5,970, No. 4.
21. Jean Du Bellay to the Bishop of Auxerre.
"L'ambassadeur Anglais qui retourne à Rome luy porte la presente.
La volonté du Pape semble mauvaise. 'Quant tout est dit le Roy cessera
de lennuy que porte le Roy d' Angleterre, et luy tient de plus pres que jamais.'
De Acques, 10 Janvier.
"Un prieuré pour René du Bellay.
Un canonicat et prebend pour Claude Chappuys. Imbasiensi."
Abstract supplied by Mr. Friedmann.
22. De La Pommeraye to Fr. De Dinteville, Bishop of
"D'Auxerre a été suspect à ce Roy (d'Angleterre) parce que le compagnon
du Chevalier Casal à Rome l'a denigré. Maisle Roy a été detrompé;
il se fie de l'evêque, et tient l'autre pour menteur. Est au bout du monde, et
n'a pas de nouvelles à donner."
P. 1. Hol. Abstract supplied by Mr. Friedmann.
Fr. 260, f. 97.
23. The Bishop of Auxerre to the Grand Master.
We were awaiting with great anxiety Dr. Benoist, the English
ambassador, whose coming, I trust, will help the cause. The Imperialists are
not sparing of threats and insults, and we have got nothing but what could
not be refused. Without the favor of Francis, the Pope and many cardinals
would yield to the Emperor's will. I am writing to Pommeraye that he may
communicate with the king of England. I will act here so that he may be
contented with the services rendered by the French. The Pope is not well
disposed in the affair of Mons de Lysieux.
Fr. From a modern copy, (fn. 6) headed: Mons. d'Auxerre au Grand Maistre,
27 Jan. 1532.
24. Thos. Wynter to Cromwell.
You have done more for me than I durst desire of any other friend.
We arrived safe at Calais with a smooth passage, but my servants that went
before with my horses were in great jeopardy. "Yet where man's help failed,
God was present, and at the last holp them to land." I was constrained to
buy another horse in Calais, wherein I found Mr. Long was very good to
me for your sake, that he might have your help and counsel in certain suits
that he has to the King. Commend me to Mr. Bonvice, Mr. Lawson and my
lady. Calais, 7 Feb. Signed. (fn. 7)
P. 1. Add.: Of the Council.
260, f. 114.
25. The Bishop Of Auxerre to Francis I.
The man of king John of Hungary has not yet arrived. Has received
from Dr. Benoist what Francis has written to the Pope about the affair of
the king of England. Has shown his Holiness Francis' wishes according to
the Grand Master's letter, and found him well disposed. Writes to the
Grand Master. The Imperialists are very urgent, and it will be owing to him
only, if the Pope does not do great wrong to the king of England. On the
first Monday in Lent, will see what the Consistory will reply. Meanwhile
will act upon the advice of the English.
Fr. From a modern copy, headed: Mr. d'Auxerre au Roy, du 7 Fev. 1532.
260, f. 116.
26. The Bishop Of Auxerre to Mons. de Pommeray.
Hears that the king of England is not satisfied with him. Has written
to Francis that the Pope can testify his devotion to Henry's interests, who
has often told him he had spoken more often and more urgently about
the affair than any one else. Refers to the letters he has written to the King
at the Pope's command. Has not yet asked Dr. Benoist where this report
came from. The only thing he has refused to do for them was to write to the
doctors of Bologna to come here to plead, which he knew they would not do.
If he had written coldly, the English would have complained; and if urgently,
and the letter had fallen into the hands of the Imperialists, they would have
had a good cause of complaint against the king of England. The Chevalier
Casale comes from Bologna, and could write if he liked.
Has presented to the Pope what Francis wrote. Went at his dinner time,
when he is accustomed to get angry, so as to find out more easily what he
thought. Having heard a discussion between cardinals Freneze and Ancona,
and then listened to the English ambassadors, is sure that he is well disposed
towards the king of England.
Writes to the King and the Grand Master.
If matters go on as they are, especially the friendship between the two
Kings, is sure the Pope will do nothing much to the prejudice of the king of
England, but rather the contrary. He must, however, be pressed, menaced,
and promised. He is in great doubt and fear.
Fr. From a modern copy, headed: Mons. d'Auxerre a Mons. de
Pommeraye, 8 Feb. 1532.
27. Thomas Wynter to Cromwell.
Your letters in my favor I delivered to the bishop of Winchester,
who received them very kindly, and offered me his services. Having staid
two days there, I proceeded to Paris, where I spent four days. Many things
were told me there, and to Pole, by the Italians, of the great dearness of
provisions in Italy. Finding this to be the case, I considered about taking
more than two servants into Italy; and the third, this bearer, I have sent back
to England. I implore your favor for my benefice of Rudbi. Our friend
Florentius will make speed for Italy, and come shortly to us if his funds
prove sufficient. I commend me to Bonvis, to whom I owe much, and lady
(domina) Lawson. Paris, 18 Feb.
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: Consiliario, Londini.
28. Prosecutions in Spiritual Courts.
Bill for remedying abuses in the spiritual courts. (fn. 8)
No person to be called before the ordinary or other spiritual judge merely
by the summoner or other judge ex officio, except in cases of heresy; but the
accusation shall be first examined and presented by other honest persons of
the town or parish where he dwells. The limitation of prescription in the
laws spiritual to be 70 years, instead of being reckoned at 30 or 40 as at
present. Ordinaries making unreasonable delay to institute, and convicted
in a writ of quare impedit at the suit of the patron, shall pay treble the value
of the church, and forfeit 10l. besides costs.
Also a provision against laymen being compelled to pay double tithes, viz.,
tithes by the acre, varying from 2d. to 3d. in different places, and tithes on
the cattle bred on the land.
Large paper, pp. 4.
Foxe, IV. 703.
29. James Bainham.
His examination before the vicar-general of the bishop of London,
[20 April 1532].
1. Denies that since Easter last he had affirmed the Sacrament to be only
a memorial, but maintains that it is bread, as St. Paul calls it. 2. Considers
that every man who preaches the Word purely has the power of the Keys.
3. Answers as before about St. Thomas of Canterbury, and denies certain
sentiments about Our Lady, and about Christ being only a man.
ii. Witnesses brought against him before John Nayler, vicar of Barking.
iii. On the 26th April he was brought by the lieutenant of the Tower
before Master John Foxford, vicar-general to the bishop of London, in
presence of Matthew Grefton, registrar; Nic. Wilson and Will. Philley,
professors of divinity; John Oliver, Will. Middleton, and Hugh ap Rice,
doctors of law; Master Ric. Gresham, sheriff of London, and others, when
his abjuration was read; and he also repudiated an error written by him in
a letter to his brother, but denied that the sacramental bread was the body
of Christ. But after divers doubtful answers he admitted that Christ was
there, "very God and man in form of bread."
Sentence read against him as a relapsed heretic.
422, f. 90.
30. Latimer and Bainham.
"Concerning Mr. Latymer's communication with Mr. Bayneham in
the dongen of Newgate."
After Mr. Bayneham was committed to the secular power, and lodged in
the deep dungeon at Newgate, Edw. Isaac, of Well in Kent, Wm. Morice, of
Chipping Ongar, Essex, and Ralph Morice his brother, met Mr. Latymer
in London, and asked him to go with them to see Bayneham. The day
before he was burnt, they went to the deep dungeon at Newgate, which
seemed utterly dark, and found Baynham sitting on a couch of straw with a
book and a wax candle in his hand. Latimer told him that they wished to
know the articles for which he was condemned, saying that no man should
consent to his death unless he had a just cause to die in; and it were
better to submit to the ordinances of men than rashly to finish his life
without good ground. Bayneham replied that the first article was that
Becket was a traitor, and was damned if he repented not; for he was in arms
against his Prince, and had provoked other princes to invade the realm.
Latimer asked where he read this; to which Bayneham replied, "In an old
history"; which Latimer said might be a lie, and it were mere madness for
a man to jeopard his life for such a doubtful matter. Bayneham said that
he had also spoken against purgatory, as picking men's purses, and against
satisfactory masses. In these articles, Latimer said, his conscience might be
so stayed that he should rather die than recant; but he warned him against
vainglory, with which the Devil would be ready to infect him when he came
into the multitude of the people, and animated him to take his death quietly
and patiently. Bayneham thanked him heartily; and exhorted him to stand
to the defence of the truth, for those that were left had need of comfort, the
world being so dangerous as it is. On Latimer asking him if he had a
wife, he fell aweeping; for he was leaving his wife without anything to live
by, and that she would be pointed at by every man as a heretic's wife.
Latimer rebuked him for this mistrust of God, saying that if he committed
her with a strong faith to the governance of God, he was sure that she would
be better provided for than he could do if he were still alive. In conclusion
Bayneham heartily thanked him for his counsel, and so they departed.
31. Charles V. to Francis I.
Declaration made by the sieur de Balançon, on behalf of the Emperor,
to the French king.
The Emperor supposes that the King has heard from the Pope of the coming
of the Turk. Informs him of the preparations which he has made, and
asks him to send his galleys for the defence of Italy, and men-at-arms to
assist the Germans. Has sent to ask the king of England for money.
2. Reply of Francis I. to the sieur de Balançon.
The king is glad to hear of the Emperor's preparations to resist the Turk.
Would send his galleys, but they are necessary to protect the coast of
Languedoc and Provence against Barbarossa. Can only repeat his offer to
the Pope, of coming in person with an army to Italy if the Turk invades
Doubts not the king of England will come in person, if possible, or send
a good number of men. Francis is equipping ships, which he will send from
this sea to the Mediterranean.
Cleop. F. I. 96.
32. Ecclesiastical Abuses.
Copy of one paragraph of "the Answer of the Ordinaries" (No. 1016,
§ 5.) See Wilkins, III. 751.
[S. Fr. 3,037,
33. The Calais Interview.
List of persons accompanying Henry VIII.
Dukes of Richmond, Norfolk, and Suffolk, 40 men each. Marquis
[Exeter], 35. Earls of Surrey, Oxford, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Wiltshire,
Bishops of Winchester, London, Lincoln, Bath, Viscount Lisle, 24 men each.
Lords Wm. Haward, Maltravers, Talbot, Rochford, Fitzwalter, Montague,
Lord Chamberlain (20), Cobham, Mordaunt, Bray, Daubeney, Leonard
Gray, Clinton, Vaux, Monteagle, 12 each.
Mr. Cromwell, 10. Sir Jas. Bulleyn, 10. Dean of the Chapel, &c.
Fr. From an abstract supplied by Mr. Friedmann.
34. — to My Lord — (fn. 9)
A complaint from one imprisoned as a heretic and an apostate monk.
"Ryght trought yt ys, my Lord, all though my fleshe wold be at libertye, your
ponyshement ys nothyng to that that I have deserved; for truly yt ys the gifte
of good unto my helth; therfore, for as mych as I am Cristes man, which gayve
hymself for our synse to delyver us from thys present evyll world by the will
of God, to whos vocacione with all mekenes we ought to submyt ourselves,"
I beseech you not to be offended with my unlearned manner and writing. For
since it pleased you to hear me speak and see me write, I was very willing to
do both unfeignedly in such a fashion that none of those twenty persons who
complained of me to you should say so evil as ye yourself should perceive.
Could never learn from those who called him heretic what he ought to amend.
Refers to the Epistle on Tuesday after the third Sunday in Lent. After "I
myst your plase," and had such broad warning by the occasion of the school-master
of St. Thomas of Akers, I was obliged to go to the King to hinder the
intent of my evil willers, and his Grace forgave me all offences previous to
last Midsummer Eve. Will tell him all that he has done since he first had a
New Testament. Denies that he ever kept school in the night, at his own
or other men's houses. Has enough to amend that is amiss, but wishes to
know his accuser. If your Lordship would put me to death because I once
was a monk, I never desired to be one. Was bound apprentice at the age of
13, and sold by his master in the first year to the abbot of Jarvax, who
shaved his head, and gave him a white coat, but he was no monk. Could
not get him to take off the coat, so he took it off himself. Left the abbey,
wishing to fulfil his years to his master. His master said he would fetch
him a coat, and told him to meet him at 9 p.m. in the highway toward
Masson. Did so, but he had with him two of the abbot's servants, who took
him back again. A year and a quarter after went to Gisborow, and the prior
there told him he would keep him safe if he would join his Order; but finding
that he must be either monk, canon, or such, returned to Jarvax. Went
twice to Byland, once to Ravox, once to Fountaunce, once to Dr. Knoles,
commissary of York, of which my Lord dean of York knew. Lord Darcy
and the earl of Northumberland are not ignorant of all here rehearsed. He
should ask those who say he is a monk, where he sang mass, where he "toke
benet or collet, or any other order." Could neither sing nor read before he
was married. Never gave up his intention of having a wife and children.
If he had taken upon him wilful poverty, he could not have claimed 6l.
wages and his livery, which he went to so many places to sue for. Did not
run or steal away; but on Sunday morning, a month after Midsummer, after
taking leave of the abbot, went into "Dame" (Dan) Roger's chamber, and
then into the choir to the whole convent, and departed without any
resistance. Has lived in Colchester, with his wife, ever since, one year
excepted. If this will not serve, has enough behind to prove that he is no
monk. Prays that God "will open your spiritual eyes, and give you
grace that you may have pity on the poor men which be in your prisons,
which be so sore abused with irons that they shall never be able to get their
Pp. 3. The signature is cut off.
35. Cornelius Agrippa to John Kreutzer, Secretary to Mary
Queen of Hungary.
Has ventured to write his story to queen Mary, and his complaint
of the Burgundians, by whom he has been deprived of his salary and pension.
Sends letters of Chapuys, the Imperial ambassador in England, imposing
upon him the task of writing in the queen of England's behalf against the
universities. Hopes these letters and his answers will be considered, notwithstanding
their length. Fears queen Mary is surrounded by persons prejudiced
against him, and cannot judge for herself. Deplores the state of her
|Ib., No. 21.
ii. The Same to Queen Mary Of Hungary.
The letter above referred to; in the course of which he speaks of the duty
imposed on him in behalf of her aunt queen Katherine, observing that
though many had devoted attention to the case, none had yet cut the knot
(nodum rei dissecuit). Bonn.
36. Robert Whitinton.
His poems in praise of Henry VIII. and of Anne marchioness of
Pembroke. See Hist. MSS. Commission, Report III. p. 201.
37. William Paget to Wriothesley.
I had thought to have desired you to thank Mr. Cofferer for his
liberality. On the sight of your letter, he offered me, not 10 oaks, but 30;
which, knowing my little desert towards him, I declined,—not as monks do
abbacies, but in good faith. I fear, however, I have missed an opportunity of
showing gratitude both to you and Mr. Cofferer. I am assured your lease
of the provost's house will be as you would have it, though neither I nor any
other should speak in it; such is God's providence to you, or, as the common
saying is, your good fortune. But if I had gone to Cambridge, I might at
least have shown my necessary good will,—necessary for me, though not for
you. Here I have a large plain to play on, but I will not trouble you. "I
left one for nothing else than to hearken for Mr. Provost's journey to
Cambridge, and yet I hear now first of it by one of Mr. Cofferer's servants."
Do as you are wont, and supply my insufficiency with your goodness.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right worshipful.
38. Dispute between Garter and Clarencieux. (fn. 10)
"Articles exhibited by Sir Thomas Wriothesley, Garter king-at-arms
of all England, against the untrue surmise of Benolt, Clarencieux king-of-
arms of the south parts, how that the letters patent granted at his particular
suit ought not of right to be put in execution."
The said Sir Thomas alleges that the office of Garter king was founded by
Henry V., when Thos. duke of Clarence, constable and high steward of
England, gave Garter king authority over the other kings-at-arms, with
power to confer arms by patent; that in the dispute between Sir James
Parker and Hugh Vaughan, gentleman usher, the latter exhibited a patent
of arms granted him by John Wriothesley, Garter king; and the King,
Henry VII., admitted it as virtually his own act, and gave them leave to run a
course, in which Sir James was slain. Clarencieux and Norroy were marshals
of Garter king in their provinces. Quotes articles showing the power of
Garter king in visitations and devise of interments; challenging Benolt to
show that Clarencieux has ever made visitation without his presence or consent.
Benolt on his taking office swore obedience to Garter king. No business
can be done in Chapter without him. Is ready to show the indenture of
Machado, Clarencieux, concerning his authority, made with Garter king. Gifts
of arms by the other kings-at-arms must be registered with Garter king.
Cites authorities on the meaning of the word "sovereign." No gifts of
arms made without the knowledge of Garter king have yet been produced.
Refers to Benolt's oaths on entering office.
ii. The answer of Clarencieux king-of-arms of the south, east, and west
parts of England from the Trent southwards, to the articles untruly surmised
by Sir Thomas Wriothesley alias Garter king-of-arms.
Denies that he obtained the King's patent on false pretences. The King
knew the misordering of Garter in giving arms to bondmen and vile persons;
which being proved, he took back to himself the power of granting arms;
and Clarencieux, seeing the office of arms falling into such ruin, obtained a
patent under the Great Seal by means of a Signed Bill, which first passed to
the signet and privy seal. Garter never had any part in the office of
Clarencieux. Clarencieux was joined with Garter in the office of the latter;
Clarencieux took oath to the King alone. Garter's pre-eminence is due only
to his being officer of arms to the Order of the Garter; the office having
been created by Henry V. for the benefit of the Order. Replies to the other
points seriatim. Calls on Garter to produce the books of the Office of Arms,
kept for a time by Garter's father in the house called Colherberd, and
afterwards taken to his own house; in which it will appear that Clarencieux
was independent of Garter in the time of Edw. IV. It will be proved by
the ancient Order in the Chapter kept at Rome (Rouen ?) that the duke of
Clarence did not appoint Clarencieux aud Norroy the marshals of Garter, or
give Garter power to visit generally. Explains the indenture between Sir
Thos. Wriothesley and Machado, Clarencieux. The latter, being offered the
post of Garter king on the death of Sir John Wriothesley, late Garter king,
declined the office on account of his great age, but requested it for the said
Sir Thomas, with whom he agreed for half the profits during his lifetime.
In the placard of visitation granted by Henry VII., Garter is not
named principal or sovereign, but is associated with Richmond Clarencieux.
Edward III. created Clarencieux and Norroy; Henry IV. created Lancaster
king-of-arms; Henry V. created Garter king, Windsor herald, and Rougecrosse
and Blewmantle pursuivants; Edward IV. made York herald and
Fawcon pursuivant; Richard III. made Carlisle herald and Gloucester
herald; Henry VII. made Somerset and Richmond heralds; Henry VIII.
created Monteagle herald, who has only the rank of a pursuivant.—"Here
endeth the two rolls which I had of Clarencieux. Harvie, 1562."
iii. Further articles by Garter king, partly in reply to the above.
Asks restitution from Clarencieux of the money, &c. received in largesses
at the jousts of Guysnes, to the value of 100l. sterling; also of a part of
that received upon gifts of patents, according to the indenture between them.
The books of the Office of Arms were returned into the hands of Machado
Clarencieux and others, in the Chapter-house of the Black Friars in London,
in 1504, by the hands of himself and his brother William, in presence of the
archbishop of Canterbury, and are now with Benolt. Clarencieux has no
authority to make visitations in Wales. As to the meaning of the term,
"sovereign," Froissart shows that Sir John Shandoys, at the battle of Allroye
in Britteyne, was named sovereign captain, and Sir Hugh Calverley,
sovereign of the Arrerewarde, though John Mounforde, duke of Brytayne,
was commander. Mount Joye, principal king-at-arms in France, is written
"Souveraigne Roy Darmes de France." As to the charge of having abused
his power of granting arms, has delivered a roll of those to whom he has
given arms to the King.
Pp. 51. In an Elizabethan hand.
E. I. 220 b.
2. "The replication of Sir Thos. Wryothesley alias Writh, Gartyer principal
king-of-arms of Englishmen, unto the untrue, feigned, and surmised answer
of Thos. Benoult, Clarencieux."
Garter says that his bill of articles is true, and not wrongfully surmised,
as Clarencieux alleges in his answer. The King, on last St. George's Day,
committed the hearing of Garter's petition against the patent of Clarencieux,
which takes away his ancient privileges, to the duke of Suffolk, earl marshal;
but he has held a visitation while the matter is undetermined. Thinks he
ought to be punished, and claims part of his profits. "Your Grace" knows
that Garter and Clarencieux delivered a bill for a patent in their joint names,
to which the King remarked that he wished his authority to pass by special,
not general, words. Clarencieux afterwards fraudulently omitted Garter's
name, and obtained the patent for himself. Gifts of patents of arms :—Denies
that he has given arms to vile persons, bondsmen, and persons unable to take
upon them any honour of noblesse. Has delivered to the King a roll of
the names of all those admitted by authority of his office. Has never admitted
any person to arms except in accordance with the old custom, that such
persons should have freehold lands to the annual value of 10l., or moveable
goods worth 200l., and take advouances of noble men for their discharge.
Provinces :—Refutes Clarencieux's inference, that, because Garter has no
province assigned to him, he ought not to give any patents of arms. During
the life of Wm. Brugges, first Garter, no other king-of-arms gave any
patents. Obedience :—If Clarencieux refuses obedience to Garter according
to his oath, it must be because he is not the King's born subject; and therefore
he is not fit to be a king-of-arms, or govern any port or haven, but should
resort to his natural country. Though Garter has never sworn to the
ordinances in the presence of any officer of arms, he has always observed
them. Restitution :—Claims from Clarencieux restitution for the money he
took at the jousts at Guisnes from English and French lords, for the whole
office of arms. Received from Normandy king-of-arms, for the half of 112
French gentlemen, 56 pieces of gold; and from Clarencieux, for half the
gentlemen of England, 27 angels, 7s. 4d.; all which he delivered to Clarencieux
for safe keeping, for the use of the whole office, as he was riding to Calais in
sure company, and Garter remaining in the camp in his tent. Clarencieux
also has received other money for trees, targets, cloth of gold, silk, &c.,
amounting to 200 marks, of which none of the office have had their share.
Sovereign in the office of arms : Asserts his right to this title, and answers
Clarencieux's objections. Service of water :—Till the Feast of Allhallows,
21 [Hen. VIII.], Garter has always had a pre-eminence of the service of
water of the King's ewry, and had the towel reversed no further than his own
person, and none of the office to wash with him, unless he desired them. This
pre-eminence is now lost in consequence of Benolt's complaint to the
treasurer and comptroller of the King's house. Remits the restitution to
"your Grace's pleasure." For books of precedents :—Denies that he has in his
keeping writings, precedents, or books belonging to the Office of Arms. Those
which were in his father's custody were delivered by him and his brother
William to Machado, Clarencieux, in the chapter-house at Blackfriars, in
1504. He retained only those books of estovers which his father gave him
when he gave to his brother William books of pedigree and arms. Has
restored the roll of knights of the reign of Henry VII., and a bill of liveries
of the same office, signed by the said King. The general library is in
Clarencieux's keeping. Is ready to show how all his books came into his
possession. Confesses that certain fees and pensions have been granted to
him by the knights of the Garter, and desires Clarencieux to bring in a copy
thereof that the sentence in the grant may be seen.
E. I. 236.
3. "The articles that passed between Thos. Wryothesley, Garter, and
Thos. Benolt, Clarencieux, in defence of the right belonging to the several
Restitution :—To the same effect as the preceding, with the exception of
what follows :—He demands also his reasonable part of the gift of patents of
arms, visitations, and funerals according to Clarencieux's indenture, of which
his share for the last four years amounts to 140l. If Clarencieux refuses the
order of "your Grace," asks licence to proceed in common law. Visitations
in Wales :—Denies the right of Clarencieux to hold them, Wales being
English, but not England, and his patent is only for the south part of
Copy of the seventeenth century, pp.6.