Deposition of Edward Rede, of Norwich, 25 Nov. 23 [Hen. VIII.]
Has in his keeping the book that Bylney wrote in prison, and has sent
a copy to the duke of Norfolk by his order. Doctor Pellis showed him
the bill of revocation which he had written in the chapel of the Guildhall
at Norwich. It contained a revocation of the opinions and heresies held
by Bilney, [but Rede cannot tell whether Bilney ever held such opinions (fn. 1) ].
Rede and divers of his brethren heard Bilney at his burning make a good
and godly exhortation to the people; after which Dr. Pellis took Bilney
a bill, but what it contained Rede does not know. Bilney read it softly
to himself, but Rede, though very near, could not hear him. After reading
it, he declared openly to the people his mind; but as what he said differed
from the bill, Rede put it in writing, as appears by a bill which he delivered
to the clerk of the Council. After Bilney's death, Dr. Pellis brought Rede
a bill of revocation by Bilney, asking him to have it exemplified under the
town seal. Told him that he would have it done if it agreed with a draft
he had drawn up. Summoned divers of the aldermen and brethren of the
city, and read them the bill, which they thought did not agree with
Bilney's declaration, and they therefore would not consent to the exemplification.
Desired each of them to write down the truth of the declaration
as they remembered it; but they having heard that he had done so, asked
to have his account read; to which divers said they would be content to
put their hands.
Alderman Curat, when asked why he would write nothing, though he
was so good a penman, said he would set no pen to the book till he might
see the bill that Pellis gave Bilney. Told him Pellis had asserted that
this was the copy of it; but Curat said he would believe no man as well
as himself, and he should know that bill among 100. Signed by Rede.
ii. Further examination of Rede by the Lord Chancellor, 1 Dec.
23 Hen. VIII.
He thinks that the bill which Dr. Pellis took to Bilney before his death
was that which the doctor had showed him in the chapel of the Guildhall,
but does not know certainly. Cannot say whether the bill Pellis brought
to be exemplified was the same. The bill which he delivered to the clerk
of the Council was his own drawing, except the preface and superscription,
which was drawn by another man, but by whom he does not remember.
Had no man's advice about it. Knows of only one copy of this bill, which
he left with his deputy at Norwich when he came up hither to London.
Delivered another copy to one Mere, but has it again. There are two other
bills, one made by Alderman Grue, and the other by under-sheriff Mere.
Does not remember that he said that Curat was a false man, and not
worthy to be among honest men; but when debating with the aldermen
about the exemplification of Dr. Pellis's bill, he asked Curat to declare his
remembrance. He said he heard Bilney read the bill which the doctor
gave him, but afterwards said that he would not swear that he declared
the bill openly to the people. Asked him what he meant, as his tale
appeared two sundry ways. He answered, "Take it as ye woll, and make
what definition ye list, for I will explain it none otherwise." As Curate
was so obstinate and obscure, and would not be plain, Rede told him that
it became every alderman to be true and plain, and reminded him of his
delay to account for the money left by Mr. Tery for the poor.
Though Curate has not since been called to Council, he might have come
if he pleased, for the Mayor's officers give warning to aldermen and others
to come to Council without the knowledge of the Mayor.
iii. Rough draft of a portion of § ii.
Pp. 10. Endd.
561. Archbishopric Of York.
1. See Grants in December, No. 3.
Rym. XIV. 428.
2. Oath of fealty by Edward Lee, the archbishop elect.
562. Bishop Of Auxerre to the Duke Of Albany.
Thanks him for his letters. Has written to the King, Grand Master,
and cardinal Grammont about the dispute between himself and secretary
Raince. If any one was ever in prison or in the power of his enemies, the
Pope is now. The Imperialists press him to do dishonorable things by threat,
often without letters or commission from their master. They have pressed
him not to make Mons. de Tholoze nor Albany's brother cardinals. Is sure
this is not by the Emperor's orders. On taking the King's and Albany's
letters to the Pope, found him ill with gout. He was troubled by what the
Bishop said, who told him that he was losing the King's friendship. On
Monday showed him all the good that he would derive from the interview
and the marriage, and the inconveniences if he loses the opportunity. Left
him pleased and content. He said he would do, as far as he could, what the
Fr. Headed : A Mons. D'Albanie, du 3 Dec. 1531.
563. Chapuys to Charles V.
I received your letters, with two copies touching the Queen, which I
immediately sent her. The Nuncio, by order of the Pope, urged the King
to aid the king of the Romans, to whom the Pope has granted aid of
100,000 ducats against the Turks; also for some aid to the duke of Savoy
against the Lutheran Swiss; thirdly, to complain of the King's incivility in
the letters he had written to his excusator. The King said it was a mere
mockery to urge him to engage in an affair which was no concern of his,
and which those whom it most concerned did not seem to care about; that,
as to the matter of Savoy, he had already, in conformity with France, made
his answer; that as to his letters, the Pope had no reason to complain,
because it was true, especially in reference to the making and unmaking of
constitutions at the will of the Pope; for when the King asked for anything,
they said that either right or law would not allow it, or that it was against
the style of the Court, but when you asked for anything the Pope set aside
right, style, and rule; that the Pope refused to remit the cause to England
as reason and right required; that the Pope ought to be governed by the
decisions of universities and doctors innumerable, rather than by one cardinal
(Ancona), or any one else of his council. When the Nuncio told him that if
he desired such a remission he must send a proper procuration, alleging his
privileges and pretended reasons, he said he would beware of playing at
such a game, or entering on such a dance; that the letter he had sent was
sufficient if the Pope wished to oblige him. He ended by saying he had no
wish to displease the Pope, who, he thought, bore him no very ill will, and that
he acted in fear of you, and that it would be much better if he would rescue
himself from such captivity, reuniting himself with his ancient friends, and
not trusting to those who were reconciled; that he knew well that they
would proceed in his cause, but he did not care about it, because he knew
well enough what would happen;—with much other small talk, partly
menacing and partly condescending, without falling into a passion, as he
did at other times.
He and his Council are in great fear lest some innovation should be made
touching the intercourse; and the Queen's physician told me that it had been
proposed in the Council to recall the Queen to Court; and though this took not
effect, yet that she should not be removed further, as she was afraid. The
King has ordered her to have greater provision than usual for the festivals.
I suppose that if they proceed to any act there, the King might be brought
back to a knowledge of his error.
I have not seen the treaty of the year '6, on which the King relies, but it
seems to me that as formerly he interpreted the promise of not executing
Blanche Rose, (fn. 2) which was made at the same time, as not binding on the
promiser, so likewise they may interpret the said treaty.
Two Germans have left here, viz., the count d'Aquilla Nova of Juliers
and the chancellor of Cleves. There has also come another, who is possibly
one of those who came lately to find your Majesty at Barcelona about the
affair of Nassau. He is often visited by a master clerk of the chief secretary.
I can learn nothing about him, except that he is a man of letters and a good
Lutheran, and does not hear mass nor enter a church. The letters he
presented to the King were sealed with five or six seals. I know not whether
they are the same letters that I know that the King lately received from
Philip Melancthon, declaring against the divorce.
You will have learned the condemnation of seigneur Ris, (fn. 3) Norfolk's
brother-in-law, whose father was formerly governor of Wales, and his grandfather
also, and one of those who did great service to Henry VII. in his
early necessities and the conquest of this kingdom. The sentence was put
into execution this morning, and Ris was beheaded in the same place as the
duke of Buckingham. The reason alleged is, that he had not discovered how
that one of his servants had requested him, in order to be avenged of the
wrongs that were done him, to retire into Scotland, and persuade the king of
Scots to undertake the conquest of this kingdom, wherein he would find no
difficulty, through favor of the Welsh and the trouble caused by the divorce;
and though the said Ris neither accepted nor approved this, yet, because
he did not reveal the said words, he has been punished, notwithstanding the
many excuses that he alleged; and it is a common report that, had it not
been for the King's lady, of whom Ris and his wife had spoken, he never
would have come to this miserable end. Thanks the Emperor for money.
London, 4 Dec. 1531.
Hol., Fr., pp. 5. From a modern copy.
8,173, f. 233.
564. Jehan De Le Sauch to Charles V.
Has carried out the Emperor's instruction to Chappuys and himself.
Having received the instructions and letters of credence to the king of
England, the duke of Norfolk, and the chancellor of England, on 31 Oct.
1531, left Brussels, crossed from Calais on 12 Nov., and arrived at London
on 14 Nov. Gave Chapuis the letters, and spent the rest of the day in
reading the instructions and the treaties of 1516 and 1520. On the 15th
sent to the duke of Norfolk, who was with the King at Greenwich, who
appointed the next day for an audience.
Went thither accordingly on the 16th. Presented the letter to the Duke,
and Chapuys told him the credence, reserving the last article. He replied
that the King would see them after dinner, having a catarrh and toothache.
Were received courteously by the King in his chamber. He first asked after
the Emperor and the Queen his sister. Perceived that his illness was
feigned. After reading the letters, he listened to the declaration of the
credence by Chapuys; and when it was finished, said he thought he recollected
the treaties, which should be continued every five years; but he would
order his Council to examine them, that he might give them an answer.
Asked that he would do so soon; to which he consented.
On Saturday, the 18th, Norfolk sent word for them to be at Greenwich
On the 19th were met at Greenwich, about 10 a.m. by Sir Robt. Wingfield
and another knight, who conducted them to a great hall, full of people waiting
for the King to go to mass. When he came out, he bade them explain their
credence to the Chancellor and certain of his Council while he was at mass;
so, when the King entered his oratory, Norfolk and the earl of Wiltshire led
them into a chamber where were assembled certain of the Council, viz., the
Chancellor, the bp. of Winchester, Fitzwilliam, Guildford, and Robt. Wingfield.
Chapuis declared to them his credence in Latin, and the Chancellor
repeated it to the others in English. After some discussion, he replied that
the King and they wondered what was the cause of this request, and thought
a meeting needless. The Ambassador, &c., argued that it was better to
redress things which were in disorder, in a friendly manner, than to let everything
fall into confusion. When the King had returned from mass, the
assembly broke up without any decision. After dinner, the Chancellor, who
had communicated with the King, repeated his previous answer, saying that
if any merchants had misconducted themselves, they could be corrected, and
he wished to know for what points the meeting should be held. The Ambassador
replied that he had no instructions to declare anything in particular,
because the diet, if one were held, should be in the Emperor's dominions,
as his subjects are the complainants. On this point the bp. of Winchester
and Chappuis had some discussion, which was stopped by Norfolk, who said
that the King had never refused anything reasonable, and he wished to
know where and when the diet should be held, if the King agreed to it.
Replied that the Emperor wished it to take place as soon as possible, even
before Christmas and his departure for Germany, and at Bruges. They
replied, it was true that king Philip had been present at the treaty of the
year '6, and the Emperor at that of the year '20. Relates the discussion
which ensued on this point, during which Norfolk referred unnecessarily
to the King's services to the Emperor; and Le Sauch replied that all the
Emperor's obligations had been fulfilled. The Duke finally said that the
diet could not be held until March, for those whom the King intended to
send,—the bp. of Durham, Knight, and the Chancellor,—were far away, and
could not go before Christmas, and he required their presence at the
Parliament to be held soon after Twelfth Day. Replied that the King had
others to serve him in the Parliament, and this distant time seemed to be
fixed so that the diet should not be held till after the Emperor's departure
from the Low Countries. To which they answered, that this was not the reason,
and the King had come to this determination for the reasons already
mentioned. Persisted that the diet must be held at latest immediately after
Christmas; but they would not agree to any day earlier than 1 March; to
which at last the Imperialists consented. There was still more discussion
about the place. They first suggested London or Calais, and then Ardre or
Boulogne, as neutral territory. Said that France would be very suitable,
as being free of suspicion on either side, but it was necessary to have the
meeting in a place convenient for the Emperor's subjects. They said that
to send to an imperial city would be to prejudice the King's jurisdiction.
Replied that it was not a case of giving sentence or judgment, but to have
friendly communication, to remove causes of difference, and prevent others
arising; and reminded them that the last two meetings had been held at
London and Calais. Offered them Nyeupoort or Dunquerke as being nearer
England, and would have offered Gravelinghes if it had been fit to receive so
many people. However, they would not agree to it, and went again to
consult the King. After three hours they returned, and Norfolk said that
the King's resolution was reasonable, and ought to be accepted, otherwise
Le Sauch might come on Tuesday to take leave of the King, who was going
to Hampton Court on Wednesday. Accepted this, saying they could do no
otherwise than they had said.
On Tuesday, 21 Nov., went to Greenwich, but nothing was said before
dinner. In the afternoon, Norfolk, Wiltshire, the bp. of Winchester,
Fitzwilliam, and Guildford, caused the hall to be cleared, and told them
they had spoken to the King, who said he had resolved upon the day that
was mentioned, and would agree to either Calais, Ardre, or Boulogne.
Replied that they could not accept this, as it was beyond their instructions.
Norfolk remarked that he was sure the Emperor would not refuse.
Said that his Majesty could do as he liked, and they could not exceed
their instructions. Le Sauch was ready to take his leave, and declare
the rest of his instructions. The Duke expressed surprise that they had
anything else to say, and then Le Sauch declared the last article of his
instructions. The Duke said the King would answer the whole, and suggested
that he would accept Gravelinghes for the diet, if, after two or three
days, it was removed to Calais. Said it was impossible to accept this, and
it was unreasonable, and would only waste the time and trouble of the Commissioners.
They replied that they ought to be well pleased at leaving a
poor place like Gravelinghes for Calais, where they would be well treated.
Finally they retired to the King, and presently Norfolk and Wiltshire
returned and conducted the Ambassadors to his Majesty, who was in a
window in his chamber. He said that he wished to proceed in a friendly
way, and had agreed to reasonable things, which they had no cause to refuse.
Chapuys replied that they would have made no difficulty, but they could
not go beyond their instructions; however, that their refusal might not
cause a rupture, they would neither accept nor refuse, without referring to
the Emperor. Le Sauch then told him that if there was any difficulty about
accepting the diet and the place, by the treaty of the year '20 and the following
one the Emperor is not bound to observe the intercourse for more than
five years, which are long expired; and as the diet cannot be held in a
friendly manner, he must make arrangements for the benefit of his own
subjects, but he wished by all means to proceed in a friendly manner.
The King answered that he also wished the same, as appeared by his
reasonable offers, and asked how the Emperor would provide for his subjects,
—intimating that if he exceeded the treaties, he should consider it as an infraction
of them. Replied that the Emperor would never break the treaties,
and wished nothing but good to him and his subjects. Begged him to
consider that the last two communications had been held at London and
Calais, and to consent that this, in fairness, should be held at Gravelinghes,
reminding him of the charge of Rosinboz and Le Sauch two years before,
and of the inconveniences suffered by the Emperor's subjects. He replied
that the two last meetings were not held at London and Calais at his request;
that Rosinboz was not sent express for that affair, but for the ratification of
the treaty of Cambray; and that he also must see whether his subjects had
any complaints to make. To the last, replied that they hoped not, for the
English were much more favorably treated than the Imperialists. The
King said he was not surprised at this, for the Low Countries could not
[subsist] without English produce. Le Sauch said he did not intend to
argue with him, but if an equal had said this, he would have contradicted
it. The King then said that he had reason to complain that malefactors
were not given up in the case of the Lutherans and printers, who are maintained
at Antwerp although he has demanded their surrender. It is surprising
that he should complain of this, as he did not surrender French
heretics whom the king of France demanded. Chapuys replied that the
Emperor was not bound to surrender heretics, who should be punished where
they are. During the discussion on this point, Le Sauch mentioned the case
of a Spaniard who fled to Calais after committing a murder at Antwerp, but
the officers of Calais refused to comply with lady Margaret's request for his
surrender. The King denied ever hearing of this, and said if he knew who
were the officers he would punish them. In conclusion he desired Le Sauch
to convey his affectionate recommendations to the Emperor and the Queen,
and shook hands with him on parting. Chappuys desires instruction, and
requests the Emperor to inform and instruct the Commissioners, that they
may be ready, and to have the day published. . . Dec. 1531.
Fr., modern copy, pp. 35.
of Card. of
Osma, p. 135.
565. Cardinal Of Osma to Charles V.
The Pope showed me a letter in French from France, and as I do not
know the language he declared the contents of it to me in Latin, which are
as follows. The bishop of Bayonne has returned from England well contented
with the King, whose affairs, he says, are in such a state that the
French king holds him as it were in a halter, so that he cannot give up his
friendship. The Pope supposes this means that the King has gone so far
as to marry the concubine (la manceba), and in order to defend himself
is obliged to stick to his friendship with France. It is added that the
esquire of the duke of Gueldres is treating with the French king, for
the transfer to him of the Duke's services, who is discontented with your
Majesty. The French king is treating with the Landgrave, who is preparing
for war. Francis promises him money on the security of the king of
England. Money is also being sent to the duke of Gueldres by way of
England. The French king does not intend to make open war upon your
Majesty, but means indirectly to cause you to change the words you sent
him by Alanson about the interview. The writer says that your Majesty
thought you could go to Germany and pass into Italy; but though you think
it easy, you will find the roads so difficult that you will have to turn back,
attributing the difficulty to arms, not to the mud : that your Majesty has made
a young woman governor in these states, who will think more of her pleasures
than of good order. The Pope said the writer knew the French court
thoroughly, but he did not take all that he said as true, though he wished
me to tell you of it. He behaves as a true father and friend of your Majesty.
I should be glad to know how much of the above is true, as the Pope thinks
of maintaining the writer at the French court for the sake of news, and he
may be of great service to your Majesty.
In the case of the queen of England, I have attended at several consistories,
though I do not like them, and am full of rheumatism. The King's ambassadors,
seeing that his case is bad, take refuge in calumnies and delays.
When they heard that the Rota had secretly determined to reject the
excusator, they went to the Pope and objected to the auditors, pressing for
a public discussion, and asking leave to bring lawyers from outside Rome to
defend their case. They went round in the same manner to all the cardinals,
blaming the Rota and using threats. The Pope and the college replied to
them that their lawyers must be ready after Christmas, and no more delay
would be allowed.
I think the Pope has the same desires and intentions as your Majesty would
have if you were judge in the case, and sympathizes with the Queen's
injuries, as if he were her father. As the case is important, he likes to go
on step by step until he has the King in his jurisdiction and can decide the
case here, and does not wish to give the King occasion to refuse a trial
here, and be satisfied with a sentence given by a bishop in his own kingdom,
notwithstanding the prohibition of the Holy See. All the world knows that
there is no partiality here, and that if there is any feeling, it is on the side
of the King against the Queen; and so when the sentence is given against
him, the execution of justice will have more force and favor, and Christian
princes will be inclined to assist the Queen. It is not without reason that
his Holiness has suffered the calumnies of these ambassadors. Today he
promised that after the holidays he would show himself not a father, but a
strict judge, and would put the process on its way to an end, allowing no
delay nor trickery.
Mai, though a good man, is of no more use in managing this business
than I am in steering a galley. If it had not been for his negligence, we
should already have obtained a sentence por contradittas, or have been by
this time at the principal point. If I fail, our cause will fall to the ground.
If the regent Muxetula had charge of it, he would have surmounted all
difficulties by this time (estuvyera oy enzima de los tejados). I write this
merely from conscientious motives, and beg that no one may know it except
the Comendador Mayor.
Sp. Headed : Copia de parrafos de una carta olografa del cardinal de
Osma al Emperador, fecha en Roma, 4 Dec. 1531 (segun la carpeta).
566. Bishop Of Auxerre to Mons. De Villandry.
Has obtained from the Pope that he has remitted to the Auditor of the
Chamber, who is here on an embassy from the king of England, to do what
he thinks reasonable about the judges of the bishop of Paris. The Pope
excuses himself as not being a good clerk. None of the cardinals will hear
it spoken of, as it is contrary to their charter, but this English ambassador
has promised to help. Such a thing has never been given before without
reserving the definitive sentence to the cardinals, even in the case of the
bishop of Autun. Asks him to send him a copy if any such thing can be
Fr. Headed : A Mons. de Villandre, du 4 Dec. 1531.
B. VII. 89.
567. Francis Georgius, Minorite Friar, to Henry VIII.
Gives an account of some efforts made to withdraw him from the King's
service. Received a message from Henry two years ago, to promote his
business in Italy, in conjunction with Croke, who, as he was ignorant of
Italian affairs and customs, would have made very little progress without
his assistance. Has incurred the envy of others on account of his fidelity to
Croke. Recommends himself and his nephew Mark Raphael to the King's
notice. Venice, 4 Dec. 1531.
Pp. 2, hol., Lat. Add.
568. Bishopric Of Winchester.
See Grants in December, No. 8.
569. Thomas Bilney.
Questions put to Edward Reed, mayor of Norwich, concerning
1. Whether he was present at Bilney's examination by Dr. Pellis.
2. Whether he was present when Bilney would give no certain answer to
certain questions, on account of which the judge refused to admit his
answer. 3. Whether he himself told the judge he did Bilney wrong in not
admitting his answer; to which the judge answered that the law required
a certain answer. 4. Whether Bilney appealed to the King, and charged
Mr. Mayor to take him away from the judge that he might do so. 5. Whether
Reed said to the judge that now he was charged with him, and must
needs take him away. 6. Whether certain light persons then called out,
"Mr. Mayor, you are bound to take him away." 7. Whether he importuned
Dr. Pellis for some writings which Bilney had given him in the prison chapel.
8. Whether he heard Bilney say to the judge, "Sir, do you your office, I am
content, and I will be more ruled by you than by all this whole company,
because you have truly handled me." 9. Whether Dr. Pellis often requested
him to tell him the time of Bilney's execution, that he might advise him
to recall the people whom he had offended to the way of truth and the
Catholic faith. 10. Whether he told Dr. Pellis the time of the execution or
not. 11. Whether he ever saw or heard the revocation which Bilney wrote
in the chapel. 12. Whether Pellis delivered a writing of this kind to Bilney
at his execution. 13. Whether Bilney read it aloud or not. 14. Whether
Bilney, after reading his revocation, delivered the bill to Dr. Pellis.
15. Whether Bilney immediately after his degradation revoked his errors,
exhorting the people to obey God and the ministers of the Church and the
law, submitted himself to the decision of the Catholic Church, and prayed on
his knees for absolution from the sentence of excommunication,—on which he
was restored to the Church by Dr. Pellis.
ii. Answers of Edw. Reed, merchant, mayor of Norwich, to the above questions
put in against him by Dr. Pellis, and propounded to him by Sir Thos.
More, lord chancellor, 5 Dec. 1531.
1. Was present as often as desired by Dr. Pellis. 2. Upon a certain
answer of Bilney's, there was between the judge and Bilney, yea and nay;
but how they concluded, he cannot tell. 3. Desires respite to answer the
third article. 4. Confesses this to be true. 5. Denies the words contained
therein, but he told Pellis that the King had a new title given him by the
clergy, at the granting of which Pellis was present, and he knew the effect
thereof, although Reed did not. He therefore desired him to act so that he
might be his own discharge and Reed's, and he was content to take him if
he ought to be the King's prisoner. 6. Does not remember this. 7. This
is true, except the word "importunity." 8. Does not remember this. 9. Dr.
Pellis desired him, but did not state the reason. 10. Ordered the sheriffs to
warn him, but does not know whether they did so. 11. Confesses this
article. 12. Pellis gave Bilney a bill, but he does not know whether it was
the same. 13. Did not hear Bilney read the bill, but saw him look upon it.
If he read it, he read it softly. 14. This he cannot tell. 15. Does not
remember divers points in this. Bilney knelt down and humbly desired
absolution. Does not remember that he submitted to the determination of
the Church, but thinks he did. Does not rememher that Bilney revoked his
errors, or that he exhorted the people to obey God and the ministers of the
Church and the law. He thinks Bilney desired to be houseled, but does not
remember perfectly. Signed by Rede.
570. Ric. Hutton, Priest, to Cromwell.
Send me word by the bearer if I shall come up before Christmas to sue
out the Broad Seal. There is none to trust but you. If I am not to go
to Ipswich again, be good master to me for a chantry here in the country,
called the mastership of Chalgrave. The incumbent is aged and long sick.
It is in the gift of the bp. of Lincoln, and is worth 20l. or more, with a substantial
mansion. It is without cure of soul, and bound to hospitality. I
would trust in God, with that I have besides, to live there accordingly. Send
me word by my servant. Merkyate, 7 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council.
571. William Button to Cromwell.
My uncle Audelett has sent four "Rewen" cheeses. Begs he will send
my lord of Abingdon the King's letters for discharge from the next Parliament,
and he "will deserve your pains therein according to my promise."
Abingdon, 9 Dec.
My uncle has also sent six doz. larks, six "snytes," and two mallards
P. 1. Add. : To the right hon. Mr. Cromwell. Endd.
572. George Palmes to Cromwell.
Thos. Barton, receiver to Mr. Provost at Beverley, has shown me that
you desire I should send to London all the money I received this last year for
the use of the archdeacon of York (Winter?), which I shall be glad to do on
a proper discharge. The Archdeacon on his departure from London desired
I should only deliver such money to Mr. Byrton. Desires to know Cromwell's
wishes in the matter. 9 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Privy Council.
Calig. B. VIII.
573. Henry Lord Clifford to the Earl Of Cumberland.
Received his letter on Saturday, 9 Dec. Certain persons coming from
market had their purses taken by the Grames of Esk. Made a proclamation
at the market-place that every man should have redress. Went to hear mass
with his cousin Lowther and Mr. Sympill in St. Mary church, leaving Sir
Will. Musgrave at the mayor's house. Met at the church door Richd. Dacre
and two men, who looked proudly and maliciously at him, and as Musgrave
entered the churchyard Dacre drew his dagger upon him. The son of the
lord Fetherstunhaw joined in the fray. After the quarrel Dacre went to the
market-place, crying "A Dacre! a Dacre!" and raised a great company.
Clifford retired to the castle. Aglyonby, the mayor, and the freemen locked
the gates, and assembled the town in harness to keep the peace. Dacre,
after dining at leisure, rode out of the town. Thinks that lord Dacre and
Sir Chr. are not privy to the design. Carlisle, the day above said.
P.S.—The Commons have taken Henry Alonby and put him in Cokermouth
Castle for carrying letters to the gentlemen of the country. Clifford's
council, with the exception of his cousin Musgrave and the constable, are
against his delivery. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. : "To," &c., "my singular good lord and father, my lord
Galba, B. X.
574. Stephen Vaughan to [Cromwell].
On the 6th instant, on coming into the English house at Antwerp
from Tournay, I received your letters and copies enclosed, which were
neither in order nor in number as I left them, but two or four articles
were lacking. You say that George Constanty[ne] has been arrested,
and will perhaps accuse me of favoring Lutherans and their books, and
you advise me to apply myself only to the King's service. I am surprised,
for two reasons : first, that the Lord Chancellor, in examining him and others
brought up for heresy, always tries to find some occasion of evil to be
fastened upon me, which the "pacient" soon espies, and, trusting to escape,
of pure frailty spares not to accuse the innocent. Secondly, in addition to
his imminent peril, being a prisoner in my Lord's house, he was vehemently
provoked by the remembrance of his poor wife remaining here "bewaisshed"
with continual tears, and the sharp and bitter threatenings of his poor ...
and condition, likely to be brought to extreme danger of poverty, to accuse
whom they wished, rather than be tied by the leg with a cold and ...
iron like a beast, as appeared by the shift he made to undo the same [and]
scape such tortures. These punishments will make a son forget his father
and mother. Who should [marvel] if he accuses me, a thousand times
less dear than father or mother, so as to rid himself of them? Would God
the King would look to these punishments, which threaten more hurt to
the realm than the ministers who execute them conjecture; for his subjects
will be forced to leave the realm in great numbers, and live in strange
countries, where they will practise not a little hurt to England. Instead of
punishments, tortures, and death ridding the realm of erroneous opinions,
and bringing men into such fear that they will not be so hardy as to speak
or look, be assured, and let the King be advertised from me, that he will prove
that it will cause the sect in the end to wax greater, and these errors to be
more plenteously sowed in his realm. Those who have most sowed those
errors are those who have fled the realm. By driving men away, they will
make the company in strange countries greater, and four will write where
one wrote before. Advise the King to look to this matter, and not to trust
to other men's policy, which threatens the weal of his realm. Let me no
longer be blamed or suspected for my true saying. What I write I know to
be true, and daily see the experience of it. I have often said and written
this, but perhaps you have little regarded it; but tarry a while, and you shall
be learned by experience. I see it begin already. Some men, as I am
falsely accused of belonging to this sect, may think that I write thus wishing
that the sect may be suffered without punishment. Nay, truly, but I wish
evildoers to be punished charitably, and rather won than lost. Let the King
be assured that no policy nor threats can take away the opinions of his people
until he fatherly and lovingly reforms the clergy, whence spring both the
opinions and the grudges of the people. If I speak truth let it be taken as
such; if not, I mean nothing but the honor and surety of my Prince and the
weal of his realm.
As to myself, whatever men babble of me, I am neither Lutheran nor
Tyndalyn, nor esteem them nor any other for my gods, nor do I trust in the
learning of any earthly creature, for all men be liars, in quantum homines, as
Scripture says, and again, Maledictus qui confidit in homine. Christ's
Church has admitted me a learning sufficient and infallible, and by Christ
taught, which is the Holy Scripture. Let the world brawl, I am sure to
have none other. I find not myself deceived, nor I trust shall be. As the
world goes, men's learning is not to be trusted; God's learning cannot
deceive. Except that, there is found no tr[uth] amongst men, but sin and
corruption. No worldly thing can corrupt my mind, or move my body to
think or do anything unbecoming to a Christian man, and a true and faithful
subject to his prince. If I were of another sort, like the more part, I
might obtain more favor; but what I do for my prince, I do it not for
reward, as with half an eye ye may perceive. Whether I be rewarded or not,
it is all one to me; I will do my duty. God hath eyes to see, and his reward
is prepared. He will prepare a living for me wherever I am, no less than for
those h[is] creatures which neither sow ne mow. These sharp inquisitions,
stripes, and bitter rewards would make some men's hearts faint toward their
prince, but I am the stronger because I know my truth, and am at defiance
with all men pretending the contrary. In short, I will not be untrue to my
prince, though he were the "odiblist" person of his realm, and his government
were such as offended both heaven and [earth], instead of the very
contrary,—most noble, gracious, benign, and ... Am I not commanded
by God to obey my prince? Does the world suppose [my] eyes are covered
with ambition, dissimulation, and such like? I cannot forbear to show you
my mind. It pierceth my heart to know that I am otherwise meant. I had
rather forsake my country and family, and wander into some strange region
for the r[est] of my short life, than to be thus handled for my true service,
seeing that truth is in such danger and is so vilely reputed. I hear ev[erywhere]
how diligently the Lord Chancellor enquires concerning me of those
whom he examines for heresy, and that others are also deputed to make like
inquisitions. Wherefore take they so great pains? What think they to
hear? Think they that I am less than they a ... concerning my creation,
a man, a sinner, a vessel conceived in sh[ame], finally a wretched creature
barren and devoid of goodness, and th[at] might they consider without so
great painstaking. Any one threatened by such puissant persons would
think himself in great danger. Who so unkindly and so unchristianly
treated may not woefully sing the verses painted on your stained cloth,
resembling the eversion of Italy :
"Et sola et mediis hærens in fluctibus, ecce
Me miseram, quantis undique pressa malis."
There is no remedy; I must leave this country, being suspected above all
men. I wish the King would license me to come to England, and live contentedly
in a corner of the realm. I have too much laboured. My policies
have been divers, my conversation among men like to theirs. Among
Christians, I have been a Christian; among Jews, like to them; among
Lutherans, a Lutheran. Without such policy I can do nothing here. They
either think they sent a fool, or make me think they have no discreet
I hear that I have lost a most dear friend and special good master in you,
and that you have excused yourself to the King for ever having advanced
me, as you are greatly deceived in me. This was reported me from my Lord
Chancellor's mouth. If it is true, my troubles increase into a more bitter
passion than ever. Nothing, however, can turn me from you, to whom I
owe so much. I do not say it to win your favor, or to gape for gifts, having
no need thereof, nor, God willing, shall have, being able to get my living
partout, as the Frenchman saith. I declare by this the earnest meaning of
my heart, to which your exceeding merits have by force drawn me.
I enclose a letter from Mr. Ellyot, the King's ambassador, from Tournay,
who wishes you to ask the King for answers to his letters. It is not well
done that he should be so long without letters, considering his little
experience in these parts. With a little help he would soon do right well.
Wrote yesterday of my being at Tournay, where I saw the Emperor ride
from the abbey of St. Peter to the great church, with 15 lords in their robes
of the order. The solemnity began Nov. 2, and lasted three days. The
first two days they wore crimson velvet embroidered with gold thread, with
the Emperor's recognizance, with hoods like those which used to be worn by
the crafts in London. The third day they wore black cloth. The fourth
day I cannot tell, for I departed. The next day they were to hold jousts in
the market-place. The Emperor made the prince of Orange, son of the
lord of Nassau, and others, knights of the order. My suit to the Council for
the despatch of the ship and goods in Holland, which were taken by pirates,
left me no time to attend to such things, and I saw one there who will not
fail to advertise you. The Emperor has granted us a letter to his Council in
Holland for full restitution. He treats us very favorably, and uses the
King's aff[airs] with much honor and benignity. It is good to speak truth,
and no small peril to raise enmity between princes. It is not so soon ceased
as begun. The Council consists of men of honor, wisdom, and experience,
who will in no wise break with the King, nor purchase his displeasure
against their prince.
The Emperor has beheaded 12 of those pirates in Holland. Beer still
comes out of England, and yesterday 9 or 10 fair horses came in a hoy.
The Emperor will go to Germany shortly after Christmas. George
Constantine came to Antwerp, after breaking from my Lord Chancellor, on
the 6th of December. With him, nor with none other such, will I meddle,
seeing that I am beaten with my own labours. Antwerp, 9 Dec. 1531.
I will get rid of your spermaceti before I leave the country.
Hol., pp. 6, slightly mutilated.
28,584, f. 91.
575. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
"His services in the matrimonial cause of the queen of England have
been attended with complete success; for it is due to him that the letter
of the king of England, which contained some offensive expressions, has not
been accepted as a legal power for his Ambassador. It is his work that the
majority of the cardinals in the Consistory have overruled the objections of
the kingdom and people of England, which pretended that their King was
not bound to attend in person in the divorce cause before the Pope or the
Rota. It is he who has persuaded the Cardinals that the person who is to
excuse the king of England for his absence from Rome shall no longer be
heard, except if he shows power of the King authorising him to act in his
stead in the principal cause. This last decision of the Rota is not yet
published, because the Consistory of Cardinals is to pronounce on the same
subject. As soon as the decision of the Consistory is given, the proceedings
of the principal cause will begin, and he will take care that it shall be
decided in such a manner that no man living will ever dare to doubt the
validity of the marriage of the queen of England. Rome, 10 Dec. 1531."
English abstract from original at Simancas.
576. Suffolk to Cromwell.
Desires credence for his trusty servant the bearer. My house in
Southwark, 10 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : To my kind and loving friend, Mr. Crumwell.
577. Henry VIII. to Sir John Daunce, John Hales, and
Has received from Henry Norres and Thos. Hennage, of the privy
chamber, by the hands of Thos. Crumwell, 1,000 marks from lands lately
belonging to Cardinal's College, Oxford, and 400 marks from the bishop of
Bangor, of which 600 marks have been delivered to Robt. Carter and Henry
Williams, canons and fellows of "our new college in Oxford," for the
transposing thereof according to a platte signed by the King. Hampton
Court, 11 Dec. 23 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
578. William Abbot Of St. Mary's [York] to Cromwell.
I thank you for your letter concerning the prior of St. Bees. As you
have obtained from the King pardon for my appearance at the next Parliament,
I am in doubt of other process by the order of his laws. Unless you
consider the long journey and the season of the year, on your pleasure
signified to me I shall attend the King. I send you a poor token. St. Mary
Abbey, 11 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Right honorable. Sealed.
579. Sir John Mablisteyn to Sir Giles Russell, Commander
of Basford and Dyngley.
Sends by Randall, the bearer, the presentation of Tyffelde, of which
Randall has paid the duty. My Lord, Mr. Turcoplyer, and all the tongue of
England, desire him to remember the poor estate of the "Inglisshe harbage,"
to which every man presented to a benefice of St. John's is accustomed to
give a portion. Desires to be ascertained thereof, as he has to inform the
tongue of every man's benevolence to the said "herbage." Mr. Tyntervile
departed on the third, having had good expedition with the King and his
Council. My lord of St. John's is at Berwick, where he will keep his
Christmas. Has no other news from the religion. St. John's, London,
12 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
28,584, f. 93.
580. Mai to Charles V.
After having disputed all this winter whether an excusator, who
appeared for the people, should be admitted, the Rota decided to the contrary.
The English suspected that I was pressing for a sentence, and
have sent off an ambassador to consult the King. Though I am told this
will further the cause, I do not cease to press for the execution of this
The English requested that the point should be debated by lawyers; to
which I agreed, to save time; but they, not wishing for a conclusion, asked
for four or six months to bring lawyers from Italy and elsewhere. Urged
both the Pope and Cardinals to refuse this second demand. Discussed the
point for a whole day before cardinals Monte and Anchona, and it was
decided that the discussion should be held on Dec. 12, before the Rota and
afterwards before the Cardinals. Demanded that there should be only one
discussion in the Consistory before the Cardinals and auditors of the Rota,
by which means I hoped to be able to obtain a sentence before Christmas.
As the English do not wish for any conclusion, they began on the 10th to
start new objections, that the Rota was not impartial, and that they wished
to obtain lawyers from Rome and elsewhere.
Was at the Consistory on the 11th, and asked the Pope to refuse these
objections. Was with his Holiness, Monte, and Anchona for more than an
hour. They wished me to grant this delay, though they acknowledged that
it was calumnious. As they could not persuade me, it was concluded in the
Consistory to grant delay till after the Easter (qu. Christmas?) vacation for
the lawyers to study. It is not much loss of time; but these decisions given
in favor of the other side make them every day more insolent.
Of these devils, some are devoted to France and England, and others will
be corrupted; for bills of exchange for thousands are coming daily to the
English ambassadors, and it is commonly thought the money will be spent
in this way. Others delude themselves by thinking that delay will cure the
evil. The case is pressed by us as much as possible. I hold both the Pope
and Cardinals pledged to grant no more delay, though I cannot trust their
promises. I will procure the hearing of the discussion on the first day after
the vacation. By that time the Ambassador may have returned. I think it
is he that has given occasion for these deceits. Rome, 12 Dec. 1531.
I have since been with the Pope, and asked him to keep his promise that
this shall be the last delay. He assured me that he would keep his promise,
and that he would say the same to the English ambassadors, who were in the
hall waiting for an audience. He also said he hoped that Benet would
undeceive his master. Answered that this might produce either good or
evil, because even if he was undeceived as to the process here, it might only
induce him to spend his money in endeavouring to prevent the sentence
being given and executed. Details further his conversation with the Pope.
Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.
28,584, f. 96.
581. Muxetula to Charles V.
The Pope has heard from France that the kings of France and
England have made a new agreement by means of Bryon to stir up troubles
against your Majesty. He (they?) will secretly help the Landgrave. The
king of England offered Francis much money to declare war against the
Emperor, and the French king felt quite sure that he would not fail in
performing what Brian had treated of. Francis also trusted in the "Conde
Geneva," who was called the duke of Savoy. He is certainly making preparations
against the Emperor. Rome, 13 Dec. 1531.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern extract.
582. Katharine Of Arragon to Charles V.
Your Ambassador has sent me a copy of a letter from Mai at Rome,
by which, as well as by what the Ambassador has told me on your behalf,
I see the diligence he uses to extinguish the fire kindled between the King
and myself. What Mai asks of your Majesty will encourage the Pope to do
justice. He asks this because his Holiness seems as lukewarm today as if
the cause was just beginning. I am astonished at him, knowing the danger
caused by previous delays, the danger in which this kingdom is placed,
the differences caused among Christian princes at a time when there is
so much need of conformity, the scandal to all Christendom, and the
injury to the conscience and honor of the King. If the Pope does not,
as he so easily can, settle the case in the way in which all Christendom
expects from a person of his authority, knowing that this country complains
loudly of not seeing the remedy, for which it has hoped for so many years,
it must be called a sign of small charity in him. I beg you to urge his
Holiness to do justice, disregarding his fears, and the evils which the other
party put before him; and to assure him that the settlement of the case will
produce much peace and quietness between his Holiness and the King. I
assure you that this is the cause of all the evil, and that God will not permit
anything but good to result from a deed so pious and necessary for
Christendom. I hope that the King will acknowledge that God has
enlightened him when he sees himself loosed from the bondage in which he
now is. During the present state of the case, it is impossible to do any good,
because those whom he employs in it continually irritate (arrochean) him like
a bull in the circus, by giving him empty hopes and alleging false reasons. It
is a great pity that such a good and virtuous person should be so deceived
and treated every day. I pray to God to enlighten him, and I am sure that
so pious and just a prayer will be heard. At Mur (Moore), separated from
my husband, without having offended him in any way, 15 Dec.
Sp. From a modern copy. pp. 2.
Fox, IV. 698.
583. James Bainham.
Interrogatories addressed to James Bainham, with his answers.
1. Whether he believed in Purgatory?
2. Whether departed Saints are to be honoured?
3. Whether any souls departed were yet in Heaven?
4. Whether confession to a priest is necessary?
5. That he had said that the truth of the Scriptures had lain hid till now.
6. Why it has been better declared now?—To this he replied that he
knew no man to have preached the word of God sincerely and purely, and
after the vein of Scripture, except Master Crome and Master Latimer.
7. If he knew any person who lived in the true faith of Christ since the
Apostles' time?—He knew Bayfield (fn. 4) , and thought he died in the faith of
8. He thought Paul would have condemned Purgatory as a heresy.
He and many others thought that Crome lied, and spake against his conscience,
when he preached that there was a Purgatory. He thought the
printed confession of Crome a very foolish thing. He thought there were
no vows but those of baptism.
9. He could not say that Luther's marriage was lechery. He did not
know that a man was better for the sacrament of anoiling, and stated his
opinion about baptism and matrimony. He had Tyndale's New Testament,
and did not think he offended God by keeping and using it, though the
King and the Church had forbidden it. He had also The Wicked
Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, The Practice of Prelates,
Tyndale's Answer to More's Dialogue, the book of Firth against
Purgatory, and the Epistle of George Gee alias Clerk. He never saw
any errors in them; but if there were any, if they were corrected, it was
good the people had the books. He thought the New Testament in English
was utterly good. He did not know that Tyndale was a naughty fellow.
Before John Stokesley, bishop of London, at Chelsea, 15 Dec. 1531.