Preface

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Institute of Historical Research

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James Gairdner (editor)

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1882

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1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41

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'Preface', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6: 1533 (1882), pp. I-XLI. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=77531 Date accessed: 26 July 2014.


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Preface

At the close of the year 1532 the position in which Henry stood in the eyes of all Europe was as follows : he was under citation to appear at Rome, and the Pope had warned him by three separate briefs not to attempt a second marriage until his cause had been decided there. The Pope, moreover, had received information long before that not only had Henry put away his Queen, and caused her to live at a distance from him, but that he was actually cohabiting with Anne Boleyn, though it was not even pretended that he was married to her at that date. Two of His Holiness's admonitions were accordingly addressed to this particular scandal ; the King was warned to dismiss Anne Boleyn and take back his wife on pain of excommunication ; but not the slightest respect, apparently, was shown to either direction. Katharine was still kept at a distance from Court ; Anne Boleyn's position, to all appearance, remained the same as ever ; and the King himself not only maintained his obstinate refusal to obey the citation to Rome, but even justified his disobedience by complaints of the Pope's conduct in refusing an audience to his "excusator," Carne, who would have pleaded the privileges of the kingdom.

But these papal briefs had been granted with extreme unwillingness, especially the last, which was dated 15th November 1532, just after the interview between Henry and Francis I. at Calais. The repeated threats of England to cast off allegiance to the See of Rome might no doubt have been regarded as empty vapour if no other European potentate had shown any disposition to keep Henry in countenance. But the support that he had all along received from the French king, and the evidence now given of a strong and cordial alliance between the two Sovereigns, filled the Pope with the most serious apprehensions as to the issue of a case which, from the beginning, had been so mismanaged. For more than two months before the last brief was issued the Imperial agents had petitioned for it in vain, his Holiness always finding excuses to put them off, and finally consenting to pass it, only with a stipulation that it was not to be used immediately. Nor would he, to all appearance, have issued it at all, had not Dr. Ortiz been very persistent in demanding it, first from himself, and afterwards from his secretary, to whom he was referred by His Holiness, and finally from himself again. Every artifice was used for delay ; but there was no excuse for not ultimately conceding what was asked, and Ortiz only regretted that the brief was not issued in time to exercise some influence on the meeting between the two Kings at Calais. (fn. 1)

That which apparently had most influence in extorting from the Pope this slight concession to justice was the expectation of a speedy meeting with the Emperor in person. For Charles had seen clearly the necessity of counteracting the effects of the Anglo-French interview by arranging another between himself and Clement at Bologna. Among the many considerations which impressed him with the expediency of this arrangement his desire to protect the interests of his aunt, the Queen of England was probably not without its influence. But there were political reasons, apart from this, which naturally took precedence with him, even of the great question of Henry VIII.'s divorce. The invasion of the Empire by the Turks, the spread of Lutheranism in Germany, and the proposed convocation of a general Council to redress the evils of Christendom, were matters which, in magnitude, overshadowed all private causes, even of the most illustrious. Yet questions of heresy and the defence of Christendom were in themselves most closely connected with the maintenance of the Church's authority ; and a demand for simple justice to Katharine would have been evidently irresistible when her nephew came to discuss with Clement things relating to the peace of Europe.

The actual results of the interview, however, were very slender. Nothing, in fact, seems to have come of it beyond a determination to summon a general Council, for which Clement actually sent out briefs, desiring the coöperation of the different princes of Europe. (fn. 2) As regards their real objects, the Pope and Emperor had very little in common ; and, so far as concerned the interests of Queen Katharine, the personal influence of Charles could do no more than the repeated solicitations and importunities of his agents had done at Rome. The French and English kings, on the contrary, found their interests for the present to coincide ; and the Pope had this in common with both of them— that he was anxious from the bottom of his soul to avoid the meeting of that Council which the Emperor had induced him to convoke. Under these circumstances the support given by Francis to Henry's suit for a divorce had an influence on the mind of Clement that the Emperor could not effectually counteract. Cardinals Tournon and Grammont were despatched to His Holiness by Francis immediately after his interview with Henry, with instructions to represent, in the strongest possible manner, the danger of giving offence to two such powerful Kings, and losing the allegiance of one half of Christendom. (fn. 3) They arrived at Bologna in January, while the Emperor was still with the Pope, and their arrival at once produced a very marked impression. The Pope immediately came to a secret agreement to hold a meeting with Francis as soon as the Emperor left Italy ; and many points which, in his negotiations with the Emperor, he had all but conceded, he now positively declined to yield. (fn. 4) His Holiness was sanguine in his belief that all difficulties could be cleared away, even in the complicated tangle of the divorce question, and that he could settle the matter so that the King of England should have no reason to complain. (fn. 5)

This naturally made Henry bolder than he had been before. His ill-used Queen, in her seclusion at Hertford, had been cherishing very different expectations. Her spirits had been raised at first by the concession of the brief at last obtained from the Pope, and by the news of the coming interview at Bologna. She seemed even to think that these things had affected the King's conduct ; for it was believed that Henry regretted sending her away so far, and she began to entertain some slight hope, as Chapuys reports, "that God had inspired him to acknowledge his error." Chapuys himself was not so deceived. He felt sure that the King's repentance arose simply out of his fear of the people, and a dislike of the expense of keeping up so many households. Perhaps it was also influenced at first by some apprehension of a sentence ; but any such apprehension very speedily passed away. (fn. 6)

As for the brief which had been conceded with so much unwillingness, it was of no great value after all. "The Pope," wrote Chapuys, "might have given sentence, but has preferred to decree this brief, so that he can revoke it at his pleasure, which would not be the case with the sentence." (fn. 7) It had been delivered to the Imperial ambassador just before Clement left Rome for Bologna under a pledge that no use should be made of it till the Nuncio had spoken with the King of England. (fn. 8) What took place at the Nuncio's interviews with the King is not recorded ; but from his conversations with Chapuys it would appear that he was far more bent on preventing matters from coming to an extremity than on acting the part of Pandulf in King John's day. For a whole year, as he confessed to Chapuys, the English had been offering him bribes to favour the divorce. (fn. 9) . It was something, perhaps, that he did not suffer himself to be so allured, but still he took no pains to avoid temptation. He held conferences freely with some member of the Council who was eager to promote a compromise— though Chapuys suspected he himself was the chief mover. That Councillor had at first proposed that the hearing of the case and even the definitive sentence should be delegated away from Rome. Afterwards he had changed his tune, and thought the definitive sentence might still be reserved to Rome. He would, however, take time to consider the matter. He did not think the case could very well be heard at Cambray, for that was within the Emperor's dominions. Some place in France, he thought, would be more suitable ; in fact, it was pretty evident to Chapuys they would acknowledge none but French judges as neutral. All this was only to put off the inevitable sentence, which the King, the Pope, and the Pope's agents alike knew must ultimately be given in Katharine's favour. (fn. 10)

The Pope, in fact, under the influence, no doubt, of Cardinals Tournon and Grammont, had revived an old suggestion once made by the latter, (fn. 11) that the cause should be tried in some neutral place. Sir Gregory Casale was the person who at this time suggested it to His Holiness as an expedient that might smooth away a difficulty ; and Clement showed himself not unwilling to entertain the idea as an overture from Henry himself. Henry in his reply expressed himself much gratified to learn that His Holiness, "savouring the justice of his cause," was prepared to make some concessions, but he denied that he had given Casale any authority to make such an overture in his name. Still, he hoped that His Holiness was at length going to bring the matter to a more speedy conclusion. For the case, as Clement could not but see, concerned the security of the succession and the tranquillity of the kingdom, as well as His Majesty's own peace of mind ; and until Henry could obtain "sincere peace in his own heart," it was utterly impossible that he could pay due consideration to the Pope's suggestion of a general truce in Christendom. At all events, he must consult his good brother the French king, without whose full and perfect coöperation he could take no step in a matter of such importance. But the passage which must have come home to the Pope with most significance had reference to the proposed General Council. The King, for his part, saw many reasons to think such a council necessary ; and had no doubt (so he pretended) that his cause, if referred to it, would very soon be decided quite in accordance with his own view of the case ; but as he was now encouraged to hope that the decision would be remitted to England, where the proceedings first commenced, he would for the present suspend his consent to the convocation of such a council, which was only solicited by the Emperor in consequence of the pressure put upon him by the Lutherans.*

In short, as the French ambassador, Montpesat, wrote to his sovereign, the King of England was "determined to entertain the Pope with good words until he saw how he would conclude his affair."† Besides his pretended plea of justice Henry had one particular favour to ask of His Holiness at this time—that he would pass Cranmer's bulls for the archbishopric of Canterbury without insisting on his paying first fruits. The request was backed up by a practical argument, which was certainly not without weight. In the beginning of the previous year an Act had been passed in Parliament against the payment of first fruits to Rome by any future bishop at all. Parliament had discovered that those payments constituted an enormous injustice and abuse which the King was bound as a Christian prince to terminate ; but though Parliament had discovered this early in the year 1532, and had enacted that such payments should accordingly cease, it enacted at the same time that the statute should have no further validity than the King saw fit to declare by letters patent which he might issue at any time before Easter 1533, or before the next meeting of Parliament. (fn. 12) The question was still accordingly an open one, and the English ambassadors could quietly insinuate to the Pope that if he would only speed Cranmer's bulls free of cost, the King might be disposed to let the Court of Rome continue in the enjoyment of the first fruits of fat English livings for the future, just as it had done in times past. But if there was any delay about the passing of the bulls, or any attempt to insist on the ordinary charges, the King would undoubtedly, by a stroke of his pen, deprive the Roman treasury of English first fruits for ever after. (fn. 13)

The demand occasioned much perplexity to the Pope and cardinals at Bologna. The annate of Canterbury amounted to 10,000 ducats. "They have been sore cumbered," reported Hawkins, "with debating of this matter, whether they should remit anything or no." But on the 21st of February, Campeggio "proponed" the vacation and obtained bulls for the elect ; and on the following day Hawkins was able to report that the matter was practically settled for a douceur of 1,500 ducats to Campeggio, and that there would remain only some small payments to the Pope's officers (which, however, would amount altogether to between 3,000 and 4,000 ducats), and at least 1,000 ducats for the Archbishop's pall. "This pall," says Hawkins, "is a piece of white cloth, made of the wool of certain lambs, which the Pope halloweth, and consecrate by the Pope, and laid upon St. Peter his sepulchre." (fn. 14)

The elevation of Cranmer to the vacant archiepiscopal throne was clearly of very great importance to the King's purpose. Cranmer had as yet held no promotion higher than that of an Archdeacon, and, but for the distinction conferred upon him a year before, in having been sent Ambassador to the Emperor, he would probably have been little known. He was, in fact, or had lately been, a domestic chaplain in the service of the earl of Wiltshire's family. (fn. 15) But whatever payments the Roman Court insisted on the King himself was quite ready to advance, so that there should be no delay in completing the appointment, and that he actually sent the archbishop-elect a sum of 1,000l. appears by a warrant under the sign manual. (fn. 16) Nor was the Pope himself ignorant of the reasons which must have influenced Henry's selection of a person to fill the office of primate ; for Benet, with a zeal quite untempered by modesty, had been but a fortnight before urging His Holiness to suffer the new Archbishop to pronounce a definitive decision in the divorce cause. Clement was naturally indignant at the proposal ; or, if not indignant, was at least bitterly annoyed. He was nearly becoming intractable once more. But he had gone too far already in compliance with the King's wishes to express his own opinion freely. He merely said he could not grant such a thing in the face of the clamor which would be raised against it. In fact, the Emperor had obtained of him an inhibition against any such proceedings two years previously, having some apprehension even then (which, as Benet knew was not without foundation), that Henry intended having the case tried by Archbishop Warham. (fn. 17)

Meanwhile, whatever the world at large may have thought of Henry's conduct to his Queen, no one could very well have anticipated the actual crisis towards which affairs were drifting. The King had not only a cordial ally in Francis but his friendship with the Emperor was unbroken, and to all appearance he had the best possible understanding with the Pope himself. The papal Nuncio was received at court with all imaginable honor ; and though his proposals were met with delays and evasions, so that he himself was utterly persuaded of the inutility of his own mission—at least in relation to its ostensible object—his presence in England and the deference shown to him served rather to keep up the belief that Henry was incapable of any act likely to create a final rupture. Of this feeling the King was glad to take advantage by inviting him to be present at the opening of Parliament ; and the Nuncio appeared before the assembled peers seated at the right hand of royalty. If there had been the smallest apparent evidence that the relations between Henry and the Pope were getting strained on account of the divorce question it is not improbable that the popular feeling would have manifested itself in a manner by no means agreeable either to the King or to Anne Boleyn. A sentence, Chapuys declared, was the only sovereign remedy ; and the Papal Nuncio himself had confessed that was his opinion also. But of anything so decisive there was as yet no appearance whatever. (fn. 18)

As the Nuncio's presence in the House of Lords had produced its intended effect, the King soon after improved his advantage by persuading him to witness a sitting of the House of Commons also. He was asked to go thither in company with the French ambassador, Montpesat, then about to return home, and of his successor, Dinteville, who had just arrived. The Nuncio had very little mind to comply, fearing that it was intended to bring on some measure derogatory to the Holy See, to which he might seem to lend some sanction by his presence ; but he was assured by the duke of Norfolk that this would not be so, and as he at the same time received letters from the Pope requiring him to exhort the King to study the general good of Christendom, he did not feel at liberty to decline. He went and found the Commons discussing a measure for depriving thieves of the right of sanctuary—not a very serious encroachment on the Church's privileges, and certainly not an unwarrantable one. He staid but a short time, was feasted along with the other ambassadors by Fitzwilliam, and would have sought an interview with the King the same afternoon, but was put off till next day. The great object, as Norfolk frankly confessed to him, was that he should be seen continually at court that all the world might be assured of the perfectly good understanding which prevailed between England and the Holy See. And it seems the plan was successful ; for, strongly as the people disliked the King's proceedings, they durst not utter a syllable, fearing to go against the Pope. The repeated papal briefs were now effectually neutralised. The fact that they had ever been issued was concealed, and though the execution of the last in Flanders could not be altogether kept quiet, those who dared to speak of it were menaced with the severest penalties. (fn. 19)

Meanwhile Anne Boleyn was declaring confidently— not that she was now actually married to the King, but that she knew she should be very shortly. Her father, too, said that the King would have no more dilly-dallying ;—he would complete the marriage, and when it was once ratified by Parliament, all objections could easily be overborne. (fn. 20) Before the end of February it was reported that Cranmer had actually married, or at least betrothed, his master to the lady ; and the rumor appeared all the more probable because he—an elect Archbishop of Canterbury—had ventured to say openly that he would maintain, on pain of being burned, that the King was free to marry her. The opinion became general that Henry was only waiting for the Archbishop's bulls to celebrate his marriage in the face of day ; and apparently there was no power strong enough, either within England or without, to avert so great a scandal. The Church at home was already muzzled by the royal supremacy, even if the bishops and clergy could at any time have ventured to interpose without assurance of support from Rome. (fn. 21) As for the Papal admonitions, it is enough to say that Katharine was at this time suddenly removed further from the court than ever ; while Anne Boleyn, though only known as yet by the title of marchioness, was openly occupying her place and giving sumptuous entertainments to the King and the nobility. (fn. 22)

In the middle of March Anne Boleyn's brother, Lord Rochford, was sent to the French King to tell him in very particular confidence—what the world was not to know till Easter—that Henry and the lady were by this time actually married, and that there was already a fair prospect of issue. It was somewhat curious, to say the least, that two such pieces of information should have been communicated at the same time, especially as in conveying them the envoy was instructed to justify the step that Henry had taken, as done in conformity with the French king's own advice given during their interview at Calais. To no one but his very dear brother and ally was Henry at all willing even now to make known such an important secret ; but it seems he had not ventured to confide it, even to so cordial a friend, until he could inform him that besides having married the lady there was a distinct prospect of her giving him a child. The King, however, appealed to the friendship of Francis, now that the matter had gone so far, and hoped he would, like a true friend and brother, maintain the validity of what had been done and the legitimacy of his coming offspring. He hoped particularly that Francis, who knew how insolently the Pope had refused to admit his "excusator" at Rome, would tell His Holiness distinctly that he would not countenance any further proceedings on his part in the matter of his brother of England's divorce until the excusator was admitted ; and further, that unless this was done he (Francis) would never consent to the proposed marriage of the duke of Orleans with Clement's niece. Of course, Henry quite relied upon the friendship of Francis that no attempts to alienate him on the score of this marriage would be successful, but that if any such persuasions were made to him he would maintain the King's cause to be just and his proceedings perfectly legitimate. (fn. 23)

This was imposing a very considerable burden upon a friendship which, however ostentatiously paraded by both parties and however really necessary to France, was based upon considerations of mere policy after all. It is not wonderful that Francis declined to send exactly such a message to the Pope as his good brother desired. It would scarcely indeed have served the interests of Henry himself unless he proposed to embroil all Europe. It would have simply broken off the intended interview of Francis with His Holiness, put an end to the match between the duke of Orleans and the Pope's niece, and thrown Clement into the arms of the Emperor, who was even then in Italy. Francis pointed out that when they met at Calais, Henry himself had advised his having an interview with the Pope, which was now in the fair way of being arranged, and his honor would not permit him to go back upon what he had done. Nevertheless he sent a letter to Cardinals Tournon and Grammont, at Rome, going as far in the direction of the King's wishes as could reasonably have been expected. They were to urge strongly the admission of the excusator, and beg the Pope at least not finally to reject him until the meeting with Francis took effect ; pointing out, that the two Kings were so united in their aims and interests that any displeasure done to the one must necessarily be felt strongly by the other also. (fn. 24)

Henry had the good sense to see that Francis had done all that he could reasonably expect. (fn. 25) Meanwhile to pave the way for coming disclosures at home, he got a priest to preach before him and Anne Boleyn, that all the while he had lived with queen Katharine he had been guilty of adultery, and that all good subjects ought to pray God to pardon their King's offence and advise him at once to take another lady! This, the preacher maintained, was a thing that the Lords of the Council ought to press upon him in spite of any papal censures, as it was a case in which the King ought to obey God rather than man ; and he went on even to suggest that he might do well to take a wife of humble condition in consideration of her personal merits. Never, surely, had anything so scandalous been uttered from a pulpit since that famous Paul's Cross sermon, which paved the way for the usurpation of Richard III. The audience in this case were no doubt more select, and most of them not particularly squeamish ; but the friends of Katharine were utterly shocked and dismayed, and she herself, who had endured with so much patience hitherto, now began to despair of retrieving her position without assistance from the Emperor her nephew. (fn. 26)

The bulls of Canterbury arrived in the end of March, and the king lost no time in bringing the subject of his divorce before Convocation, in which no one ventured to speak against his wishes except the bishop of Rochester. (fn. 27) Resistance seemed to be completely overthrown, and those who would have upheld the laws of morality in the hope of ultimate support by the Emperor or the Pope, were now thoroughly convinced that even these supports would fail them in the end. The granting of Cranmer's bulls, however much a matter of course under ordinary circumstances, could not but be of evil omen when the object of his promotion was apparent to everyone who cared to see ; and as to interference by the Emperor it was not clear that it would be politic without cordial support at Rome. "There is not a lord in this court," said Chapuys, writing at this time to the Emperor, "either on the King's side or the Queen's, who does not say publicly that His Holiness will betray your Majesty." The bold strong policy of Henry VIII. was carrying everything before it. Yet some misgivings as to the future certainly entered the mind of the great autocrat himself, and he neglected no act or device which would have enabled him to carry out his purpose without finally casting off the Pope's authority. His language was beginning to assume a tone that made the Nuncio remonstrate. What would the world think of a king who had so distinguished himself by his writings in defence of the Papal authority, now going against the very doctrine he had so zealously maintained? Henry's reply was that it was quite true he had written books in favour of the Pope, but he had studied the question more deeply since, and found the contrary of what he had written to be true. But he intimated that he was still open to conviction, and that it was quite possible even now the Pope might give him occasion to study further still and reconfirm what he had written at the first. (fn. 28) A singular example, truly, of a mind free from prejudice and self-will!

Parliament, however, was not a little alarmed at the demands made upon them by the King and the course to which he was committing the whole kingdom. The Commons at first positively refused to pass any measure against the Pope's authority, alleging that if England were once declared schismatic and cut off from intercourse with other nations, the wool trade with the Low Countries would be at an end, and the loss of such an important traffic might cause tumults which would lead to civil war. (fn. 29) But their remonstrances were overruled, and they were compelled to pass the measures devised by the King to cut off papal interference in the matter of his divorce and marriage. It was enacted that appeals to Rome in ecclesiastical causes should no longer be allowed. All processes, whether relating to marriage or other matters, were to be settled within the kingdom, and anyone who brought in bulls of excommunication was to be subject to the penalties of præmunire. (fn. 30) The Queen was then informed that she might consider her case as virtually settled, for the King had already married another lady, and she must content herself with the title of Princess Dowager. Her defender, good Bishop Fisher, was at the same time made a prisoner on the ground that he had said some things about the object of Rochford's mission to France, which were highly unbecoming. The people, who sympathised strongly with Katharine, were everywhere awed and silenced ; and Anne Boleyn arrogantly boasted that ere long she would make the Princess Mary serve her as her lady's maid. (fn. 31)

It was now close upon Easter ; beyond which time, as the King himself had foreseen, (fn. 32) it was impossible to keep his second marriage a secret from the multitude. Accordingly on Good Friday the 11th April, Cranmer, who had by this time been consecrated Archbishop, wrote a very humble letter to the King, beseeching his Majesty to allow him to determine his great cause of matrimony, as the fact that it had remained so long undecided gave rise to injurious reports among the common people. (fn. 33) Next day the King wrote a very gracious reply declaring that it was impossible to be displeased at a suggestion which was evidently prompted alike by zeal for justice and for the quiet of the kingdom ; and though Henry recognised no superior on earth he would gladly submit his cause to the "principal minister of his spiritual jurisdiction." A commission to try it was accordingly given to the Archbishop under the King's Seal ; (fn. 34) but a month had still to elapse before the desired result could be obtained and a formal sentence could be pronounced, even by Cranmer, as to the nullity of the marriage with Katharine of Arragon.

Yet during all that month—so confidently was the effect of the sentence anticipated—Anne Boleyn openly assumed the name of Queen, and preachers were even found (fn. 35) to offer prayers for her as such. On Easter eve she went to mass in Royal state, and from that day her new title was recognised at Court, (fn. 36) "All the world," writes Chapuys, "is astonished at it, for it looks like a dream, and even those who took her part know not whether to laugh or cry." The King watched with grave anxiety the way in which she was received, and continually solicited the lords to go to pay their respects to her. It had already been determined that she should be crowned with the least possible delay ; but as the King had not, as yet, produced any evidence that he was married to her at all, and no tribunal had even declared his former marriage null, it was clear that some weeks must still elapse before the ceremony could be accomplished. (fn. 37) Meanwhile who can wonder that the servants of Katharine of Aragon still persisted in calling their old mistress Queen in spite of royal orders to the contrary? Who can wonder that the most subservient nobleman selected to intimate these orders and to see them carried out, was heartily sick of the task? (fn. 38)

On receiving the King's commission to try the cause, Cranmer cited Katharine to appear before him at a spiritual court to be held in the monastery of Dunstable — a place particularly chosen as being remote from London or any considerable town, so that the affair might be managed as quietly as possible. Katharine was at first perplexed ; but by the advice of the Imperial ambassador, as the proceedings were clearly invalid on sound principles of canon law, she determined to ignore them. (fn. 39) Cranmer accordingly had an easy task. On Saturday the 10th May he opened his Court at Dunstable and pronounced Katharine contumacious for non-appearance. (fn. 40) A week later, the court having held two further sittings, (fn. 41) all was ready for a final sentence to be pronounced on the following Friday, the 23rd. All was ready ; but for the satisfactory accomplishment of the matter it was to be hoped Katharine herself would not change her policy and put in an appearance at the very last moment, for that would occasion some unwelcome delay. The Archbishop accordingly wrote to Cromwell advising strongly that the matter should be kept as secret as possible ; "for," he writes, "if the noble lady Katharine should by the bruit of this matter in the mouths of the inhabitants of the country, or by her friends or council hearing of this bruit, be moved, stirred, counselled, or persuaded to appear before me in the time, or afore the time of the said sentence, I should be thereby greatly staid and let in the process." (fn. 42) The spectacle, happily, is not a common one of an archbishop and a spiritual judge expressing so great an anxiety lest the party against whom he was going to give sentence should actually take cognizance of what he was doing.

All was accomplished, however, without let or hindrance. On the 23rd May sentence was formally pronounced by Cranmer against the validity of the King's marriage with Katharine. (fn. 43) According to this decision it was clear that the King had been all along free to marry someone else. But a further decision was now required to show that in the exercise of this liberty he had actually married Anne Boleyn, and that the marriage was a legal and a binding one. For this a delay of a few days more was requisite, but the process was immediately devised, and the King was assured that a sentence should be given before Whitsunday, the day he had appointed for her coronation. (fn. 44) It was actually delivered at Lambeth on the 28th, in the presence, apparently, of some very select witnesses, the principal of whom was Thomas Cromwell. What evidences were produced and what witnesses were called to the fact we cannot tell ; nor were the circumstances set forth in the decree ; but it was found by judicial authority that the King had contracted a valid and a legal marriage with Anne Boleyn, who was therefore his lawful wife. (fn. 45)

The circumstances were evidently such as would not bear the light. Even the date of the alleged marriage was a mystery. To all appearance the exact day was not ascertained, even by the court which examined the validity of the act. Cranmer himself, writing three weeks later to Hawkins an account of Anne Boleyn's elevation, says only that the marriage took place "about" St. Paul's day, and that even he, the old friend and chaplain of the family, had known nothing about it at the time. This he thought it right to state in consequence of a prevailing rumor that he had been himself the priest who officiated at the ceremony. (fn. 46) The imputation was of course intolerable that a bishop should have sat in judgment on the validity of his own act ; but even apart from this it was disagreeable ; for assuredly whoever may have performed the rite, no clergyman would willingly have acknowledged his responsibility for a marriage that was clearly uncanonical. Care was therefore taken to suppress the name of the priest and also the names of all who were present on the occasion. The Court at Lambeth sat with closed doors merely to ascertain the fact whether the King was actually married or not ; and having ascertained it, the conclusion was made known to the world, but all else was involved in darkness and remains darkness to this day. (fn. 47)

Thus was Anne Boleyn at length elevated to the position to which she had for many years been encouraged to aspire. It seemed incredible ; but in spite of common expectation, in spite of Pope and Emperor, in spite of the strong feeling of. the people against her, Anne Boleyn was now actually queen. Even the nobility had not favored her promotion ; and if Norfolk told the truth to Chapuys, both he and her own father had opposed it. (fn. 48) The King's strong will had prevailed, and he had kept his word to make her his wedded wife. Not, indeed, that he had married her in the light of day, as she herself at one time had vainly hoped. But whatever was lacking in the ceremony of the marriage, was made up for by the splendor of the coronation. The account of her progress up the river from Greenwich to the Tower, accompanied by the blowing of trumpets, the playing of shalms and sackbuts, the firing of ordnance, her riding two days later through the streets of London, and the great ceremony at the Abbey the day after, with the banquet in Westminster Hall, has been preserved in the pages of the contemporary historian, Hall, and is tolerably familiar. Other accounts, both official and unofficial, will be found in the present volume. (fn. 49) But with all the undoubted display and magnificence faithfully chronicled by official reporters, one element seems to have been lacking to complete success. The King could command everything except popular enthusiasm. If we may believe the anonymous writer of No. 585, the crowd could not be persuaded to take off their hats and cry "God save the Queen!" And it is a point of no small significance under such a government as that of Henry VIII., that the Duchess of Norfolk, whose husband the King bad just sent over on a mission to the French King, actually refused to appear at the ceremony, although she was Anne Boleyn's aunt. (fn. 50)

One thing still remained to be done in connection with the marriage that in all its domestic bearings the act might be complete. A deputation, headed by Lord Mountjoy, was sent to Katharine, to intimate that, as the King had been formally divorced and married again, she must now content herself with the name of Princess Dowager, else Henry would be compelled not only to punish her servants, but even to withdraw his affection from her daughter. She was told further—what somehow does not appear by the statutes of this year—that the whole of the King's proceedings had been ratified by Parliament, and that it would be absolutely useless to protest against them. This message was delivered to her on the 3rd July, at Ampthill, where the Commissioners found her lying on a pallet, in consequence of a slight accident to her foot, and distressed with a severe cough. She answered, however, with becoming dignity, refusing to pass a stigma upon her past married life, or to acknowledge the jurisdiction of Parliament in a cause which she considered could only be determined by the Pope ; and when the Commissioners had drawn up a report of their interview, she demanded to see it, and struck out with her own hand the name "Princess Dowager," wherever it had been inserted. (fn. 51)

But whatever the King might do to compel due respect being paid to his second marriage, it was not respected after all. So great was the outcry against it, that rewards were offered to informers who should denounce those who spoke against it ; and it was suggested that Cranmer should draw up a little book in vindication of his own proceedings, with directions for the clergy in their sermons to preach against the papal jurisdiction, and make the people think it an oppression which they should be glad to be rid of. (fn. 52) But in spite of all that could be done, feelings of disloyalty and discontent made themselves at this period peculiarly obnoxious. (fn. 53)

Nor was this by any means wonderful. What prospect such a marriage disclosed for the future tranquillity of the country—what promise it gave, even at the time, of real happiness to the King himself—we might imagine without corroborative evidence. But we can scarcely pass by unnoticed a singularly significant incident which occurred within little more than three months of Anne Boleyn's coronation. The King had already given his new queen sufficient cause for jealousy ; and words had passed between them in consequence. Anne probably believed that her position was now more secure than it had been, and she did not refrain from giving vent to her feelings. But she soon discovered her mistake. Henry himself was, perhaps, by no means well assured that he would not have to retrace his steps ; and he could not help making a reflection which speaks volumes as to the moral estimates he had formed of his first and second wives. He told Anne bitterly that she ought to shut her eyes and have patience, "as her betters had done ;" and that she should know it was in his power to humble her more effectually even than he had raised her. For two or three days after it was remarked that Henry forbore to speak to her. (fn. 54)

That Henry, even in the very moment of victory, when his self-will had triumphed over every obstacle, was not without misgivings as to the false position in which he had placed himself, and could throw out hints even then of another act of injustice to cancel the first, (fn. 55) is surely a very remarkable piece of information. As a matter of fact, the dangers of his headstrong course had almost seemed to vanish as he faced them. The Emperor, in spite of Chapuys's solicitations, had not thought it prudent to declare war with England, and, on full consideration of the case, simply determined to pursue his old policy, ignoring the new marriage altogether, and persisting in his demand for justice at Rome. (fn. 56) The chief danger abroad was that the French king might cool in his repeatedly-expressed devotion to the interests of his much-beloved brother, and that the vaunted indissoluble alliance might gradually melt away ; for though Cardinal Tournon was most assiduous in endeavouring to patch up matters at Rome, anything that Francis had done hitherto in these matters had always been with a view to reconciliation between England and the Pope. Even if Henry's vagaries were to lead to a formal sentence of excommunication, Francis would still do the utmost he could for him, and would gain him as much time as possible to make his peace with the Father of Christendom. But as to throwing off the Pope's authority altogether, Henry could scarcely expect him to abet an act like that. At the utmost, he would, when the Pope came to visit him in France, make all possible intercession for the scapegrace ; and when his Holiness told him he could not overlook the affront Henry had given to the Holy See, he would tell the King of England he must now make his peace with the Church, or their friendship would be at an end. (fn. 57)

Such was the view Francis took of the matter, not doubting but in the last resort Henry would find it impossible to remain isolated from the whole of Christendom. But the course of events went somewhat beyond his expectation.

That sentence should be passed against Henry at Rome was now a matter of course. Not even the most timid and the most temporising of Popes could overlook the flagrant contempt of Papal authority shown by the King in his marriage with Anne Boleyn. Sentence of excommunication was pronounced against Henry on the 11th July, and his divorce and re-marriage were declared of no validity. But the King was still allowed sufficient time for repentance, and if before the end of September he put away his new queen and took back his old, the sentence was not to be openly declared. (fn. 58) It remained to be seen whether the mediation of Francis could procure him easier terms. September was the month to which the interview between the Pope and the French king, arranged in the spring, while the Emperor was still in Italy, had latterly been deferred. But Henry, even before the Papal sentence, was indignant that Francis should ever think of mediating for him at all. He was sorry that his good brother was so eager for a meeting with one who seemed determined on doing him an injury ; and he hoped particularly Francis was not seeking it on his account. For he protested he cared not a straw what the Pope could do against him ; but if his Holiness took the step which seemed to be impending, could Francis reconcile it with his avowed friendship for Henry to meet with him at all? (fn. 59)

Much in the same tone were Henry's instructions to the duke of Norfolk, just before the sentence had been received in England. If the Pope would insist on proceeding against Henry, what good could come of his interview with the French king? Henry endeavoured to show that he had been entirely guided by Francis himself in the steps he had taken in divulging his second marriage, and Francis ought to consider himself in honor bound not to allow the Pope to impugn it. If, as Henry suspected, his real object in meeting the Pope was for the marriage of his son, the duke of Orleans, to the Pope's niece, Katharine de Medicis, Norfolk should remind him that he once said he would never conclude that marriage except for Henry's benefit ; but of course he, the Duke, could not interfere with it, and could only lament that he must return to England, as he could not look with patience on his master's enemy : Brian and Wallop would go with Francis to the interview, but would take care never to present themselves to his Holiness. In taking leave, however, Norfolk might say that if Francis must needs accomplish the interview, he could do nothing so acceptable as to persuade Clement to pronounce the marriage with Katharine null and void. (fn. 60)

Remonstrances like these had very little influence on Francis, who, no doubt, regarded Henry's angry and defiant expressions towards Clement as mere bluster ; and to some extent he was right. The King was simply making frantic efforts to neutralise the effect of the coming sentence by defiant language. When it came it really sobered him for a time ; but after consultation with his lawyers he took courage once more. (fn. 61) The interview, however, after a little further delay, took place at Marseilles in November, and Henry found it advisable somewhat to lower his tone. Since it was to come off after all, it was no use saying that the English ambassadors in France should avoid the presence of the Pope. On the contrary, although Henry had recalled the ambassadors whom he had at Rome, he now found it advisable to send new ones to the Pope himself at Marseilles. Those he selected were bishop Gardiner, Edmund Bonner (who had already, in the past year, shown himself an able diplomatist at the papal Court), and the Pope's collector in England, Peter Vannes. Such a mission, as Chapuys could not help believing, was a sign, whatever the King pretended, "either that he had some hopes of reconverting his "Holiness, or that he was in very great fear." (fn. 62) That Henry, in point of fact, viewed the crisis with extreme anxiety there can be no reasonable doubt. (fn. 63) But there was a further object in this embassy, which the Imperial ambassador does not seem to have divined. Even as early as the 29th June Henry had, in anticipation of the Pope's sentence, drawn up a formal appeal against it before witnesses (fn. 64) and when the sentence had been actually pronounced, the King's mind was just so far apparent that Chapuys spoke of an appeal to the future Council as being then in contemplation. (fn. 65) But the idea that an embassy should be sent to intimate such an appeal to the Pope when he was not at Rome, but at Marseilles, the guest of a king whose friendship and devotion to England had been so repeatedly vaunted, and who was even then endeavouring to mediate for Henry with his Holiness, was an outrage upon common civility for which Francis himself was unprepared, and which Chapuys could hardly have anticipated. The order, however, was given to Bonner, (fn. 66) and how he executed it Bonner himself reports at considerable length. (fn. 67)

Meanwhile Anne Boleyn had given birth to a child on the 7th September ; and that child, to the King's great disappointment, was a daughter. As to the fact itself we have nothing new to tell ; but we are now more fully acquainted with the impression it produced at the time. To Chapuys the birth of the future queen Elizabeth appeared a matter of very little consequence. The King's mistress had been delivered of a bastard, that was all—a thing he seems scarcely to have thought worth writing but for the unexpected opportunity of a courier. But the mortification of the King and Anne Boleyn may be imagined when we read of the flattering assurances given beforehand by physicians and astrologers that the child was to be a boy. The disappointment of these confident predictions, however, was not more bitter to the King himself than it was a source of unalloyed delight to the King's subjects generally, who now began to entertain a hope that the princess Mary would not be so completely set aside in the succession as they had begun to fear. (fn. 68)

The King and Anne Boleyn, however, had determined otherwise. Within a fortnight after the birth of Elizabeth lord Hussey was despatched to Beaulieu, in Essex, where the princess Mary was staying, to inform her that she must be content with a diminished household and give up the name of Princess. Mary could not but express astonishment at such a message—all the more as it was only delivered by word of mouth. She protested that she was the King's legitimate daughter and heir, and refused to believe that the King intended "to diminish her estate" until she received a written intimation of it from himself. Her servants, at the same time, while they expressed their perfect readiness to obey the King without offence to their own consciences, declared that they could not regard a mere oral message as sufficient warrant for addressing their mistress in a totally different style from that to which she had been accustomed. (fn. 69) Lord Hussey had accordingly to report that his mission was a failure. Letters appear then to have been written to Mary in the King's name by Sir William Paulet, controller of the household, which met with equally little attention ; and after that the King despatched the earls of Oxford, Essex, and Sussex to remonstrate with her on her disobedience. (fn. 70) Mary replied with dignity to the Commissioners and also wrote to her father, that he should have from her the most perfect filial obedience,—indeed, she would obey him like a slave ; but she had no right to deny her birth and would do nothing either expressly or tacitly, in prejudice of her own legitimacy. (fn. 71)

Even without an evil genius by his side, whom he had himself chosen to rule his destinies, Henry was not the man to put up with this rebuff. The next step was to break the spirit of the Princess by dismissing the whole of her servants and compelling her to go and attend on the new born babe as a lady's maid in the establishment about to be assigned to her. When it was known that this had been resolved on, Chapuys sent privately to Mary a protest by which she might prevent her submission, if it was found unavoidable, being turned to her future prejudice ; while he himself used every effort to remonstrate openly with Cromwell against the indignity to which the King was subjecting his own daughter. Cromwell, however, kept judiciously out of his way as much as possible, and remonstrances were all in vain. On the 2nd December it was determined in Council that the new Princess should be conveyed to Hatfield on Wednesday in the following week and that Mary's household should be finally broken up. The duke of Norfolk was entrusted with the execution of both commissions, and after he had conveyed Elizabeth to Hatfield, went and waited upon Mary to tell her her father desired her to go into "the Princess's" service. Mary replied that that title belonged only to herself ; but when she saw no remedy, obtained leave to retire for half an hour into her chamber, where she executed the protest sent her by Chapuys, and then placed herself submissively under the Duke's protection. On her arrival at Hatfield a similar scene took place, in which she refused to acknowledge any one as Princess but herself, and in the end retired weeping to her chamber. (fn. 72)

But as it would have been useless to break the spirit of Mary without breaking that of her mother also, (fn. 73) it was determined at the same time to reduce Katharine's household and remove her from Buckden, where she was then staying, to Somersham, in the Isle of Ely. The duke of Suffolk, accompanied by the earl of Sussex, Sir William Paulet, and Richard Sampson, dean of the Chapel Royal, consented to be the instruments of this barbarity. They repaired to Buckden, dismissed several of Katharine's servants, and committed others to prison for refusing to be sworn to her as Princess of Wales when they had already been sworn to her as Queen. But in their efforts to remove her they were foiled. Somersham was a more unhealthy situation even than Buckden, which was unhealthy enough, and the Queen refused to stir. In fact, it was impossible to avoid the suspicion that the real object of the removal was to kill her indirectly. For six days the Commissioners remained with her, hoping that the loss of her servants, her own helplessness, and their rough menaces would finally change her purpose ; but they were disappointed. Katharine locked herself up in her own chamber and told them through a hole in the wall that if they wanted to take her away they must break open the doors and carry her off by force. This they durst not do for fear of the people, and Suffolk and his colleagues had to depart with their commission only half fulfilled. Yet in spite of all excuses, they had to submit to Henry's displeasure for their want of thoroughness. (fn. 74)

The reproach was scarcely warranted ; but it must be said, for the credit of humanity, that even Suffolk did not love the task on which he was engaged. "The duke of Suffolk," writes Chapuys, "as I am informed by his wife's mother, confessed on the Sacrament, and wished some mischief might happen to him to excuse himself from this journey. The King, at the solicitation of the lady, whom he dares not contradict, has determined to place the Queen in the said house, either to get rid of her, or to make sure of her, as the house is strong ; and besides she is seven miles from another house situated in a lake, which one cannot approach within six miles, except on one side ; and the King and the Lady have agreed to seek all possible occasions to shut up the Queen within the said island, and failing all other pretexts, to accuse her of being insane." (fn. 75)

Another subject arising out of the progress and settlement of the divorce question now claims a few words of notice. It is in the July of this year 1533 that we first find the attention of the authorities seriously directed to the rhapsodies and trances of Elizabeth Barton, known in history as the Nun of Kent. In the beginning of August she was examined by Cranmer, (fn. 76) when as reported by Gwent, the dean of the Arches, "she confessed to many mad follies." Her courage had perhaps been already somewhat abated by the failure of her own prophecies and the fact that the King had not been prevented from marrying Anne Boleyn by the ill concealed indignation of the people. Her repute for holiness, however, was still high with the multitude ; nor had she even yet come to the end of her revelations, and Cranmer allowed her to go back to Courtop Street and have another trance that he might see what she would be inspired to say about the marriage as an accomplished fact. As yet there was no intimation that she was to be severely dealt with. Cranmer himself while he examined her, pretended to listen to her outpourings as a devout believer, and encouraged her to commit herself in every possible way. (fn. 77) But after he had extracted all he could from her confessions he sent her to Cromwell, who examined her further, while the attorney general made inquiries touching her adherents at Canterbury. (fn. 78) In November she and a number of others were arrested and sent to prison. She appears to have made a confession of her imposture, and every effort was used to make her criminate queen Katharine and her adherents as her accomplices. No evidence however was extracted to show that she had any communication with Katharine. (fn. 79) But on Sunday the 23rd November she and those arrested along with her were placed on a high scaffold at St. Paul's, and Salcote, abbot of Hyde, who had just been nominated to the vacant bishopric of Bangor, preached a political sermon, declaring how she and her superstitious friends had seduced a number of the King's subjects to take the old Queen's part against his Highness. (fn. 80) The object apparently was to produce an impression that the whole agitation against the King's proceedings was a factious one, proceeding from a few disloyal hearts and one distempered brain. (fn. 81) Nor is it by any means improbable that in this way the Nun's confession did the King some real service. It might perhaps have done him even more if the exposure of the Nun's hallucinations had not been accompanied by a display of fierce vindictiveness on the King's part which showed that he relied more upon terror than upon reason to save him from general obloquy. It appears that pressure was put upon the judges to find the Nun and her adherents guilty of treason for not having revealed what concerned the King ; but as the Nun herself had declared everything a year before to the King in person, the judges refused to comply. The full punishment of the victims was accordingly reserved till Parliament met early in the following year ; and what ordinary law could not effect was effected by an Act of Attainder.

To turn once more to the political situation : At the end of the year Henry's position was extraordinary and unprecedented. A few months before he and his good brother Francis had been assiduously endeavouring to win the Pope's friendship in opposition to the Emperor, and Clement had been anxious to make every possible concession in the way of procrastination and delay of the censures, in order to avoid the bitter pill of a General Council. Henry and Francis, he knew, desired a Council as little as himself ; indeed Henry had reason to dread it more than anyone. But since Clement had felt himself compelled to pronounce sentence the matter presented itself to Henry in quite a different aspect, and he met the threat of excommunication by intimating his appeal. Worst of all, he did this at a time when the Pope was at Marseilles, the guest of that fraternal ally whose indissoluble amity he had so constantly paraded before the Pope's eyes, and whom on this particular occasion he had not chosen to make acquainted with the step he had resolved on taking. Francis very naturally felt indignant at finding himself befooled and his hospitality violated by the agents of a King whom he was doing so much to serve ; and though he did not like to give full effect to his resentment he could not forbear from showing Gardiner plainly what he thought. "As fast as I study to win the Pope," he said, "ye study to lose him ; and of such effect as in your intimation now made, yet to the worst purpose that could be devised ; which, if I had known before, ye should never have done it. I went," quoth he, "to the Pope to take a conclusion in your matters, and when I came I found one making the intimation ; which, when the Pope told me of what sort it was, I was greatly ashamed that I knew so little in it. And the Pope, whom I had handled before and brought to so good point that I could not, for shame, desire any more." (fn. 82)

Then reflecting on the complete change of policy on Henry's part, he added, bitterly : "Ye require a General Council, and that the Emperor desireth, and I go about to bring the Pope from the Emperor, and you to drive him to him. And can my brother call a Council alone?" quoth he, "Ye have clearly marred all. And, wringing his hands, wished that rather than a great deal of money he had never meddled in that matter." No words could express the situation better than these in which Gardiner himself has reported the deep mortification of Francis. (fn. 83)

Henry had certainly changed his policy altogether. Hitherto he had remonstrated with the Pope and threatened and bullied him to do his will ; and if he had been able to outrage the feelings of nearly all his subjects, it was the respect felt for Papal authority that had in all probability prevented serious outbreaks. But nothing succeeds like success. The King had carried his point, and the archbishop of Canterbury had done what Rome declined to do for him. The next step was to destroy the effect of Papal censures by an appeal to a General Council, not likely to be very soon assembled. The appeal being made, Henry no longer felt himself as one who stood under the condemnation of the Church ; and meanwhile it might be shown that a Papal sentence did not possess unimpeachable authority. The King's Council were called together in the beginning of December, and determined among other things that the bishops should be severally examined, "whether he that was called the Pope of Rome was above the General Council, or the Council above him ; or whether he has, by the law of God, any more authority within the realm than any other foreign bishop." (fn. 84) There could be no doubt what was expected as the result of such an inquiry. The bishops, indeed, were not so unconscientious as readily to fall in with the King's wish. They had each taken an oath of obedience to the Pope on being promoted to their sees, and Cranmer was the only one of them who consented to the abrogation of Papal authority. (fn. 85) But his acquiescence, joined, perhaps, to some concessions of the others on the subject of a General Council, seems to have been held sufficient. A book of nine articles was drawn up and circulated at Christmas to justify the King's second marriage in opposition to Papal authority. (fn. 86) Orders were given that none should preach at Paul's Cross who would not set forth that the Pope had no more jurisdiction than any foreign bishop. The heads of the Four Orders of Friars received similar injunctions ; and very special monitions were sent to the Observants that it was the only condition on which anyone should be allowed to preach at all. Finally, that the language of the Court itself should be made to correspond with their new-fangled theory, a new title was devised for the Pope. He was henceforth to be recognised officially only as "Bishop of Rome." (fn. 87)

I have no space left to do more than glance at a number of other subjects of high importance illustrated by the papers in this volume. The domestic history of this particular year is of such absorbing interest that it would have been unpardonable to pass by in silence facts hitherto quite unknown on which the fullest information is now for the first time attainable. But it would be clearly impossible, without transgressing the limits laid down for editorial prefaces, to take any particular notice of affairs in Scotland, in Ireland, or in foreign countries. The reader must therefore be left to investigate for himself the story of French mediation between England and Scotland, and of the truce concluded on the 1st October ; the recall of the earl of Kildare from Ireland ; the very remarkable report of what passed in the Emperor's Council Chamber on the news of the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn ; (fn. 88) the despatches of imperial agents at Rome watching over the interests of Katharine ; the fragments of news from Hungary and about the Turks ; the relief of Coron ; and a multitude of other subjects of scarcely inferior interest.

But there are still one or two topics to which I must briefly call the reader's attention before I conclude. The change in the Government of Calais by the death of lord Berners and the appointment of lord Lisle as deputy (fn. 89) introduces what may be called a new element into these state papers ; for though some of the Lisle correspondence is of earlier date, and one or two letters have been noticed in previous volumes, their combined domestic and political interest begins now to claim attention in a way it never did before. This correspondence, it may be observed, was seized by the King's officers when lord Lisle was committed to the Tower in 1540, and besides papers of a purely official character, such as the deputy's correspondence with the governors of neighbouring fortresses in France or Flanders, it contains a remarkable number of particularly interesting private letters, many of them addressed to lady Lisle about the education of her daughters in France ; and others from confidential servants in England, about the private interests of the family at home.

In the history of religion there are important papers relating to Latimer and his dispute with Hybardine at Bristol ; also to Tyndale, Joye, and Frith, as well as about Peto and the friars ; all which can be easily referred to by the index. As regards remarkable men, besides the leading statesmen and reformers, we have letters from Sir Thomas Elyott, Wynter, Starkey, and Edward Hall the Chronicler. Of Sir Thomas More we have a touching notice in a letter from Fitzwilliam, showing how his influence had declined since his resignation of the Chancellorship, and how he was glad to use the services of a mediator to obtain Cromwell's protection against a gentleman who had illtreated him. (fn. 90) Early notices will also be found, both in this volume and last, of Sir John Mason, afterwards of some celebrity as an ambassador, at this time a young man studying at Paris under royal patronage.

With regard to local history, it is only necessary to say that this volume is as full of matter as its predecessors.

I have now only to perform the pleasing duty of acknowledging assistance rendered to me in the progress of this work. Mr. Friedmann's interesting contributions of documents from Paris have been duly noted in their respective places both in this and in the previous volume. But there is one paper in particular (No.1572) which, though he had it transcribed for purposes of his own, he was good enough not only to place in my hands but to compare carefully in many places with the original, —a rough draft in Cardinal Du Bellay's handwriting— thereby elucidating several obscurities which at one time were almost hopelessly perplexing. As a clearsighted contemporary statesman's view of the crisis between England and Rome, the document is certainly of very great interest, and the historical student will not fail to estimate his obligation to Mr. Friedmann accordingly.

I have further to repeat my acknowledgments to Mr. Charles Trice Martin for his continued and steady coöperation in the work. The index has been made under my direction and is mainly the work of Mr. Brodie of this office.

Footnotes

1 Vol. V., 1,291, 1,324, 1,364, 1,532, 1,567.
2 Nos. 11-13.
3 Vol. V., 1541.
4 Nos. 38, 91.
5 Nos. 38, 91, 92.
6 No. 19.
7 No. 89.
8 Vol. V. 1567.
9 No. 142.
10 No. 89.
11 Vol. V. 255, 275.
12 See Stat. 23 Hen. VIII. c.20.
13 No.101.
14 No. 177. State Papers, VII. 425.
15 He was clearly so when he wrote the letter in Vol. V., App. No. 10, and this agrees with the received story of his early years. But I think the surmise of my predecessor, Mr. Brewer, must be a mistake, that Cranmer was the chaplain of the earl of Wiltshire (then lord Rochford) who was sent to Italy in December 1527 (see Vol. IV., Nos. 3638, 4167, and Introd. cccvi. note). The mention of his name in the corn survey at Aslacton, in Nottinghamshire, where he was born, in January 1528 (Vol. IV. 3819), may not, perhaps, imply residence but only proprietorship ; but it is clear from No. 3749 that the chaplain despatched to Italy bore the name of Barlowe, who, it may be added, was rewarded on his return by a gift of the benefice of Sundridge (No. 4647, App. 197). And though certainly wrong in some particulars, I think there must be substantial truth in the story of Cranmer's meeting with Fox and Gardiner "at one Mr. Cressie's house," at Waltham Abbey, in August 1529 (see Strype's Cranmer, 5, 6), and propounding to them the plan of consulting the Universities. It may be observed that the King was at Waltham in the first week of August 1529, having come thither from Greenwich ; and he went on to Barnet, Tittenhanger, Windsor, Reading, and Woodstock. The story does not speak of the King being at Waltham, but says that Foxe and Gardiner mentioned Cranmer's opinion, "within two days after at Greenwich," and that the King thereupon sent for him to court. I find, moreover, another error in the Index to Vol. IV., in which it is taken for granted that the Barlow above referred to was the notorious William Barlow, afterwards bishop. The progress of the Calendar has since proved that it was his brother John (see Vol. V., p. 317, and No. 533) ; and the following references, erroneously set down under the name of Cranmer in the Index to Vol. IV., ought to have appeared under his name :—"p. 1633 note ; p. 1834 note, 4167."
16 No. 131.
17 No. 139.
18 No. 142.
19 No. 160.
20 Ibid.
21 No. 180.
22 No. 212.
23 No. 230.
24 Nos. 254, 255.
25 No. 282.
26 No. 235.
27 No. 296. Although Fisher was the only one who spoke in opposition to the King's wishes, it is satisfactory to find that 18 others voted along with him, though against an overwhelming majority. No. 311. There is a strange discrepancy, however, between the numbers as given in the notarial certificate and those in the Convocation register printed by Wilkins from Heylin's notes. See No. 317.
28 No. 296.
29 Nos. 296, 454.
30 Stat. 24 Hen. VIII., c. 12.
31 No. 324.
32 No. 230.
33 No. 327.
34 No. 332.
35 Dr. Browne, prior of the Austin Friars in London, led the way in this matter ; but when in his sermon he recommended the people to pray for Queen Anne almost every one abruptly took his departure ; on which, as Chapuys informs us, the King sent for the Lord Mayor and bade him to take order that nothing of the kind should happen again! The mayor accordingly, assembled the different City Companies and commanded them on pain of the King's indignation, not only to refrain from murmuring at his marriage, but to prevent their apprentices from doing so, and, more difficult still, their wives. (No. 391.) Human nature was to be thoroughly subdued to Royal authority.
36 No. 351. Compare Hall, who, it must be remembered, is a consistent upholder of all King Henry's acts :—"The King, perceiving his new wife Queen Anne to be great with child, caused all officers necessary to be appointed to her ; and so on Easter Eve she went to her closet (i.e., her pew in church), openly as Queen."
37 No. 351.
38 Nos. 352, 391.
39 Nos. 391, 465.
40 Nos. 469, 470.
41 No. 497.
42 No. 496.
43 Nos. 525-9.
44 No. 525.
45 Grants in June, No. 7. See the record at full in Rymer.
46 No. 661.
47 Two different dates were assigned to the marriage after it was divulged. Hall expressly says that it took place on St. Erkenwald's day (14th November) just after the King's return from Calais in 1532. If so, it must have taken place at Dover the day after he landed. This date would undoubtedly reflect a degree more honour on the birth of Elizabeth, which took place on the 7th September following. But in itself it is highly improbable ; and it is clear both from Cranmer's statement and from that of Chapuys (No. 465) that the time officially given out as the date of the marriage was about the day of the Conversion of St. Paul (25th January), when Bonner had just returned from Rome bringing news that the Pope was much more pliable and hoped to arrange everything to Henry's satisfaction.
48 No. 556, p. 243.
49 Nos. 561-3, 583-5.
50 That the coronation evoked no real enthusiasm was evidently the opinion even of Shakspeare, who certainly had no desire to depreciate the honors paid to the mother of Queen Elizabeth. Not a word is uttered by the bystanders in the play to indicate any deeper feeling than admiration of a beautiful face, accompanied by a broad grin at the King's conscience.
51 Nos. 759, 760, 765.
52 Nos. 541, 738.
53 Nos. 790, 964. Even the prophecies of Mrs. Amadas (No. 923) have their significance.
54 No. 1069.
55 At a later period we find it recorded that Henry had threatened, if abandoned by Francis, to take back his first wife for the satisfaction of the Emperor, and keep the other as his mistress. P. 637.
56 No. 523.
57 No. 557.
58 Nos. 807-810, App.
59 Nos. 614, 641.
60 No. 954.
61 No. 1018.
62 No. 1222.
63 In June the Council had been considering the propriety of prohibiting the assemblies of armed men, which usually met on the eves of St. John and St. Peter, for fear of a revolt, p. 319. Perhaps even the Council thought Elizabeth Barton's prediction not unlikely to be verified, "that if the King married another woman than Katharine he "should not reign one month after." No. 1,470.
64 No. 721.
65 No. 975.
66 No. 998.
67 No. 1425.
68 Nos. 1069, 1112.
69 No. 1139.
70 No.1186.
71 No.1249.
72 Nos. 1392, 1486, 1501, 1510, 1528, 1558.
73 The comfort Katharine gave to Mary in anticipation of this trial is very beautifully shown in No. 1126.
74 Nos. 1486, 1541-3, 1558, 1571.
75 No. 1558.
76 No. 967. Cranmer himself writes to Hawkins in December (No. 1546) that he had sent for her about Midsummer, but his memory seems to have carried him a little too far back. It was while he was staying at Otford in July that he wrote to the prioress of St. Sepulchre's to bring her before him (No. 869).
77 No. 967.
78 Nos. 1148-9, 1336.
79 Nos. 1419, 1422, 1433, 1438, 1445.
80 No. 1460.
81 Salcote in his sermon actually went so far as to say that it was by the Nun's machinations that Wolsey had been prevented giving sentence in the King's behalf four or five years before.
82 No. 1427.
83 Ibid.
84 No. 1487.
85 No. 1510.
86 P. 634.
87 Nos. 1487, 1510.
88 No. 568.
89 Nos. 238, 240, 243, 267, 300 (21).
90 No. 762.