the King had offered
him and what a stay the King should be to him in his government and his
advancing of God's Word, which should move him to proceed frankly with
the King without sticking at things which they who wished his ruin might,
percase, persuade him to stay at. He said it was true; and that if the
King and this realm were at peace all would fear him, whereas now divers
lords and all the clergy were "at utterance with him"; and so he trusted
that the King would demand nothing but what he and the Estates might
well embrace. Thus discoursing generally, Sadler endeavoured to make
him smell his danger if he fell away from the King.
Was going to the Governor when he received the King's letters of the
14th (fn. 6) inst. "purporting the whole progress with the ambassadors," but
refrained from speaking of the King's resolution until the Governor should
hear from the ambassadors. Meanwhile, will commune with Angus,
Cassils, Glencairn and Douglas, who are here, and with Maxwell and
Somervail when they come, to "ripe" them in the points resolved by the
King with the ambassadors and devise how they may best frame the
Governor and other lords to agree to them. Encloses a letter from the
Dowager to the King upon the detaining of her servant, wherein she has
desired him to solicit a good answer. Edinburgh, 18 April, after
Pp. 7. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
32,650, f. 198.
419. Sadler to Suffolk and Tunstall.
On receipt of their letters of the 15th, has made enquiry and cannot
find that more than two ships came with Lynoux. True it is that the
keeper of Donbreteyn castle brought him the keys, and certain coffers and
barrels were brought into the castle, containing apparel and harnesses
which he brought with him from France. Whatsoever Robert
Maxwell told Sir Thos. Wharton, Sadler is sure that lord Maxwell neither
went nor was appointed to go to Lynoux, nor has yet come at him.
Touching aid to the Scots by France and Denmark; they were indeed
"offered aid both of France and of Denmark by mean of France" and now
Lenoux is said to have commission to make like overtures, but Sadler
cannot perceive that the Governor has sued for it or looks for it.
Found the Governor willing to deliver the two outlaws of whom Sir
Ralph Evers wrote to them. Bothwell was called, who made as though
he had never heard of them, nor would allow that they had been with him
or his servants at Jedwourth or that he had left them with Patrick Hebburn,
his deputy in Lyddersdale. The Governor desired him to apprehend them,
detesting much their abominable murder of Fenwike; but Bothwell
promised so faintly that Sadler thinks he will not find them. Thinks
Evers should make search from time to time where they become, so that,
if Bothwell still recept them he may be further charged with it. Edinburgh,
18 April, at midnight.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
420. Wallop and Others to the Council.
I, Sir John Wallop, upon your letters of the 3rd inst., in answer to
mine touching the pulling down, despiteful handling and burning of
images in the church of Guysnez, calling as assistants Sir Thos.
Ponynges, Sir Ralph Elderkarr, Sir Edw. Wootton and Mr. Carew, on the
9th inst., in Guisnes castle, examined the matter and found the principal
offenders to be three labourers and four soldiers. Two of the soldiers are
fled, but the rest have been punished "to the fearful example of all others
in time to come." Concerning the "casting down of crosses" we have
given orders for an enquiry. Callaiz, 18 April 1543. Signed : John
Wallop : Thomas Ponynges : Rauff Ellerkar : Edwarde Wotton : Thomas
P. 1. Add. Endd.
A. P. C., 113.
421. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Westm, 19 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal,
Hertford, Winchester, St. John, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Wriothesley.
Business :—Letter written to the duke of Suffolk to grind flour and make
biscuit by 1 June and provide cask to begin brewing by 12 June. Two
women named Lovell and — Partriche, examined of keeping open boards
of flesh in Lent, found not so faulty as was objected against them and
dismissed. Sir John Clere, Thos. Clere, Wm. Stafford and — Husey,
in the Fleet for eating flesh on Good Friday, ordered to "have the liberty
of the garden."
422. Wallop to the Council.
Yesternight, at 6 p.m., arrived a gentleman of Italy named Signor
Barnado St. Bonifazio de Verrona straight from Turwan, declaring that
Mr. Paget and he should have come to England together if he (Paget) had
not been stayed. Mr. Paget, when at Guisnes, spoke of this gentleman's
desire to serve the King, and he brought Wallop a "memorey" (sent herewith)
from Signor Jehan Barnardyne who gave him instructions how to
convey himself out of France. He confessed his wish to serve the King,
"with a long discusse of the French King and the nature of Frenchmen,
with their abuses; and, further, of Mons. de Vandosmez being now at
Abbeville and the preparation they now make to encamp." Their numbers
as given by him agree with Wallop's late letters to the lord Privy Seal,
but a letter (enclosed) from the Great Master shows that more are expected.
Has, with the Deputy's advice, sent the gentleman over with diligence.
Calais, 19 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiijo.
32,650, f. 207.
423. Mary Queen of Scots to Henry VIII.
As John Erskin of Dun, now being in Flanders, to eschew the
danger of the seas, desires to return to Scotland by land, she, by advice of
her "tutor and governor," begs him to grant passport to the said John
and eight persons with him to pass and repass at will during one year.
Edinburgh, 19 April, 1 Mary. Signed : James Governour.
Broad sheet, p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd.
18 B. VI.
Sc., II. 152.
424. Mary Queen of Scots to the Cardinal of Carpi.
Has already signified to him the death of her father and the tutelage
of herself and realm by James earl of Arran, and her intention to use
Carpi's services as her father did. When John Cheisholme, archdeacon of
Dunblane died, last November, John Danyelstoun (Dennelston in Epp. Reg.)
borrowed a great sum of money and went in person to Rome to obtain the
archdeaconry, but is now in danger of being supplanted by others.
Desires him to obtain the Pope's confirmation of it to Danyelston.
Edinburgh, 19 April 1543.
Lat. Copy, pp. 2.
18 B. VI. 59.
2. Another copy.
Faded and illegible, pp. 2.
32,650, f. 200.
Papers, I. 142.
425. Sadler to Henry VIII.
(fn. 7) [After receipt of Henry's letters of the 14th (commanding him
eftsoons to confer with Angus, Glencairn, Maxwell and Sir George Douglas
upon the state of affairs, and declaring the conferences had with the
ambassadors), Sadler communed first with Douglas, whom he provoked to
repeat that he was free of such promises as the others made; and thereat
prayed him to speak no more so, or men would judge him forgetful of his
duty to the King of whom he had received] (fn. 7) so great benefit. No man,
Sadler knew, had made larger promises than he (his brother except); and
it was said that even at his last repair northwards, speaking with the King
in the lodge in Windsor Park, he repeated his bond and promise and said
things, touching the crown of Scotland and the like, which he could not
have forgotten. Douglas answered that he owed his service to the King,
and had served better than any who promised, but promise he made none
so large as others; and, doubtless, the King remembered that when, at
Abingdon, his brother took bond and oath of service, he refused to be
sworn, "saying that he had never taken oath but once, to his wife, which
he had broken and therefore would no more be sworn," but he offered his
service and the King accepted it. And at his last departure, when he
came into the lodge, as the King came forth to go shooting, he offered to
take leave, desiring to know how his brother and he should behave when
they came to the Borders (for it was then in doubt whether there should
be war) and the King answered that, because many folks were by, he
should take no leave, but go his way and from time to time he should
know the King's pleasure by the Council. That, he said, was all that
then passed, yet he was the King's servant and wished the King knew his
heart, and, as he had bent all his wits to compass the King's purposes
peaceably ("which he feareth he is not so happy to bring to pass") so he
would apply himself to serve otherwise, when commanded, as readily as
any who made largest promises.
Were thus talking, in a garden at the Black Friars, when Angus,
Glencairn and Cassils joined them, by appointment. Found them,
apparently, firm to serve the King if this matter came to force. Glencairn
earnestly persuaded the rest to join him in soliciting the Governor to get
the young Queen into Edinburgh castle, for, as the Cardinal, Lennox,
Huntley and Argyle kept abroad from the Court, it was like enough that
they would go about to surprise the child; and Glencairn and Cassils
"seemed a little moved" that Angus and Douglas made themselves more
sure of the child where she was than indeed they can be. They are out
of hope to recover the strongholds. Stirling and Dunbarton will not be
had; but they will advise the Governor to demand Dumbarton of Lennox,
in the Queen's name, and all wish that Glencairn had it. Stirling is the
Queen Dowager's jointure, and in keeping of lord Areskine who is not
their friend. Edinburgh and Dumbar are the Governor's; and Angus
will surely keep Temptallon. They use all persuasions to entertain the
Governor on their party, but fear he will work his own confusion; for,
ever since his brother, the abbot of Paisley, came, he is chiefly ruled by
him (who is of the cast of France and the Cardinal's great friend) so that
when they decide the Governor one day the Abbot changes him the next.
Sadler then discoursed with them of the proceedings of the ambassadors;
and finally declared the King's resolution, assuring them that he himself
never expected the King to relent so far, and praying them "to consider it
accordingly" and promote the King's reasonable desires. Glencairn
answered "that he could not tell what they should be able to do in the
treaty of the matter," wherein they would bend their wits to the
uttermost, but if it came to strokes, as he saw it was like to do, they would
show themselves true gentlemen to the King. This all affirmed; and all
agreed that, without strokes, it would not be granted that the child should
go out of the realm until of lawful age, and, as for pledges, they doubted
whether the Governor could get such as the King would accept. The
peace perpetual, as the King required it, would (they thought) be obtained.
Finally, in despair of succeeding without force, they resolved (as on
Sunday next all the great lords assemble here for these matters) to send
for Maxwell and for their folks and servants, intending to make
Drumlanrig, their friend, provost of the town, and meanwhile to work to
have the young Queen removed to Edinburgh castle.
Were departing when a messenger came from the Governor summoning
Angus and his brother and the rest to Council, for the herald had arrived
with letters from their ambassadors. Thereupon they expressed a fear
that this news might hinder their purpose touching the young Queen's
removing; and Sadler, telling them that they had now a good opportunity
with the Governor, before the lords of the adverse party arrived, and
praying that he might hear soon of their proceedings (which Glencairn
and Douglas promised), left them going to Court; where the Council has
sat "all this day very busily upon these matters."
This evening came Glencairn and told Sadler that the Governor was
"much altered," and determined to abide the extremity of war rather
than condescend to the King's desires, as contained in the schedule
delivered to the ambassadors; and that the majority of the Council now
here was of that opinion, none standing for them save "the earl of Angus
and his brother, with also your Majesty's prisoners and such as they have
drawn to their devotion, as the earl Marishal and the lord Ruthven." Sir
George Douglas has no voice in Council; so that when all the lords and
bishops assemble, on Sunday or Monday, there will be six voices to one
against the King : wherefore, says Glencairn, if the King is resolved to
stand upon these points he must prepare his army by land and sea, and
let the prisoners know whether to enter at their day into England
or remain here to keep a party until the King's army come to them.
Sadler said that they should look to get the young Queen into their hands.
Glencairn answered that the Governor would nowise remove her to
Edinburgh castle now, but they would resist his taking her elsewhere;
and, as for the strongholds, the King should be sure of Temptallon and
the holds in Maxwell's hands, but the rest were hard to come by; they
could keep this town maugre the Governor, and trusted to keep him here,
even against his will, till the King's army came. Sadler said he marvelled
that any good Scotsman could refuse the King's desires, which were so
reasonable and beneficial; and asked upon what point they stuck so fast.
He answered that they would nowise agree to the delivery of the child within
two years : they would have her eleven years old first, but the certain
time was deferred to the assembly of the whole Council; and, as for
pledges, "they would come to it, though hardly," and likewise to the
perpetual peace; also the Governor would nowise accept the King's
appointment of his government with the conditions expressed in the
schedule. Glencairn himself thought these things reasonable, and told
the Governor so, advising him to beware of refusing as there appeared to
be great lack and disfurniture for the war that must follow. The Governor
answered him "quickly," that "this realm had defended itself hitherto
and God would help them in their right," and, as for Glencairn, who spoke
only for himself and the prisoners, even if they were all in fetters in
England he would make their friends and kinsmen serve in their places.
Whereto Glencairn replied that never a friend nor kinsman of theirs would
serve till they were loose, and that he spake not because he was prisoner
but for his zeal "to the wealth, benefit and preservation of the young
Queen and of this realm." This, Glencairn tells Sadler, Henry's servants
and friends here will make their quarrel, "if this matter grow to such
extremity as is now very like," in which case he and Maxwell will have
great lack of their eldest sons who remain pledges. And here, Glencairn
begging Sadler to remind the King of this and of the signifying to the
prisoners whether to keep their day of entry or put themselves in force to
join Henry's army, the communication ended; which Sadler thought meet
to signify undelayedly. Will to-morrow press the Governor to satisfy the
King. Edinburgh, 19 April, "at two after midnight." Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd. : ao xxxiiij.o
*** The above is noted in Hamilton Papers, No. 358, with a list of
corrigenda for the text as printed in the Sadler State Papers.
A. P. C., 114.
426. The Privy Council.
Meeting at Westm., 20 April. Present : Chancellor, Privy Seal,
Hertford, Winchester, Westminster, St. John, Cheyney, Gage, Browne,
Wingfield, Wriothesley. Business :—Lords Cobham and Clinton, Sir Edw.
Baynton, — Rogers, John Sowche, — Warner and Gawen Carrow, examined
of keeping open boards of flesh in Lent, alleged the King's licence for
eating flesh and were dismissed with a good lesson.
32,650, f. 208.
Papers, I. 152.
427. Sadler to Henry VIII.
This day, had access to the Governor and said he heard that he had
letters from his ambassadors (by which doubtless he perceived how
reasonably the King proceeded, tendering the preservation of his pronepte
and the benefit of his realm); and trusted that he would show himself
again so conformable that it should not appear that he alone neglected the
opportunity offered by God for the conjunction of these realms. The
Governor wished that the King "would proceed reasonably," whose
demands were so sharp as the States of the realm would not agree to and
he himself could not be induced to condescend to. Sadler replied that, by
his letters, he perceived the King's desires to be such as no man could
judge unreasonable, [and he himself expected the King to demand far
greater things; praying him to declare what points he thought
unreasonable]. (fn. 8) The Governor said that (1) the King would have the
child delivered within two years, and pledges meanwhile for it, the result
of which would be that if the Prince died the King would marry her to
whom he would, against the will of this realm, besides the inconvenience
of her being out of her own realm; and that (2) the King would have them
friends to friends and enemies to enemies, whereby they should lose their
old friends, as France and Denmark; and (3) as to what touched himself
as Governor, "he passed not thereupon," for he tendered most his duty to
his Sovereign lady and to the realm. Sadler answered as follows :—
1. That the King having the marriage of her person was most meet to
have the guard of her; and the Prince was a marriage to be desired for the
daughter of any king in Christendom, which would not likely be put in
suspense upon a bare contract, nor was it meet to match him with one
who had "no knowledge of the fashion and nurture of England"; and if
it pleased God so to determine that this marriage took no effect, she was
to no man so tender as to the King, being his near kinswoman, nor could
be in better hands for her surety and advancement. 2. That this amity
was so "propice" for them that no friend they had could be offended at it,
and this league would not seem specially to covenant against France and
Denmark; reminding him how little stead (he himself had said) the amity
of France had stood them in, so that Sadler thought him not so dedicate
to France as to pretermit this amity for it. The Governor here interrupted,
and said he desired the amity of Henry more than that of France "and all
the lave of the princes of the world," and thought the lords would not
stick at that matter if the marriage were contracted; but the delivery of
the bairn till of marriageable years was so sharp and unreasonable that
he could not agree to it. Whereunto Sadler so pressed him that
he said he could not answer, and would not reason the matter, but
refer it to the States and Council, and if they agreed to it he would
not be against it. Advised him to beware of the counsel of
those who would his ruin, and avoid the extremities which would
"undoubtedly ensue of their refusal to come to reason in these matters."
Musing a little, he answered that he could not see why the King should
make war, their sovereign being an innocent who never offended him.
Replied that the King minded no war against her; but, if they neglected
her surety and the benefit of her realm, in this opportunity offered of God
for the union of the realms, he would proceed to the war in her quarrel
against them. He asked if Sadler "called it her benefit to destroy her
realm." Answered that he "called it her benefit and great honor to be
made a queen of two realms by a just and rightful title, where she had now
scant a good title to one." The Governor "wished to God that every man
had his right and that they were quit of our cumber." Sadler pressed
him to apply himself to reason and so quit both realms of cumber for ever.
He said he would do as the rest of the noblemen, who would assemble in a
day or two to devise an answer to the ambassadors. 3. Coming to the
third point, touching his government, reminded him that the last overture
to him showed how the King favoured him, so that, if conformable, he
must needs have great honour and benefit; which he confessed.
Thinks he will never consent to the delivery of the child within two
years; and, if it go by voices, "as the fashion of their Council is," it
will not be granted, for the bishops and their adherents are the majority,
and wish for war rather than any good agreement. Spoke afterwards with
Angus, Glencairn and Cassils; who assured him that the Governor was
nothing minded to the King's purpose, and, therefore, they would both procure
as many of the Council as they could to give their voices with them
and would make themselves strong to be masters of this town at this
assembly, so as to be prepared for extremities. Cassils said he lacked
nothing but silver to wage his men; and all said they must be at charge
to keep so many men together, but knew "they served a good master who
could consider it;" which Sadler affirmed with convenient words.
Glencairn, coming with Sadler from Court, said he would undertake to
convey the King's army from Carlisle to Glasgow, almost 100 miles,
without stroke, and he thought that, if proclamation were made to preserve
and accept such as would come in to the King, a great part of this realm
would be won without stroke, especially if the army used no burning or
spoiling, but took up victuals for the garrisons which must remain in the
winter to keep what was conquered in the summer. Glencairn said that
the Governor was "neither wise, constant, nor politic, and had no title to
the crown of this realm, for he was a bastard undoubtedly"; and that he
himself had not agreed to make him governor and second person, nor was
sworn to it as the rest were; and he thought Parliament could not give
away a kingdom from the true inheritor, for "it was a special case above
all other, wherein the Parliament had none authority." It is thought
that the King will have barons of the realm as pledges for the child's
delivery when of age to be married, or peradventure at 8 or 9 years, and
also the perpetual peace; but assuredly not the deliverance within two
years. Will observe and report what this assembly grants, and do his
utmost to compass the King's desires. Edinburgh, 20 April, after
Pp. 7. Add. Sealed. Endd.
*** The above is noted, with a list of corrigenda for the text printed in
the Sadler State Papers, in Hamilton Papers, No. 360.
428. Sadler to Suffolk.
The letter dated 20th April in Sadler State Papers, I. 150, is of the
21st. See No. 435.
18 B. VI. 153.
Sc., II., 154.
429. John Forestar.
Letters of commendation given by James earl of Arran, lord
Hamilton and Governor of Scotland, addressed to all kings and governors
being his friends and confederates, in favour of his servant John Forestar,
of Leith (and Wm. Bonar and any other in Forestar's name), who
intends to send two ships laden with merchandise to the seas. Ex Regia
Sanctæ Crucis (Holyrood palace), 20 April 1543.
Lat. Copy, p. 1.
18 B. VI. 219.
2. Another copy.
Lat. p. 1.