Henry VIII
April 1533, 11-20

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1882

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'Henry VIII: April 1533, 11-20', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6: 1533 (1882), pp. 151-170. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=77546 Date accessed: 16 September 2014.


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April 1533, 11-20

11 April. 325. Wm. Boston, S.T.P., Abbot Of Westminster.
See Grants in April, 24 Hen. VIII., No. 21.
11 April.
R. O.
326. Thomas Cromwell.
Receipt given by the King to Cromwell, Master of the Jewels, for 1,000l. paid into the King's privy coffers. Greenwich, April 24 Hen. VIII.
11 April.
R. O. St. P. I. 390. Cranmer's Letters, 237.
327. Cranmer to Henry VIII.
Beseeching the King very humbly to allow him to determine his great cause of matrimony, as belongs to the Archbishop's spiritual office, as much bruit exists among the common people on the subject. Lambeth, 11 April, 1st year of my consecration. Signed.
Add. Endd. (fn. 1)
R. O. St. P. I. 391. Cranmer's Letters, 238. 2. Another copy of the same, with slight alterations, especially towards the latter end. Lambeth, 11 April, 1st year of my consecration. Signed.
Add. Endd. (fn. 1)
Harl. MS. 6148, f. 4. B. M. 3. Copy of § 1. in Cranmer's letter book.
R. O. 4. Modern copy of § 1.
Lansd. 1945, f. 56 b. B. M. 5. Another modern copy of the same by Strype.
11 April.
R. O.
328. John Tregonwell and Thos. Bagard to Cromwell.
We have this instant obtained the election of the abbot of Tewkesbury by compromise. As it was noised among the brethren that great labor and suit were made for a stranger to be abbot, we could not by all our policy during these six days obtain more, unless we had promised that one of their own convent should be abbot. We were the more ready to consent, because you told me, John Tregonwell, at my departure, that the King did not intend to prefer a stranger, and that such a compromise would not be unacceptable. We beg you will move the King to respect our promise. Tewkesbury, 11 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Of the Council. Endd.
11 April.
Add. MS. 19,401, f. 29. B. M.
329. Henry Earl Of Northumberland to Queen Margaret Of Scotland.
Gave her servant, the bearer, a passport on his journey to the King, and now, on his return, he has asked the Earl to inform her of what might tend to the advancement of peace. The matter is of such importance that he cannot "comprehend nor disceyve such opinion at length, as in that behalf consisteth," knowing the favorable mediation always made by her between her brother and her son, which cannot be indirectly answered in favorable wise by the King. Hopes it will result in the wealth and peace of both realms. Trusts that the King will consider the humble requests and desires which will be made to him on the part of Scotland, to be set forth by her good mediation. Will do his best to advance them. At my monastery of Alnewike, 11 April.
P. 1. Copy. On the same sheet as No. 310.
[11 April.]
R. O.
330. Richard Gresham to Cromwell.
Begs to be paid 226l. 13s. 3d., the debt owed him by the late lord Cardinal, according to a bill signed by him. It was the King's pleasure that he should be paid. London, Good Friday.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Master of the Jewels.
12 April.
Granvelle Papers, II. 22.
331. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.
Has received his letters of 15 March and 4 April, and those of the Queen, &c. ... Has written already of his disembarcation at Marseilles, and the treatment shown him there. As to the king of England's marriage with Anne Boleyn, the Imperial ambassador had written of it as a rumor before Easter, but he did not know it for certain. Has heard nothing from him since. Knows not if his letters have been detained. Praises the honest expressions of Francis about this marriage, the good counsel he had given the King, and the sympathy he had expressed for Katharine. Thought the proposed interview of the Pope and Francis had been dropped, &c. Barcelona, 12 April 1533.
Fr.
[12 April.]
Harl. MS. 283, f. 97. B. M. St. P. I. 392.
332. Henry VIII. to Cranmer.
Received on the 12th April his letters dated Lambeth, 11th April desiring leave to determine his great cause of matrimony. Cannot be displeased with Cranmer's zeal for justice and for the quieting of the kingdom ; and although Henry is his King, and recognises no superior on earth, yet as Cranmer is the principal minister "of our spiritual jurisdiction," and is so in the fear of God, cannot refuse his request. Gives him licence accordingly by these letters under the sign manual, sealed with the King's seal.
Draft. Endd.
Otho, C.X. 159. B. M. 2. Copy of the preceding.
Ibid., f. 160. 3. Another copy, slightly different.

R. O.
333. Rowland Lee to Cromwell.
Pray excuse my absence, as I have had a "laxe" for two days, and dare not go abroad. I am informed that you and I must attend on my lord of Canterbury at Lambeth, about the King's matter, where I shall be, if God will. Asks him to sign two letters.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : My loving friend. Sealed.
[12 April.]
Cleop. E. IV. 18. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 265.
334. Richard Lyst to Cromwell.
I have written my mind to father Forest, because he will not speak to me ; but he has not regarded my letter, nor the pains I have taken after the form of the Gospel, disdaining both me and my writing. Will therefore take a further process with him after the Gospel. As he has been extreme in seeking great punishment for the small faults of others, I thought it necessary to write and remind him of his greater faults, and I send you a copy of the letter. You will see how he has misconducted himself against God, our religion, the King and you. A Frenchman, just come from beyond sea, has been chosen our minister, head, and ruler in this province. I hope he will do much good, and help to reform father Forest, and some other things among us. It would be well for the King and you to speak to him, that he may know how to use himself among us concerning the King's honor. It would be a meritorious deed if you had father Forest removed to Newark or Newcastle. Greenwich, Easter eve.
Richard Lyst, lay brother.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Master Cromwell.
[12 April.]
Cal. E. II. 186. B. M.
335. Augustine De Augustinis to Cromwell.
Wrote on the 27th [March] the day after the Emperor's departure from Alexandria. Left the said place with the archdeacon of Ely (fn. 2) , the Ambassador of the king of England, and arrived at Lyons, by way of Savoy, on the 7th ... The Ambassador went on through Provence towards Narbonne, Perpignan, and Barcelona. Praises his amiability and gravity.
Were entertained on the road for two days by the marquis of Saluzzo, who showed them his castle of Ravelli. He had made the acquaintance of the English ambassador when in England with Bonnivet, the French admiral. The Marquis receives a pension from the French king, who gave him the marquisate, which is a fief of the Dauphin, his elder brother being kept in prison at Paris for two years. His mother, "de sanguine Fuxensi," and of a haughty temper, put both the elder and the younger son in prison.
Left Lyons on the 8th, in company with the sieur De Vely, the French ambassador, and came to Roanne (Roana), a distance of 14 leagues. There they took a boat on the river Ligeris, which the French call Lerra (the Loire), and arrived here this evening. A courier from the sieur De Espercie, a cousin (patruelis) of De Vely, who accompanies the Emperor to Spain, brought them both letters ftom Genoa, of the 8th and 9th, saying that the Emperor embarked on the 8th, which was Tuesday. His fleet consisted of 36 galleys and 24 ships, "it ... nos apud Saonam aliquantulum tumultuasse assuetos rapinis ... in Italia adhuc ali avidissimos." The French king will keep Easter at Meus. He will soon come to Fontainebleau, and go through Auvergne to [Langue]dok, Tholouse, Burgundy, and Gascony, and at last visit Lyons. This must be taken "salvo jure variandi." Will come slowly to ..., feeling the inconvenience of this blessed qu[artan]. Desires to be recommended to the King, the duke of Norfolk, and the earl of Wiltshire. "Datæ raptim horæ xj. noctis adve ... Paschatis, in oppido dicto Cherite in diocesi Narveniensi ... Parrhisiis quatridui itinere."
Lat., hol., pp. 2. Mutilated. Add. : Consiliario ... in Anglia.
12 April. 336. Cromwell, Chancellor Of The Exchequer
See Grants in April, 24 Hen. VIII., No. 22.
[13 April.]
R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 338.
337. Gregory Cromwell to his Father, Thomas Cromwell. (fn. 3)
Letter of dutiful remembrance.
From the house of your bedeman, Mr. Dr. Lee, this Easter Day.
Add. : To his right worshipful father, Mr. Thomas Cromwell at London.
[13 April.]
R. O.
338. Plate.
"[Plate to be broken] by the King's command, [as] follows :"
A cross with a crucifix gilt. A monstrance gilt, 4-square, with 4 birralles and 6 pinnacles, with knops, enamelled blue, and a crucifix on the top wanting his diadem, parcel of the plate of the duke of Buckingham. A powder-box like a tower ; another like a castle. A fair pot for green ginger, with a cover gilt, graven and lozenged with drops and leaves with a jeofer on the knop, set with a rose of garnets, with a fair spoon and fork. A ginger-pot, with a grey [hound and] the King's arms on the cover, graven w[ith] ... flower de luces. Another ginger-pot gilt, standing upon a base and th ... antelopes with a cover, a fork and spoon, and St. Edward on the cover, parcel of the plate of the duke of Buckingham. A standing cup with a cover, gilt, chased and wreathen with leaves and a lion on the knop. A cup of serp[entin]e garnished with silver and gilt, with a cover chased like a rose, enamelled with the 12 months. A cup with a cover, gilt, chased upright, with a crown about the cover, and a foot. A nut of jasper garnished with silver-gilt, and a lion on the cover with the King's arms, new made of the plate of the duke of Buckingham. A cup with a cover and a maser in it, and an eagle upon the knop. A little silver bottle without chains, having 2 small dragons. 2 spice plates, broken on the border, of Spanish fashion, set about with imagery. 2 spice plates chased with water flowers, of Spanish fashion. A man holding a candlestick, silver and gilt, standing on a mountain. A spoon and fork with steles of birrall. Two basons, parcel of the plate of the duke of Buckingham. A layer gilt, enamelled with Sampson and the Lion. Another, with a unicorn and ... a woman. Silver-gilt toasting plate like a rack. A ewer and a strainer for oranges, late belonging to the duke of Buckingham. The Queen's alms dish, gilt ... A broken crucifix with three images. Two holy water stocks and sprinkle. A silver-gilt enamelled pax. A censer, a double salt, a little chafing dish. Two fumitories for fumigations.
Plate late the C[ardinal's].
A small silver-gilt cross, with Mary and John, to be borne in procession. A little crucifix of silver, all gilt, in a birrall with 4 great pearls of mother-of-pearl, and 4 great glasses, with a shield and arms in it ; on the foot, birds, [fi]shes, and lions. A silver-gilt cross with Mary and John. A [cr]osse with Mary and John upon a green ... [wi]th dead men's heads and bones. [A mons]traunce or pix to be set on an altar. A devise to put relics in, borne up by four angels, with a cross in the top, blue enamel like a bell, and divers stones of camewes. A gilt ship. 2 pair of censers, gilt and parcel-gilt. A silver-gilt chrismatory, with 4 beasts and 4 pillars. A pair of cruets, chased in the feet, the spouts like dragons, and the lids with leopards' heads. Another pair of cruets, with A and W on the cover. 4 pipes for a cross staff. 2 maces or pillars. A cross of the legacy. A ship, of mother-of-pearl, garnished with silver and gilt, having the Cardinal's arms and a gri ... standing on the cover, and a spoon. 18 cups with covers of various devices, viz., holly leaves and the Cardinal's arms ; of serpentine, set with rubies, diamonds, and pearls ; of shell, enamelled with the Cardinal's posy, under the battlement of the cover, the words "Ecce Agnus Dei," and on the top of the cover a castle and a green mountain ; portcullises, bullions ; roses and pomegranates ; flower de luces and a half moon ; roses and grapes, &c. 5 gilt bowls with a cover. 13 goblets, with pomegranates and castles, a Stafford knot, R. and C., flower de luces, pomegranates, a griffin, &c. 17 cruses.
A small plain gilt pot. 2 parcel-gilt pots, embossed with the Cardinal's arms and hats. A pair of flagons. A gilt spice box and spoon. A spice plate pounsed with strawberries and diamond points, pounsed like diamonds ; another chased with flowers. 6 candlesticks with leopards' heads and cardinals' hats. A pair of gilt snuffers graven with damask flowers. A salt of crystal and cassidony. An 8-square salt with a cover. A salt with a gilt cover, the bowl of birral, with Adam and Eve. 2 ewers with dragons pipes. A broken gilt layer, with 2 monsters upon the spout and handle, and a great strawberry upon the lid. 2 layers chased wreathen.
A little cover for a cruse. An old maser with a band and boss of silver-gilt. A green ginger pot, graven with flower de luces and roses, with a red rose enamelled upon the cover. A green ginger fork, the shank of birral. A black nut garnished with a cover silver-gilt. To most of the items the weights are added.
Pp. 9, mutilated. Endd. : A book of plate to be broken at Easter, ao xxiiij. R. H.

R. O.
339. Plate.
A list of royal plate.
The King's collars : A goodly bawderycke of gold, with 9 fair ballasses and 36 pearls, 98¾ oz. A collar set with 16 ballasses and 16 diamonds, 98 oz.
A gold crucifix, standing upon 6 pillars, 74¼ oz. A gold chalice and paten, enamelled with the Trinity. 2 gold cruets with roses.
[Im]ages [for the clo]set : Image of St. George in gold, 101¼ oz. Image of St. Christopher, 62¼ oz. A tablet of St. John the Evangelist, 40¾ oz. A tablet of gold of the Trinity, with Costa Sancti Andreæ, 25¾ oz. A tabernacle of gold with Our Lady teaching her Son, 165/8 oz. A tablet of the Salutation of Our Lady, in gold, 25½ oz. A tabernacle of the Trinity, gilt, set with stone and pearl, 105 oz. A tabernacle of St. Leopold, silver and gilt, 33 oz. A gold pax of the Baptism of Christ, 10 oz. A holy-water stock set with diamonds and pearls, and a sprinkler, 24¼ oz. A silver-gilt desk, 177 oz. 2 gilt candlesticks of Spanish work, 279 oz. A silver-gilt box for singing bread, 40 oz. A pair of basins, half-gilt.
Cups and bowls of gold : 25 cups and 4 bowls, ornamented with roses, imagery, the Dream of Paris, Margarets, fleurs de lis, H. and R. crowned, martlets, the King's arms, a pelican. 3 angels bearing a crown imperial, dragons' heads, a dragon and greyhound bearing the King's arms, and a crown imperial, 3 women's heads, &c.
Candles of gold : 6 candlesticks, three enamelled with H. and R., and two with roses.
Goblets of gold : One with branches embattled, and the other chased rocky.
Salts of gold : 8 salts ; one called the morysshe daunce ; others with a Moryan ; a milkwife holding a branch ; a lion dragon and a dragon ; (fn. 4) a camel, &c.
Spoons of gold : 8 spoons, one graven with H. and a rose, another with H. R., one with a ruby, and one with a diamond.
Layers of gold : 3 layers, a pair of basins, and an ewer.
Cups and cups of assay, gilt : (No entries under this head.)
Bowls, gilt : 82 bowls, ornamented with roses and the reason of the Garter ; great martelets ; swans and cart-naves, &c.
Bowls, part gilt and white : 28, some with martelets, others of Sir John Shaw's making.
Chapel stuff, gilt : A good great cross of silver and gilt, 1,020 oz. An image of St. Bartholomew, 208 oz. An image of St. Philip, 213 oz. A chalice, with a paten garnished with gold roses, 51½ oz. A gospel book and a "pistell" book garnished with silver and gilt, 647½ oz.
The mitre and the cross, with the pontifical.
Pots, gilt : 80 pots, ornamented with leaves and rings ; leaves and roses ; rose branches ; dragons ; castles ; the King's arms ; oak leaves ; water-flowers ; martlets, and H. and E. ; H. crowned ; Margarets ; daisies ; columbines ; cart-naves, antelopes, and swans, &c.
Pots, parcel-gilt, and white : 38, mostly of the same fashion.
Flagons, gilt : 34 flagons, with rose branches ; scutcheons ; bailles in tigers' mouths ; portcullises and roses, of the Queen's, &c. 7 stone bottles garnished with rubies and pearls
A pair of plain gilt bottles, with the King's arms, 217½ oz. 2 parcel-gilt bottles with the "Prynces" arms, 247½ oz.
Spice plates, gilt : 20 spice plates, one with Venus on the top, others with fleurs de lis, trefoils, &c.
Spice plates and dishes, gilt and white : 48, of which 18 are the Queen's, and 5 have "divers beastes."
Candlesticks, gilt and white, and plates : 29 candlesticks with H. and E. ; flower de luces ; bayn fashion ; H. and R. ; H. and K. ; and standing on lions. A great plate with a crown imperial. 19 plates for lights. A pair of gilt snuffers with a dragon.
Gilt and white spoons : 18 with Stafford knops ; 12 with columbines ; [24 (fn. 5) ] with saints ; and 32 others.
Goblets, gilt : A gilt goblet "or collocke," and 7 others, 2 being of the Almain fashion.
Salts, gilt and white : 26 salts, with the Three Kings of Collayn, three dragons, a naked child, &c.
Basins, gilt : 5 pairs, with sunbeams, water-flowers, and stars [or garlick heads] ; a basin and ewer.
Basins, parcel-[gilt] and white : 11, some with the King's and "Prynces" arms.
Layers, gilt : 11, with strawberry leaves, "perchering" work, roses, and pomegranates, &c.
Ewers, gilt and part gilt : 11, one with the King's arms.
[Chafing-dishes :] A c[ha]fin[g d]ysse with portcullises and roses. A chafing dish, white.
Vessel, gilt : 24 chargers, 4 being the Queen's, 94 platters, 35 dishes, 36 saucers, and 4 pottengers of the Queen's.
Vessel, white : 2 sets, consisting of 2 chargers, 12 platters, 12 dishes, and 12 saucers ; 42 dishes ... dishes, 341½ oz. ; 78 saucers ; 11 chargers ; 100 platters.
Vessel late the Cardinal's : 8 chargers, 29 platters, 30 saucers, 14 dishes. [In the other list the weights and marks of these articles are stated.]
ii. Plate for the King's banqueting :—
Three salts of gold, one being gold and jasper, the other gold with branches of strawberries and drops. 20 spoons of gold and birrall, one having a stele like chessmen, and the other an image of Jesus. 2 glasses garnished with gold. 3 gold cruses. 2 gilt cups. 18 gilt bowls. 10 pair of gilt pots, with water-flowers, damask flowers, &c. 4 gilt bottles. 13 gilt candlesticks. 9 gilt goblets, three with a boy on the knop. 27 gilt cruses. 6 salts with a cover, [which remain in the Tower]. (fn. 6) 23 spoons. 47 gilt trenchers, one in the Tower. A salt with a cover, antique work. 2 covered basins of Spanish work. 6 basins and ewers. A layer of birrall garnished with silver. A chafing dish, with holes, the feet brasell, and another with a plate and iron. 4 cases of knives of two sizes.
iii. Plate late the lord Cardinal's :—
A corporasse case of gold, garnished, 170 oz. (marked in the margin, "the Frenche king.") A cross of gold, garnished, 86 oz.
A cup of gold with the Cardinal's hat and arms. One with an image on the cover ; one with the Cardinal's arms ; and another with a crown imperial, given to him by the French king. 6 gold bowls with the arms of France, and another with the Cardinal's arms. (To some of these there is a marginal note, "The Frenche kyng.") A salt of gold and jasper. A gold salt with a man kneeling on the cover. A pair of gold bottles with friars' girdles, by the French king. 2 basins and ewers with friars' girdles, [by] the French king. A layer of birrall and two of gold, one bearing the words "loiall in cure."
Tabernacles for the closet of Our Lady and her Son, Our Lord and St. Peter, and Our Lord and St. Thomas [of Ynde]. (fn. 7) A table of camewis set in silver, by the French king.
41 gilt bowls, with sunbeams, nartelets, and the Cardinal's arms, &c. 3 gilt goblets graven with Scriptures. 24 gilt pots, with a lion, the Cardinal's arms, a crown imperial [with Dieu mon droit], girdles, &c. 6 salt flagons, with ships, the Cardinal's arms, and bailles chased with roses. 23 parcel-gilt bowls with martlets and pelicans. 6 candlesticks with pricks, with lybert heads and cardinals' hats.
8 gilt and parcel-gilt basins, and 10 ewers, with sunbeams, the Cardinal's arms, and the arms of Lincoln. (fn. 8)
iv. A remembrance of certain new plate to be made, and other remembrances :—
Cups of gold of 100l., 80l, and 100 mks.
Gilt cups of 24 oz., 23 oz., 22 oz., 21 oz., 20 oz.
5 garnish of white vessel, lacking saucers.
In my lord of Wiltshire's hand and Mrs. Amadas : 3 garnish of white vessel. To take the French king's arms and the Cardinal's out of the plate late the Lord Cardinal's.
A great balasse to be provided for the collar of bal ...
Pp. 33, mutilated.
R. O. 2. List of plate similar to the preceding, but omitting a few articles, and containing the following additional ones :—
The collars for the King and chains :—
A collar of garters of gold, with a George of diamonds, the garters containing 26 knit together with 26 laces of gold, 32 oz. Received of the King a great chain of gold, bought by him of Sir Nic. Carewe, with 101 links. A gold chain, part enamelled white and red, 10½ oz. 20 small gold chains, 20¾ oz. A gold chain of a good fashion, one half enamelled white and red, 18¼ oz. A chain of gold, half enamelled white and blue, 11 oz. 3½ grs. The King's rich collar set with great balasses and great diamonds, and garnished with pearls between the balasses and diamonds.
A tabernacle of the Trinity with scripture in it, "Hoc est enim corpus meum, &c.," silver-gilt, one wing remaining in the Tower.
A cup of gold, with borders of white and red roses on the cover, body, and foot, garnished with pearl and stone, 51¼ oz., [de]livered to the King [by] Mr. Crumwell, ult. Sept. ao 24. 4 gold spoons, with writhen steles, a red rose and a white, and a crown imperial. 3 layers of gold, chevarne wise, with a red rose, rocky wise, with a pomegranate, and graven with roses and flower de luces in lozenges, with a crown imperial. A gold strainer, with a long stele for oranges. 7 gilt cups of Spanish and Almain fashion, &c. ; one given by the abbot of St. Mary's. 6 cups of assay. 6 great bowls with a cover, cheker fashion, with swans, Stafford knots, and cart-naves.
Closet stuff : The "miler" (mitre) and cross with the pontificals. 2 cruets, with spouts dragons. 2 candlesticks for an altar. A silver-gilt cross set with stone and pearl. A pair of covered basins with roses and rose branches for the altar and the tabernacles mentioned in the other lists.
A pair of covered basins gilt, of the Queen's, one chased writhen, the other forthright with beasts. 2 pair of covered basins of the Queen's. 2 basins, parcel-gilt, with the King's arms in the busselles, that served the King's council. 3 layers of Spanish making, the Queen's plate. 3 ewers, with the King's arms in the bussell, of which two served the Council. 6½ doz. of gilt trenchers, of Flanders touch, London touch, and late the duke of Buckingham's.
ii. Plate late the lord Cardinal's :—
A gold cup, with the King's arms borne up by an angel, standing within 4 pillars. A gold cup with a cover, and an image of St. Katharine thereupon. A gold cup with a cover, and on the top two naked cardinal boys holding the King's arms with a crown imperial. A gold bowl with a cover, with the King's arms crowned with a red and white rose, and a dragon and a greyhound bearing them up. 2 gilt flagons, 1175 oz. A parcel-gilt basin and ewer are stated to bear the King's arms ; but in the other list what appear to be the same articles are said to have the Cardinal's arms. The same occurs in other instances.
A layer writhen, half gilt. A gilt basin. Cover to another basin, with the King's arms. 2 gilt pots, with Dominus mihi adjutor ; 2 others, plain. 19 gilt cups with covers. 11 gilt goblets. 4 spice plates, one with a steeple on the cover. 6 white cruses.
iii. Vessel received of Sir John Russell, Thos. Hennege, and Thos. Alverd, that remained afore at the King's manors of Moore, Hampton Court, and York Place.
Of Sir John Russell, from the More : 2 chargers, 12 platters, 11 dishes, and 11 saucers, of white vessel, marked with the letter C.
Of Mr. Hennage, from Hampton Court : 2 gilt chargers, 2 white chargers, 23 platters, 24 dishes. 24 saucers ; some marked E., others H.
Of Mr. Alverd, from York Place : 4 chargers, 24 platters, 23 dishes, 24 saucers, marked A. and G.
Plate received of Mr. Alverd, 4 Oct. 24 [Hen. VIII.], to be carried to Calais with other the King's plate : A gilt cup garnished with pearl and stone, with a cover, the cup running on wheels, wanting one boy of the cover, 122 oz. 10 gilt spice plate dishes, marked H. and I., 196 oz. 5 gilt candlesticks with pricks, marked M. or N., 146½ oz.
Pp. 35. Endd. : Bokes and ... nyng the Kynges ... plate.

R. O.
340. Katharine Of Arragon's Plate.
A book of the parcels of plate remaining with the Princess Dowager for her daily service.
In her closet : A gilt chalice and paten. 2 gilt cruets. A silver gilt bell with an iron clapper. A pair of gilt candlesticks. A holy-water stock with a sprinkle, with H. and E. crowned. A pair of gilt basins with the arms of Wolster and England. A gilt pax with the image of St. Jerome. An image of St. Barbara, with a tower and a reed in her hand, all gilt, standing on a silver-gilt foot, with a silver vice under it, 33¾ oz. An image of St. Peter standing upon a base, with a box and a key, all gilt, 34 oz. An image of St. Margaret, gilt, with a crown and a cross, standing upon a dragon with 2 wings and a writhen tail, standing upon a base with a rose, porculions, and flower de luces, all gilt, with two silver pins in the base, 31½ oz. An image of Our Lady with a crown, a child, and a sceptre, all gilt, 65½ oz. An image of St. Katerin with a crown, a wheel, and a sword, on a base, all gilt, 44 oz. An image of St. John Baptist, with a book and a white lamb, on a base, all gilt, 58 oz. A crucifix of Spanish work standing on a foot, of her own plate, 95 oz. A small crucifix, gilt, of her own, 34½ oz. A little gilt box for singing bread, of her own, 6 oz. A besaunt of gold of the Trinity and Our Lady, of her own.
In her pantry : A gold salt, chased rocky, with a wreath enamelled white and black about the knop. A gold spoon, with a rose bud at the end, and a portcullis pounsed. 2 gilt salts, without a cover, 8-square, and graven with roses and flower de luces. 9 other salts, 6-square and 8-square. 8 gilt spoons with broad knops, wanting the enamels at the end. 12 white spoons with gilt knops, writhen at the ends, 15½ oz.
In her cellar : A gilt cup with a castle on the knop. A cup of assay. 18 bowls, some with a double ring, and a portcullis on the cover. 6 gilt pots. 2 plain white pots. 2 pearshaped white pots. 2 white pots with covers, helmet fashion. A white ale pot. 2 parcel-gilt bottles with chains and stopples. A silver chafing-dish with rings like Ees.
In her ewry : A gilt basin with the King's arms in the bussell in the bottom. A pair of covered basons, gilt, chased with ostrich feathers and the King's arms. Two parcel-gilt basins with portcullises in the bottom. A gilt ewer with the King's arms in the bussells of the cover. A plain parcel-gilt ewer. A plain white ewer. A gilt cup of assay.
In her chaundry : 16 parcel-gilt chaundillers. 9 chaundillers of her own plate.
In her confessionary : 8 white spice plate dishes.
In her scullery : 11 white chargers. 50 white platters. 11 white dishes.
In her sawcery : 11 white saucers.
In her pitcherhouse : 1 parcel-gilt pot. 2 plain parcel-gilt bowls with low feet.
Parcel of the Sergeant of the Ewry's indenture : A parcel-gilt basin and ewer.
Pp. 4. Endd.
14 April.
Add. MS. 28,585, f. 232. B. M.
341. Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor.
On April 5, asked the Pope whether the King of England had acknowledged or corrected his fault, in consequence of the last brief.
His Holiness replied, that he was in no way reformed, but was indignant with him for granting the brief. Said he had no reason to complain, as the Pope had delayed so long, and what was done was for the King's good, and due to God and the Church. When his Holiness is assured that the King is contumacious, he ought to declare that he has incurred excommunication. He replied that he would see what he ought to do. Three days ago the Pope told Juan Luis, advocate of the Emperor, that the other side had complained of the injustice and errors of the brief ; and he had decided to recall it. Went to him in company with Luis and Dr. Anguiano, the Emperor's proctor, assured him that there were no errors in it, and asked leave to make a protestation that it was rightly granted, and a requisition that the Pope should make no alteration without notifying the causes and the faults in the brief, and hearing what we had to say. He replied that such a requisition would be of no force, and he promised to do nothing without hearing us. Although it was the time for the offices of Holy Week, as the other side were very urgent, he committed the matter to cardinals De Monte and Campeggio, the auditors Simoneta and Paul de Capisucciis ; and the datary Monte told me that it was not fitting that such matters should he discussed at this Holy time, and he should tell the Pope so ; he did not wish to accept the commission ; he supposed that the brief was all right, as it had been given by the Pope ; but if he was ordered to examine it after Easter, he would do so.
Campeggio accepted the commission with the others, and on Holy Wednesday said that he would give us notice of the doubts proposed by the other side. On Good Friday he sent us a copy of their objections, which shows they have no real grounds. A copious reply had been sent. Luys and Anguiano have worked well, and Dr. Figuerroa has spoken effectively both to the Pope and the Commissioners.
The cardinal de Tournon has spoken to the Pope several times on behalf of the king of England, as if his crimes were the French king's.
On Holy Thursday I heard the Pope tell him that he intended that justice should be done, and that we should be heard ; which means that what is done will not only be kept, but further progress will be made. Although I believe that nothing has been granted in revocation of the brief, and am bound to believe that nothing will be granted, still I fear something will be done without its being known, although the Pope knows what an evil thing it would be, how ignominious for the Holy See, and how prejudicial to the King's conscience.
I fear the principal cause will be delayed. Both the Cardinals and the Auditors value this brief here very much (este breve que se ha dado an tenido aca en muy mucho ansi los Cardinales como los Auditores), as it seems to them a short method for producing the same effect as a sentence, or else the King will be forced to leave his sin and dishonorable treatment of the Queen and the Emperor. In fact, since the King separated from the Queen, he has been excommunicated and his kingdom interdicted by virtue of two briefs given by the Pope at Bologna in 1530, and at Rome in 1531. We have found the intimation of the first, but not of the second, which we must have. Cuevas, Imperial solicitor, says M. May, vice-chancellor of Aragon, took it to Bologna. We should have also the intimation made lately in Flanders of the last brief. In the process before the auditor Capisucci, a protestation and requisition has been made, that, inasmuch as the king of England has been excommunicated by three briefs, he should not be heard nor absolved without sending an express mandate. We were first heard, and the reasons for his excommunication considered. Although the Pope may proceed to the declaration of these censures on account of the notoriety of the King's conduct, still it would be well for the Ambassador in England to send an attestation of the King's perseverance in his sins. Instruction for this purpose will be sent him. Though I am bound to believe the contrary, I fear that the Pope has secretly sent or may send absolution to the King. It would be a good thing to print these briefs while they are in force, that the King may be the more confounded and acknowledge his fault, and that his punishment may be as public as his sin. If he has been absolved, he will publish his absolution. I send copies of the two first briefs to the cardinal of Campostella. The two last I have already sent.
I have had the principal cause opened. The vice-chancellor Mai presented (?) (dexo presentada) a remissoria, and the process was assigned to the judge Capisucci to be referred to the first Consistory, in which the sentence por contradictas will be asked for.
It is reported here that the king of England says that he has promised his "Ana" to marry her by St. John's Day (para San Juant), and that she is already with child. Rome, 14 April 1533.
Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy.
15 April.
R. O.
342. John Knighte to Cromwell.
According to your commands, I have published among the King's tenants at Raunston and Stoke Goldyngton to make their rent against May Day next, and pay it to me.
Send me a commission for letting leases, and your pleasure concerning West Hadon. If I miss thereof, Standish's tenants will say I brag and will not come. I dare not be so bold to move you for Starton, only that you said to me that I might have both. I then might help my kinsman to one of them on his marriage with the richest merchant's daughter in Northampton. You shall be remembered for your gentleness. My wife thanks you for her cramp rings, and sends you a token. St. George send you your desire. Hanslap Lodge, 15 April.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the Council.
[15 April.]
R. O.
343. Sir Geo. Lawson to Cromwell.
Sends by his servant, the bearer, besides news for the King and Norfolk, a letter sent to him by Sir Thos. Clyfford from Berwick. Came to York on Good Friday (fn. 9) to receive the money of the abbot of St. Mary's and Tristram Teshe. Leaves today for the North. Has indented with Sir Rauf Ellercar for 1,500l. ; with the abbot of St. Mary's for 4,000l. ; and with Tristram for 1,000l. Begs that his accounts may be seen by the King and Norfolk, which are set forth in a great dormant book. Next month's wages will begin on May 1, for which he desires money to be sent in time. Begs him to remember his matter with Mr. Tuke for the respite to Christmas next.
Encloses certain articles necessary to be seen to in time, about which he would like to know the King's pleasure by bearer. Asks him to move the King for the annuity of 10 marks that Gilbert Green, deceased, had out of the revenues for the wages of Berwick, which, though small, will help towards his living. Begs him to be good master to his poor daughter Rykbee, who has no one else to help her. Her mother-in-law has got her deeds of feoffment, and will not allow her to receive any rents. Her marriage to Rykbee has cost Lawson over 200 marks. Her father-in-law, Bartholomew Sprowse, made the deeds. Sends the bearer to Master Daunce for a warrant for 182l. 10s. for the wages of 20 gunners, who have been paid for 20 years out of the King's coffers. As carriage of money from London is dangerous, advises that he should have a warrant dormant for the abbot of St. Mary's, York, to pay it year by year. His servant can give information about affairs here. It is not true that the abbot of St. Mary's maintains his servant Redman touching the farmhold of Rudeston. York, at my departure northwards, Tuesday in Easter Week. Signed.
P.S. in his own hand.—If this war continue, it is very important not only that there should be a substantial governor and leader of experience, but also good captains and garrisons well horsed to lie upon the Borders, and that they continually make "rodes," though less be done at one time than another, merely to keep the Scots in fear, and eat up their victuals.
Pp. 3. Endd.
15 April. 344. John Pye, Mayor of Oxford, and his brethren, to Cromwell.
Edw. Standyshe, squire bedell of law of the university of Oxford, died today. The office is called very good. You might get it for some of your friends. The proctor of the University waits for a commission ; we beg that there may be nothing in it prejudicial to us. Oxford, 15 April.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council. Endd.
15 April.
R. O.
345. William Button to Cromwell.
On Easter Sunday last possession was taken of the prebend of Hyworth by Will. Baker, substitute to Peter Vannes, to the use of Gey Jenett, clk. Baker took a survey of the value of the parsonage and the church, and their dilapidations, and sent it to Vannes. He has also written a letter to my cousin Boller, now farmer of the same, and having none other place to dwell in. One Simon Yate, of the same town, a rich man, is laboring with Mr. Baynton to put out my cousin, the bearer. Begs he will insist on Vannes keeping the promise made on that behalf. Abingdon, 15 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council. Endd.
[15 April.]
R. O.
346. Edw. Lord Stourton and Sir Walter Shingford to Cromwell.
We desire your favor for the bearer, who cannot obtain right. Stortone, Easter Tuesday. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Of the Council.
16 April.
R. O.
347. Sir J. Russell to Cromwell.
When last at Court I moved the King for paling More Park, showing how foul the ways were, so that those who went there with carriages broke down the pales and made highway through the park. The King promised it should be paled, and many oaks were given him for the purpose. Mr. Herytage, as I desired, has been in hand with the King for that and the garden, which is very ruinous. Of 400 or 500 deer only 100 remain, as the deer broke forth in every place, and are killed daily. The King thinks I have money in my own hand of the profits of the More. I have never received a penny ; for the bailiff there is one Harvy, who holds by conventual seal. I send you the copy of Herytage's bill, as I think I can get it done cheaper, for 6d. a pole. The King will only give the gardener 6d. a day. No one will take it at that price. If he will give 8d. a day, I will contribute 20 nobles of the charge. The Queen's servants with their carriage brake down the pales in many places. Charley Wood, 16 April. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. : Right worshipful.
16 April.
Vesp. F. XIII. 113. B. M.
348. Henry Lord Scrope [Of Bolton] to Cromwell.
Thanks him for the pains he has taken in making instance to the King for the exchange of his (Lord Scrope's) manor of Pissowe, (fn. 10) for which the bearer, his servant, proposed to Cromwell that he should have in recompense the Reedhouses, and the lordship of Skagelthorpe, for 40l., which has lately been rented at 40 marks ; and, as Pissowe is worth 6l. odd more, also the King's lands in Laiborne, Harnby, and Carperby, which are of like value and within his lordships, the King having nothing from them but the rent. If Cromwell obtains this, his servant shall perform the promise he made secretly to him. Langley, 16 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : To, &c. Master Crumwell, [one of the Kin]gis most honorable [Council].
R. O. 2. Manors, lands, and tenements in the county of York, to be given by the King to John lord Scrope (fn. 11) in recompense for the manor of Pisho, Herts.
Bowys and Bolron, land in Laburn, Harnby, Carperby, Barrofeild, and Ayskarth, 61l. 16s. 2d. ; Arclegarthdayll, Burton, and Wawden, 67s. 17s. 9d. ; Craykhall and Rand, Burton and Wawden, Mowmfurth lands, 64l. 17s. 0½d.
Any of these lands, by what parcels it pleases the King, so that it amounts to the value of Pisho.
P. 1. Endd.
R. O. 3. The King's lands lying within lord Scrope's lands in the county of York.
Burton, Walden, Barrofeild near Carperby, Laburn, Carperby, Harnby, Ayskarth, and Moumfurth lands in Burton, Wawden, and Aiskarth. Yearly value, [44l. 2s. 5½d.]
P. 1. Endd.
16 April.
R. O.
349. Thomas Leson, clerk, to Cromwell.
I thank you for your letter directed to the abbess of Delapra, for my brother Mohoon, the King's servant, for the lease of a parsonage called Wollaston. It has had small effect, as she is advised to make answer by her counsel ; touching which I desire you to give credence to my brother, the bearer. I have sent you 20 nobles for your favor to my brother in this case. The rest of my promise shall be fulfilled. 16 April.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To his right hon. and singular good master, Mr. Cromwell.
16 April.
R. O.
350. G. Earl of Huntingdon to Cromwell.
I beg your favor in all my causes, and beg you will accept my son Hastings or John Beamounte, or some of my learned counsel, as solicitors in my behalf. Ashby de la Zouche, 16 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Of the Privy Council.
15 April.
Vienna Archives.
351. Chapuys to Charles V.
On Tuesday the 7th, hearing the strange and exorbitant terms and conduct used by the King against the Queen, of which I have heretofore advertised you, I went to Court at the hour assigned me for audience in order to remonstrate, taking Hédin with me, who is here by consent of the Queen for his pension, to be a witness of these remonstrances, in the hope that the King would take matters in better part in his presence. As soon as I arrived there Wiltshire met me ; and on coming to the chamber of the duke of Norfolk, who had gone to the Queen, he told me that the King was marvellously busy, and had commissioned him to hear what I wished to say. I told him that what I had to say was of very great importance, and that I had never been denied audience before, and I could not think that the King would wish to break a custom without any occasion, seeing that your Majesty always willingly heard his ambassadors. He made very many excuses, and would not report my words to the King ; until at last, when returning from the King a second time, he attempted to discover what I wanted to say, and wished to put off my audience till after the holidays. We concluded at last for Maundy Thursday (Jeudi Saint), on which I went to Court with Hédin, and was introduced to the King by Wiltshire. I was graciously received, and told him I could report nothing but old news of your Majesty, but I thought that you must have embarked since the commencement of the month ; which he easily credited, out of the great desire he had that your Majesty should be out of Italy ; adding that the season could not be finer. On his asking for other news, I told him of the peace between the King of the Romans and the Turk ; at which he remained half stupefied, and entirely mute, without uttering a single word.
Then, entering on the principal topic, I told him that, notwithstanding that it was many days since I had heard some rumor of what was going on in Convocation, as also in Parliament, in prejudice of the Queen, her right and justice ; yet I had not been willing to take notice of it, because I could not believe that so virtuous, wise, and Catholic a prince would consent to such things, and because I know that such practices could not derogate from the Queen's right. Now, however, as I have been lately advertised by several persons of these practices, I had thought that I could not acquit myself towards God or your Majesty, or himself, without making the necessary remonstrances, which I begged he would take in good part ; and since he had no regard for men, all of whom he despised, that he would have respect to God. He told me that he did so, and that God and his conscience were on very good terms. After he had thus disgorged himself, in order to bring him back graciously, I told him that he showed he took us for servants and friends, speaking to us so familiarly, words which I thought proceeded from his mouth and not from his heart. He told me that he had spoken without dissimulation. On this I proceeded to say that I could not believe he wished to give such an example, seeing how Christendom was already troubled by so many heresies, or to break the treaties he had done so much to promote. I told him I had never heard of so strange a case of one leaving his wife after 25 years. He was very glad, not knowing what to answer to the rest, to take hold of this last point, saying it was not so long a time ; and that if the world thought this divorce very extraordinary, still more the world found it strange that the Pope should have dispensed in it without having the power to do so. I referred him to five Popes who had dispensed in such a case, and that I had no wish to dispute the matter with him ; but there was not a doctor in his kingdom, if it came to the point, that would not confess the truth. And proceeding to speak of the solicitation that had been made to obtain the seal of the university of Paris, on which he rested much, I desired to show him the letters and the names of those who had held the Queen's side ; and he said he did not want to see them. I also told him that neither in Spain, Naples, nor elsewhere, could any prelates or doctors be found that were not on the Queen's side ; and that even in his own kingdom there were some of the same opinion, unless they had been gained. And here I offered to show him letters, which he refused to see. To divert the conversation, he said that he wished to have a successor to his kingdom ; and when I said to him that he had a daughter endowed with all imaginable goodness and virtue, and of an age to bear children, and that as he had received the principal title to his realm by the female line, nature seemed to oblige him to restore it to the Princess, he replied that he knew better than his daughter, and that he wished to have children. And when I said to him he was not sure of having them, he asked me three times if he was not a man like other men (si nestoit point home comme les autres), adding that I had no reason to affirm the contrary, seeing I was not privy to all his secrets ; leaving me clearly to understand that his beloved lady was enceinte.
We then proceeded to discuss the point whether the Queen was known to prince Arthur ; but with these arguments I need not trouble you. But when I urged that he had oftentimes confessed that the Queen was a virgin, and he could not deny it, he admitted it, saying it was spoken in jest, as a man, jesting and feasting, says many things which are not true. And when he had said this, as if he had won a very great victory, or discovered some great subtlety for gaining his purpose, he began to crow, telling me, "Now have I paid you off? What more would you have ?" But his payment was not in current coin, and served me more than he thought, to defeat some words of the ambassador of that prince who most desires his honor and profit and the tranquillity of his kingdoms ... (fn. 12) I told him I wished to bring with me the said Hédin, who was and was reputed to be his servant, as were all those belonging to your Majesty ; and I protested that whatever might be there said, I did not intend to write a word of it, except as he pleased, in order that hereafter the said Hédin might not contradict me. I made these observations in order to put him at his ease, and make him open his budget ; and to confirm him the more, I said that heretofore I had considered myself very happy, that I had been sent to such a prince as he was, hoping that when the affairs had been studied by his council, he would redress them without difficulty. But as matters went now, I must consider myself unhappy that such a disorder had arisen, and that I had always assured you that, whatever face he might carry, his heart was sound, and he would maintain good relations with you. On hearing this, without having patience to listen further, and being marvellously desirous, as it appeared, to find some means of not entering on the matter, wrinkling his forehead and changing his look, he commenced saying, very brusquely, that all such remonstrances were useless, and he wished primarily to understand whether I had any charge from you to do this, for if I spoke of myself it would be another thing. I replied that it was evidently superfluous (chose trop excusee) to ask me if I had a commission from you to speak of matters that had arisen within eight days, and of which you could not have had notice within a month, and asked if he must receive more than four pairs of letters before he would give me credit, when my general commission was by all lawful means to assist in preserving the amity between you, and I had special charge in the Queen's matter, which was no small part of the said amity. Then he said that your Majesty had no right to interfere with his laws, and, whatever might be said of them, he would pass such laws in his kingdom as he liked,—with more to the same purpose. I told him that your Majesty did not wish to stop him from so doing, and that, in case of necessity, you would assist him ; and that I did not intend to speak of his laws, except so far as they concerned the Queen, whom he wished to compel to renounce her appeal, and leave her case to be decided by his subjects, who, through promises or threats, or from pure fear, seeing how very ill he had acted towards many who had ventured to oppose him, would only determine according to his fancy. And hereupon I repeated what I had often said before, that if the affair was determined here, it would not hereafter remove the doubt of the succession ; and if he would consider how unreasonable it was and unjust to have the case tried here, seeing he had already submitted it to the See Apostolic and obtained a commission for Campeggio and York, and had expressly agreed to the Queen's appeal to Rome, and afterwards, not content therewith, had solicited the Queen to have the cause tried out of Rome, but not in this country, as it was unreasonable, but in some neutral place, the Queen could not be constrained to any pretended constitution, whereto scarcely anyone had consented except by force. Hereupon, half in a fury, he told me there was no use in persuasion or remonstrance, and that if he had known that I was to speak of nothing else, he would have excused himself from giving me audience, searching, as before, to break off the argument and escape the conversation. On my repeating the intention for which I had come thither, and that it was his duty to hear not only your ambassador, but the least man in the world, and softly putting before him the constant kindness you had always shown to his ambassadors, he was constrained to stay, and proceeded to reply that as for the Cardinal's commission, it had been granted on the promise of the Pope, who had assured him he would never revoke the cause from here ; but that now he would have nothing to do with any papal commission ; and as to the offer that the affair should be decided in a neutral place, he would not consent, for he would have it decided here ; that his consent to the Queen's appeal was only on condition that it could be done by the laws and privileges of this kingdom ; that the statute of prohibition had been passed by Parliament, which the Queen, as a subject, was compelled to obey. On this I said that laws were prospective and not retrospective ; and that as to the Queen, it was true that in being his wife she was a subject, and, presupposing this, there was no question at all as to the constitutions or appeals ; but if he did not consider her as his wife, she could not be regarded as a subject, for she only resided here in virtue of her marriage, and if he disavowed her she would not remain his subject, and might claim her right of being conveyed to Spain, which could not be until the affair was decided before him to whom he had first recourse. On his replying that he had not made her come, but Prince Arthur with whom she had consummated the marriage, I replied that although he had not asked her to come, he had prevented her from returning after the death of prince Arthur, when the King Catholic sent to ask for her by Hernand duke d'Estrada, as I showed him by letters, which he refused to read, saying again that she must have patience and obey the laws ; and that your Majesty, in recompence of the many favors he had done to you, had done him the greatest and most grievous injury, in having kept him so long from marrying and propagating the line of his succession ; that the Queen was no more his wife than she was mine ; that he would treat her as he intended, in spite of any one who might growl at it ; and that if you, for your pleasure or fancy, gave him any trouble, he would defend himself with the help of his friends. When I showed him that the marriage had been solemnised by his father and the King Catholic, the two wisest princes in the world, who would never have consented if there had been any scruple in reference to prince Arthur, on which he laid so much stress, he said he would do as he liked, without caring for anything, and that your Majesty had shown him the way of not always obeying the Pope, by the appeal you had made four years ago to a future council. On this I told him that he would act like a good Catholic to follow the same path and appeal to the Council ; and since he alleged your example, I wished him to notice that you had shown great respect for the excommunication, for that in Holy Week you had abstained from attending at mass. At these words he showed himself very much nettled, fearing, as I think, lest I should say to him that he did wrong in not obeying the excommunication and interdict already published against him ; and drawing himself up a little, he said that I stung him. I begged of him to know in what, and that I would not for anything in the world have thought of so doing. Hereon he became a little more gracious, but though I pressed him much he would not tell me in what he felt himself stung, nor has he told me since. At the close I asked him, supposing the Spaniards and the Flemings, like good Christians, for fear of the interdict, would not have intercourse with his subjects, whether they would incur the penalty of his laws, and whether any one could blame them? He remained thoughtful and dumbfoundered, not knowing what to say. Hereupon, wishing to take my leave rather than that he should abruptly break off the conversation, I said that as matters were in such a bad state, I would labor no longer nor waste my time. He gave me a gracious adieu, retaining Hédin, only to tell him, as he has reported, "You have heard the Ambassador, who speaks of excommunication and prohibiting intercourse. I give you notice that it is not I but the Emperor who is excommunicated, because he has long opposed me, not allowing me to get out of the sin in which I was, and has put off my marriage ; and this is the kind of excommunication which the Pope cannot remit without my consent. But do not tell the Ambassador a word of it." Your Majesty can well imagine his blindness. Hédin only replied that these were matters too high for him, and beyond his digestion (gabiers, i.e. gavier). We then returned without dining there, notwithstanding we were pressed to do so by Wiltshire, who manages in the absence of the Duke.
On Wednesday the duke of Norfolk, and the other Commissioners of whom I lately wrote, declared their charge to the Queen, which was in substance to persuade her to give up her appeal, and be content to have the cause settled here ; in doing which she would not only lay the whole kingdom under obligations to her, and prevent the effusion of blood, but the King would treat her better than she could ask. At last, perceiving there was no hope of getting her to comply, they told her they were charged by the King to say that she must not weary herself about it any longer, for he had married the other lady more than two months ago, in presence of several persons, though none of them had been invited to it. Then, after many gracious words and excuses for what they were doing, as only out of obedience to the King's command, they departed. After their departure Lord Mountjoy, the Queen's chamberlain, came to notify her that the King would not allow her henceforth to call herself Queen, and that at the close of one month after Easter he would not defray her expenses, nor the wages of her servants, and he intended that she should retire to some of her own houses and live on a small income, which he had assigned her, which would not suffice for her attendants a quarter of a year. She replied that as long as she lived she would call herself Queen. As to keeping house, she would not commence so late ; and if the King felt himself so much aggrieved at the expense of her allowance, she would be satisfied with what she had, and with her confessor, physician, apothecary, and two women, and go wherever he wished. Otherwise, failing of food for herself and her servants, she would go and beg for the love of God. Although the King himself is not ill-natured, it is this Anne who has put him in this perverse and wicked temper, and alienates him from his former humanity, and we must believe that she will never cease until she has seen the end of the Queen, as she has done that of the Cardinal, whom she did not hate so much. The Queen has no fears, but is marvellously concerned for the Princess.
On Saturday, Easter Eve, dame Anne went to mass in Royal state, loaded with jewels, clothed in a robe of cloth of gold friese. The daughter of the duke of Norfolk, who is affianced to the duke of Richmond, carried her train ; and she had in her suite 60 young ladies, and was brought to church, and brought back with the solemnities, or even more, which were used to the Queen. She has changed her name from Marchioness to Queen, and the preachers offered prayers for her by name. All the world is astonished at it for it looks like a dream, and even those who take her part know not whether to laugh or to cry. The King is very watchful of the countenance of the people, and begs the lords to go and visit and make their court to the new Queen, whom he intends to have solemnly crowned after Easter, when he will have feastings and tournaments ; and some think that Clarencieux went four days ago to France to invite gentlemen at arms to the tourney, after the example of Francis, who did so at his nuptials. I know not whether this will be before or after, but the King has secretly appointed with the archbishop of Canterbury that of his office, without any other pressure, he shall cite the King as having two wives ; and upon this, without summoning the Queen, he will declare that he was at liberty to marry as he has done without waiting for a dispensation or sentence of any kind.
The English merchants trading in Flanders were, on Good Friday, with the King, to learn if they might send their goods into Flanders. He told them he was not at war with you, and if they had any scruple about going they should stop at home, and if they wished to go they should go. All the merchants with you have withdrawn their goods. Cromwell, who is powerful with the King, three days since had all his principal goods carried into the Tower. Neither the King, nor any man of his court, but is as much in fear of the people as of your Majesty ; but it seems that God has blinded their eyes and sense, because, for anything I can see, they do not know how to make themselves secure, and I think that if there came upon their backs the least "baude" (?) (fn. 13) in the world, they would be so dismayed that neither the King nor any other would think of anything but flight, knowing the will of the people.
Eight days ago Rochford came from France with the seigneur De Beauvoes, who left yesterday to return to Scotland to persuade the king of Scots to refer his differences with the King to the arbitration of Francis. I am told by a trusty person that Albany's secretary, returning from a visit to Beaulvois, informed him that Beaulvoys would do nothing in Scotland, and that war would come of it sooner than anything else. The said Scots triumph more than ever, and, instead of standing on the defensive, make continual invasions. The English, I hear, would gladly have peace ; but God, as I have said, has taken away their understanding to find the means. Rochford, as his servants say, has received in France 2,000 cr. as a present for the good news he had brought of his sister's marriage ; to whom the French king has written as to a Queen. I think they take this in France for good news, both to break the amity between your Majesty and the King, and because it may be a means of getting rid of their debt and pension, either by necessity or by the fear the English will have of them, or else that the Pope, if he should proceed to sentence and aggravated censures, will release them from all obligations.
The name the King wishes the Queen to be called by is the old widow princess. As to the Princess, her name is not yet changed, and I think they will wait till the lady has had a child.
Every day crowds of people come to inquire of my servants and neighbours whether I have determined to leave, for until I depart many will always think that your Majesty has consented to this marriage ; otherwise they cannot believe that the King would have dared to have done it. I think, therefore, your Majesty should revoke me immediately. London, 15 April 1533.
The King is sending today a courier to Rome, I think to intimate [to the Pope] that what has been done against him in Parliament has been at the solicitation of the people, and not at his, and that on ratifying his marriage he will revoke it all. He does not wish the courier to carry any letters but his own, lest the truth be discovered. Your Majesty had better notify his Holiness of it, and spur him to give sentence.
Hol., Fr., pp. 14. From a modern copy.
[18 (fn. 14) ] Apr. Otho, C. x. 177. B. M. Pocock's Records, II. 534. 352. [Thos. Lord Vaulx to the Duke of Norfolk.] (fn. 14)
"Notwithstanding the monition given here by my Lord [Mountjoy] in the King's behalf unto all such ushers of cha[mber] and other ministers of the same as were there prese[nt on] Good Friday in the even and on the morrow all ... officers by me warned that from thenceforth they ... and be served at all offices for such things as sh[all] appertain in the name of a princess dowage[r, as] daily now they serve and call for the Queen ... my said Lord for his part in the chamber nor ... household can well reform, notwithstanding d ... made therefore, for here now they say that [they have] seen none authority why they should not so ca[ll] her, but only by our reports. Also perceiving h[ow] our mistress, the Princess, here doth often and ... protest that she is Queen, crowned and ano[inted as] I have myself heard her say, especially o[n] ... last to the sergeant of the accatry, Mr. Honnynges, and [other] the King's servants hither at that time resor[ting], that she suffered for the wrong, from the w[hich] ... should deliver her, and how that she was the [King's] wife and queen of England, and that so she ... and take herself, howsoever any other should ... her life enduring, not seeing by wha[t] ... should lose her name or dignity, not b[eing] ... nor divorced, with many other words openly ... chamber of presence, which were very ... to rehearse. Whereof these premises ... and considered, it may please your Grace ... as ye can, that some letters under the ... may be hither directed, declaring ... as touching the name and service of our mistress here," so that the same being expressly published may be obeyed, and lord Montjoy and I discharged from the blame and suspicion daily imputed to us by our mistress and some of her servants. I had rather die "in some other of the King's service" than continue here much longer. I have spoken to divers, to use the name declared to them by the King's commandment, saying that offenders would be punished, which is very requisite. My lord [M]ontjoy will depart for four or five days on Mon[day ne]xt to keep certain observances at his house in honor of the Order of the Garter, on St. George's Day. His wife also is sick, "in whose absence, I fear me, I [shall hav]e much to do if I should rebuke or contrar[y] ... of their negligence. Therefore, under [your Gra]ce's favour, I would beseech that it might ... to write unto Mr. Brian that he should d ... ure into this house in the absence of m[y said Lor]d to assist both me and other in the King's ... se should so require, or else at least ... depart or be sent for unto your Grace ... for men wax here very strange." Ampth[ill], ... April.
Pp. 2, mutilated.
18 April.
R. O.
353. Sir George Lawson to Cromwell.
My lord Warden and the Council are writing to the King of occurrents, and of the taking of 14 or 15 ships with the King's corn. They came to Leith on Tuesday last. Our Lord send amends of the false Scots Remember the articles and letter I sent by Ralph Browne, and speed him with Master Daunce. Alnwick, 18 April.
P.S.—For God's sake remember my poor daughter Rykbee. Please to send some crowns of the sun among the next money to York. Next month's wages begin on May 1, when the garrisons will cry for money.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
18 April.
R. O.
354. Ralph Earl Of Westmoreland to Cromwell.
I require you to be good unto me touching a fee-farm which I ought to have of the sheriffwick of Kent as part of my old inheritance. It was never withheld except since the death of my mother. I am here far from the King, and am desirous to have your favor. Accept my yearly annuity of 10l. to be taken of my manor of Talworth by Kingston, the nearest land I have to London. You shall have a patent thereof as you think convenient. Raby Castle, 18 April.
Remember what I spoke to you for Mr. Compton's son, whom, as I hear, Mr. Welche (Walsh) has got of the King. Let me have your help for my money. I will give as much as any other. Signed.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council.
18 April.
R. O.
355. Lord Darcy.
Commission to Sir Wm. Gascoign, Sir Ric. Tempest, Sir Robt. Nevyll, Thos. Fayrfax, sergeant at the law, and Robt. Chaloner, to examine Wm. Lee, Esq., and other inhabitants of Rothwell, Yorks., who, in spite of the decree made by the Chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, have threatened to pull down the gates of Rothwell park, and the hedges which were lately pulled down by them and set up again by Darcy, and to turn their cattle into the park. London, under the seal of the Duchy, 18 April 24 Hen. VIII.
Paper copy. Endd. by Darcy.
19 April. 356. Priory Of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield.
See Grants in April 24 Hen. VIII., No. 25.
19 April. 357. Cranmer, Archbishop Of Canterbury.
See Grants in April 24 Hen. VIII., No. 27.
20 April.
R. O.
358. Henry Lacy to Cromwell.
The bearer, Ric. Pellame, soldier of Calais, requests that you will subscribe his letter to Sir Edw. Gylffurd, warden of the ports, and other commissioners for justice, that he may return the sooner. I beg you will also remember my own business, which, if you had not been so occupied, I doubt not would have been sped long ago. Calais, 20 April 1533.
Has had no answer to his two last letters, the first sent by Mrs. Clopton, and the second by Swyft, my lord Lisle's servant.
Hol., pp. 2. Add
20 April.
R. O.
359. Sir Geoffrey Pole to Cromwell.
Trusting in your goodness to me I leave my servant to wait upon you. As you have been the beginner to help me I hope you will be a mean that I may continue my duty to the King. 20 April.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Master of the Jewel-house.

Footnotes

1 Both copies are endorsed inaccurately as of the 25th year of the reign.
2 Nic. Hawkins.
3 This letter is printed in full in Vol. IV., No. 4561, but out of its proper place.
4 In the other copy this is simply a lion and dragon.
5 Supplied from the other copy.
6 Supplied from the second list.
7 These tabernacles are entered as "closet stuff" in the other copy.
8 In the other list these have the King's arms.
9 11 April.
10 See Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 31.
11 John lord Scrope of Bolton seems to have succeeded his father Henry in the course of the year 1533. He had livery of lands granted to him as heir to his father on the 29th Dec.
12 Some words appear to be wanting here to complete the sense. The whole passage stands in the copy as follows :—
"Toutesfois son payement ne se trouve de monnoye mectable, et me vint plus a propoz quil ne pensoit pour abbattre quelques parolles de lambassadeur du prince du monde plus desirant son bien, prouffit et honneur, et la tranquillite de ses royaumes et pays, et recite dung sien tresadonne serviteur et que avoye bien voulu mener avec moy ledit Hesdin questoit et se renommoit son serviteur comme aussi se reputoient tous ceulx de vostre majeste et que protestoye que quelque chose que fust ladicte (qu. là dicte ?) que nentendoye en escripre paroiie synon austant quii luy plairoit et commanderoit de quoy en apres me pourroit desmentir ledit Hesdin."
13 Not "bande," apparently, but a masculine noun : "le moindre baude."
14 Supplied from modern note.