Henry VIII
July 1533, 11-15

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1882

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'Henry VIII: July 1533, 11-15', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6: 1533 (1882), pp. 352-370. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=77560 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


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July 1533, 11-15

[11] July.
Cleop. E. IV. 56. B. M. Wright's Supp. of Mon., 7.
799. Commissioners at Bristol to Cromwell.
I (fn. 1) received your letter on Saturday, 5 July, commanding me to choose five or six honest men to assist in all causes touching Latomer and Huberdine, and their preachings, especially what the latter said of the King's majesty. I accordingly chose the abbot of St. Augustine's by Bristol, John Cabull, Thos. Broke, Ric. Tunell, late mayor, and Thos. à Bowen ; and we sat on Sunday, 6 July, at St. James's. There appeared several, both of the spiritualty and of the temporalty, to whom we read our commission, and called on them to certify the King and his Council what Latomer and Huberdyne had preached. The result will be seen by their certificates. Latimer preached two sermons at Bristol on the second Sunday in Lent, one in St. Nicholas' church before noon, the other in the Blackfriars at afternoon, and on Monday next a third in St. Thomas's church. In all three he preached schismatic opinions,—"as, in hell to be no fire sensible ; the souls that be in purgatory to have no need of our prayers, but rather to pray for us ; no saints to be honored ; no pilgrimage to be used ; our blessed Lady to be a sinner," as reported by the hearers. For myself, I was sick, and never heard him preach in Bristol ; but it is evident many in this town are infected by him, from the highest to the lowest. "And so did continue from the foresaid second Sunday in Lent unto Easter next ensuing, and yet doth continue." At Easter Hubberdine came to Bristol, and preached at St. Thomas's church at afternoon on Easter eve, and at St. Nicholas' church before noon on Easter day, proving Latimer's conclusions erroneous. This has made matters worse, the opposite parties being more ardent than before. That same Sunday Gilbert Cogan came to the house of the Grey Friars in Bristol, and told the warden to beware what he wrote, as there would come 400 to testify the contrary.
On Friday, 11 July, John Drews, and others, brought in before us sitting in commission a book of many names, and three articles, where appeareth every man's confession. Called before us Thomas Butler, and examined him of Hyberdyn's preaching in St. Thomas's church. He answered "that a number of erytykes were in Bristow ; and from that number he brought it to 20 or 30 erytykes, according to the first article." Thomas Walker deposed that Hyberdyne said there were 20 or 30 heretics ; and another man, that all Bristol was knaves or heretics. John Drews, seeing that every man was examined by himself, knew that their confessions would not agree with the articles in the said book, and desired that every man should bring in his confession by writing ; and, to save trouble, we agreed to receive their bills ; which bills and books we send.
Signed : Per me, Willm. Burton, abbatem Monasterii divi Augustini— Bye me, John Cable—Thomas Broke—Per me, Rychard Tenell—Thomas Abowen—By me John Bartholomew.
Pp. 3. Add. : Of the Council. Endd.

R. O.
2. Depositions against Hubberdine.
i. That he said in the pulpit in St. Thomas's church in Bristowe that there were 20 or 30 heretics among the inhabitants of the town. 2. That he said, in divers places and churches in the pulpits of this town, that whoever spoke against the Pope or any of his acts is a heretic. 3. That he said at the church at the Temple in Bristol, upon the Sension Day, that bishops were wont to be chosen by the Holy Ghost, and by their chapters, as the bishop of Salisbury at Salisbury, and Bath at Wells, "but now it is otherwise given I wot nere how, but it was never merry in the Church since, nor never will be merry nor well as long as this fashion as now a days is given doth continue."
Each of these statements is signed by Thos. Sheward, John Hylle, John Gorney, John Wells, and Thos. Stokbryge.
P. 1.
ii. Another set of the same depositions, with different signatures to each ; viz., 13 signatures to the first, 14 to the second, and 14 to the third. At the foot occurs this note : "Summa of the persons in this book, 17."
Endd. : The books and bills against Huberdyn only, without any matter against Latymer, save one John Smyth, sheriff of Bristow.
P. 1, broad sheet.
iii. John Smythe deposes to the saying of Hyberdyne at Temple Church in the pulpit on Ascension Day, and that Mr. Latymer preached that souls in purgatory may merit and pray for us as we for them.
Hol., p. 1.
iv. Roger Phelpott deposes that Hubberdine said in All Hallows Church that there were 20 or 30 heretics in Bristow ; which he denied before Mr. Mayor and the Council. Questioned him about this in London before Ant. Payne and Wm. Appowell, grocer ; "and he said it was best to deny it, seeing I was but one man, as much to say, One record to a matter is nothing. And I told him of his preaching. His saying was, he would amend it."
Hol., p. 1.
v. Harry White deposes to the same points as in § i. Signed.
P. 1.
vi. Ric. Typper deposes to the latter two points. Signed for him by the clerk because he cannot write.
P. 1.
vii. List of the names of persons who can bear witness to each of the three sayings of Hubberdine. Signed by John Drew.
Summa : As all these persons stand as well in the two books as in five bills, they be in number 126 ; but they be no more persons in deed but 44, little more or less, for some be written three or four times.
Large paper, p. 1.
11 July.
R. O.
800. John Pye, Mayor of Oxford, to Cromwell.
On Friday last a bill was delivered me of the sayings of dan Thomas Norton of Rowley, which I enclose. The monk is imprisoned. The bill was delivered by Rob. Davys. Oxford, 11 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council.
11 July.
Cal. B. III. 166. B. M.
801. Magnus to Cromwell.
Writes, in conjunction with his colleagues, to the King of their communication with the Scotch commissioners, who have gone home. Supposes Mons. de Beauvoys, the French king's ambassador, comes to England for the same causes. Hopes to have a good answer from the king of Scots on Tuesday. Newcastle, 11 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : "Mr. Crom[we]ll of the King's most honorable Council." Endd. by Wriothesley.
11 July.
Cal. B. III. 163. B. M. St. P. IV. 648.
802. The Commissioners On The Borders to Henry VIII.
Have received his letters dated Westminster the 6th inst., in answer to their letter about the negociations. Beauvois remained till the King's letter arrived, to whom they gave the best entertainment they could. Sent the letter to him, and, expecting that both he and the Scotch commissioners would wish to speak with us, we went to them, and, notwithstanding our haste, found the French ambassador ready to depart. He said, considering the importance of the case, he intended to go up at once to Henry. Urged him to delay and hear their conference with the Scotch commissioners.
With this he was something content, but saw so well how matters stood that he made small tarrying. He heard, however, all that was alleged on either side. Continued in conference after his departure three or four hours. Could not bring them over to our way, and said we were content to take theirs, provided certain words were included, which we send in a little schedule. This they refused, all because they would not let the King have Cawe Mylnes. Urged that it touched the King's honor to make restitution, and afterwards suggested that the King might be content to remove Geo. Douglas, and commit Cawe Mylnes to such one of his servants that they might be assured would not use it to their displeasure if the breach did not come of themselves. When this failed, proposed a further abstinence for a month, one or both of the Scotch commissioners remaining with us ; but this also they refused. At last they agreed to go with all speed to the King their master, to know his pleasure about our propositions, especially about the further abstinence, promising like honest gentlemen to do their best to bring him to a good purpose. Finally have arranged for proclamations for the said 20 days' abstinence, and have delivered one of them to the Scotch commissioners. Have sent Lyall Graye, porter of Berwick, to put it in execution, but neither party is bound till word be received from the king of Scots. Give reasons for accepting this truce. In reference to the gentleman of Wales, told the Commissioners they wondered James would receive Henry's rebels, when proposing to enter amity. They answered that they had heard such a person had arrived, but knew nothing more. Newcastle, 11 July.
After our conference, the Scotch commissioners retired to Morpeth. Signed by Magnus, Clifford, Sir Ralph Ellerkar, jun., and Sir Thos. Whartton.
Add. Endd. by Wriothesley
11 July.
Cal. B. III. 258. B. M.
803. Sir Thos. Whartton to Cromwell.
Needs not write of the news : that has been done already by the Commissioners. Hears of the arrival in Scotland of the gentleman of whom the King wrote. He is at Whytterne with his wife and daughter, with 10 persons : is appointed to a castle S.W. of Edinburgh. "The Scots king, hearing the woman named his daughter to be fair, and about the age of 15 years, repaired to the said castle, and did speak with the said gentleman ; and for the beauty of his daughter, as mine espiall saith, the King repaired lately thither again." He is said to be the uncle of Rys ap Griffith ; some say his sister's son. Newcastle, 11 July. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. : "To the right worshipful Master Cromwell, one of the King's most honorable Council." Endd. by Wriothesley.
11 July.
Theiner, 603.
804. Ferdinand King Of The Romans to Clement VII.
Recommends to him the cause of his aunt the queen of England. Begs credence for Wolfgang Prantner, coadjutor of the Grand Master of the Order of St. George. Vienna, 11 July 1533.
Lat.
11 July.
Vienna Archives.
805. Chapuys to Charles V.
As the King, I suppose, considers that it would only be a waste of time and trouble to try and get me to consent expressly or tacitly to the matters he had proposed to me by his Council, nothing more has been said to me of them, although it had been appointed between the Council and me that they would let me know the King's pleasure. Instead of this, five days after I was with them, the King gave instructions to the chamberlain, almoner, master of the Horse, and secretary of the Queen, and to the purveyor of her house, to make divers remonstrances to her, especially that it came of great arrogance and vainglory on her part to usurp the title of Queen, seeing that she could not pretend ignorance that he had been lawfully divorced from her by the opinions of the chief universities of Christendom, and duly married to another, who had been since crowned ; that she deceived herself in supposing that he would ever in his life take her back as his wife, but that if she would content herself in submitting to things done, and obey his will, he would treat her well,—otherwise he would publish through the kingdom the effort he had made to treat her well, and the obstinacy of her refusal, after which he would punish her as his subject ; and that if she persevered in this obstinacy, she would create parties in the kingdom, and confusion in the succession, from which would arise enormous bloodshed and great destruction of the kingdom, to the burden of her conscience. Moreover, that if she persisted the King would ill-treat the Princess ; and those who spoke of it, and all her other servants, would incur the King's indignation. To all these dreadful temptations or adjurations the Queen replied openly and courageously, that as she knew assuredly she was the King's true wife, she would never call herself otherwise than Queen, or answer to any other name, to any person in the world ; and that this course must not be attributed to arrogance or vainglory, for she would be much more proud to be called the daughter of her father and mother than to be the greatest queen in the world, if she could not conscientiously use the title. As to the unjust sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, the intrigues to purchase the opinions of the universities, the form of this clandestine and accursed marriage, she declared the whole mystery at full length. As to the King not taking her back, she had perfect confidence that He who in a moment converted St. Paul, and turned him from a persecutor into a preacher, would inspire the King's conscience, and not permit such a virtuous prince long to continue in error, to the slander of Christendom and ecclesiastical authority. As to the division of the kingdom, and the confusion of the succession, those only were to blame who had persuaded this new marriage, because the King had already lawful succession acknowledged by the whole kingdom ; and from such an abominable marriage there could only arise a perverse offspring, which would throw all into confusion that allowed it to reign. As to the publication of which they spoke, she would very much desire that not only all the kingdom but all the world knew that she would not consent to things so unjust, or to be treated otherwise than as Queen.
As to the punishment with which they threatened her, if she had offended the King, he might punish her as his wife, but not otherwise, except wilfully and by force ; for unless she was his wife, all the world knew what submission he could claim from her. As to the Princess, the King being her father could do what he pleased. No doubt she would be sorry to see her ill-treated, and also that her servants should incur the King's indignation ; but neither for that, nor for any death, would she damn her soul or that of the King her husband.
When the King understood that the Queen would not submit to his demand, without waiting for the full report, he caused to be printed and published through the city, by sound of trumpets, the edict of which I send a copy translated to your Majesty. He has since caused to come hither the persons named in the above instruction, to redeliver to them, as they think, a charge upon the said commission, or else to suborn them from the service of the Queen. Till now nothing has been said to them, except that Cromwell has thanked them on the King's behalf for the good service they have done in their charge, and desired them to wait awhile for the determination of the order to be taken in the Queen's matters ; and even Cromwell was unable to refrain from saying to them that it was impossible to make a more virtuous and prudent answer than the Queen had done, and that God and nature had done her great injury that she had no male issue, for she had surpassed in glory and reputation nearly all the princes one reads of. God grant that the treatment they give her may correspond to these praises and her merits.
A courier arrived from Rome eight days ago, bringing news, as I understand, that the King's excusator at Rome had been forbidden to interfere in the process ; on which news the King had despatched two couriers in two days. It is said they carry the originals of the determinations of the universities, the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, and an appeal to the Council against the exclusion of the excusator, hoping by this means to hinder the effect of the sentence.
I understand the Lady complains daily of the Easterlings, who on the day of her entry had set the Imperial eagle predominant over the King's arms and hers ; and also that through the villages where the Princess passed the other day they made her great festivity, which is as if God had descended from Heaven. The Lady is very much displeased, and would like much to punish the people. This may serve as an indication of her perverse and malicious nature.
The truce is not yet settled with the Scots, for all the English have reported. The Scots made a raid on the 13th ult. a long way into this kingdom, and, besides other robberies, burnt two villages.
The Pope has written to the Nuncio that since things were getting so bad here, and he had so great a desire to withdraw, he might take leave of the King under pretence of visiting his Holiness at Nice, or some other excuse. This he has done, and has received great presents ; the King being very glad that he is to be at the said meeting, for the great confidence the English have in him, as I lately wrote.
The King, at the request of an Irish lord named ... (fn. 2) who has some dispute with his neighbours, is sending him artillery and ammunition.
Eight months ago, as I wrote, he had a great notion of casting a quantity of artillery of every kind ; and for this great preparation was made, both in getting supplies of metal and making moulds, but only one piece has been cast, and nothing more has been said of it, as the founders themselves have informed me.
This very instant I have received your letters of the 19th ult. with the documents therein mentioned, of which I shall immediately inform the Queen. They will be a great consolation to her. London, 11 July 1533.
Hol., Fr., pp. 5. From a modern copy.
[July.]
R. O. St. P. VII. 484.
806. Henry VIII. to Bonner.
Finds by his letters to Norfolk of 19 June that the Pope will proceed to extreme process, instigated by a gentleman sent from Spain. Therefore sends the following instructions :—He is to throw aside all timorousness and despair, of which he shows signs in his letters, and keep before his eyes continually the justice of the King's cause. Having God before his eyes, the King will be able to maintain Bonner against the malice of his adversaries, and therefore he is continually to exclaim against the Pope, demanding the admission of the King's excusator. The King is inclined to take away from Campeggio the office of protector for his ungrateful proceedings, and Bonner is to transfer the office to De Monte, and thank him for what he has done. The ambassadors are to communicate all proceedings to the Cardinal, and promise him recompense for his kindness.
Is advertised by Sir John Wallop, his ambassador in the French Court, that the Emperor intends to continue in Italy, giving his son the crown of Spain. Has therefore written to the duke of Norfolk to tell the French King how prejudicial it will be to his interests, and not less to the Pope, and the preservation of his authority. Bonner is to represent this matter to his Holiness.
Corrected draft, in Wriothesley's hand. Mutilated.
[11 July.]
Sanders, 111. Pocock, II. 677.
807. The Pope's Sentence.
Sentence of Clement VII. against Henry VIII., declaring his divorce from Katharine and marriage with Anne Boleyn null ; and pronouncing the King to have incurred the greater excommunication, but suspending the declaration of the same till the end of September.
Vit. B. XIV. 56. B. M. 2. Spanish translation of the above.
Pp. 3. Mutilated and imperfect. Endd. : "Italion."
[11 July.]
Add. MS. 28,586, f. 331. B. M.
808. Katharine Of Arragon.
"Relacion de lo que ha pasado sobre la causa de la Serenisima Reyna de Ynglaterra."
When the Pope returned from Bologna, the English labored for the revocation of the two briefs against the King, and the Emperor's agents opposed it. The Pope committed the matter to cardinals Monte and Campeggio, to Simoneta and Paul de Capisuchis, auditors of the Rota, and to the Datary, who decided against the English. At this time the count of Cifuentes arrived at the Court. In a few days news came that the king of England had married Ana, and it was determined to let him know that he had incurred the censures and penalties mentioned in the briefs. On the other side, five remissorias were presented for the principal matter, but no more, on account of the nearness of the vacation. At the arrival of Rodrigo d'Avalos, the Count and he gave the Pope the Emperor's letter, and in consequence of their representations he ordered Paul de Capisuchis to report (refiriese) the cause in Consistory. This he did in three Consistories. His Holiness also ordered the Rota to examine everything. All the cardinals and auditors of the Rota were informed, as many doubts were urged by the English, and some of the cardinals were French, and inclined to England. Finally, the Consistory decided in favor of the Queen, and that the prohibition in this case was not de jure divino.
At this juncture, when a sentence for the Queen was inevitable, two days before the last Consistory, the English alleged that the King had examined witnesses when the case was before the Legates, who had not been produced at Rome, and that the Pope could not determine the case without seeing the whole process. To this it was replied that the Queen had sent the whole process up to the time she appealed, and no further proceedings could be received. The Queen not only appealed, but committed the cause anew against the King, per viam querelœ super molestationibus et matrimonio, by virtue of which the King was cited afresh, and the cause was instructa, so that what is said about having more process does not hinder the expedition. Even supposing that those witnesses were examined, which is not certain, except that the Pope says Campeggio told him that witnesses were examined, it was said that they could not prove anything to impeach the lawfulness of the Queen's marriage.
Supposing that the prohibition of marriage with a brother's widow is not de jure divino, it is clear that although witnesses might prove that the marriage with Arthur was consummated ; that Henry was a minor when the dispensation was obtained, and protested on arriving at puberty that he would not marry Katharine, and that he did not consider the dispensation valid ; and that there were no wars nor fear of wars ; all this is not to the point, as the dispensation was granted by Julius "pro pace conservanda," and this cause was true. It cannot be denied that the second marriage cemented the peace and alliance. The remisorias already proved show sufficient cause for a dispensation, even if the marriage was prohibited by divine law, which it is not. If it cannot be proved that Katharine was a virgin when she married the King, it cannot be denied that it is doubtful ; and the present marriage being public, notorious, and consummated, cannot be dissolved on account of the former, of which the consummation cannot be proved.
Even if the prohibition was de jure divino, the dispensation was good. The King has acted on it for many years, and deprived himself of the right of protestation against it. For these and many other reasons, the Pope may very well decide the case with satisfaction to his honor and conscience.
But it is thought the Pope and Cardinals have wished to desist (sobreser) in the expedition of the principal cause, as they clearly showed before this doubt about the process was urged. Seeing this deliberation, another way (verso) was taken to revoke ex officio pastorali all that the king of England had done to the prejudice of the Queen.
On the 11th of this July, the Pope in Consistory pronounced a sentence restoring the Queen to her royal state, annulling the King's marriage with Ana, whose children are declared illegitimate, and declaring that the King is excommunicate, and has incurred the penalties contained in the briefs.
The Queen's agents, seeing that the principal cause was not despatched in the last Consistory, presented the other remisorias, that matters might be arranged during the vacation, and the expedition insisted on at the next audiences. It is thought it will be shortly obtained.
A term was assigned to the King, until 1 Oct., for him to present any processes or writings of which he intends to make use.
Sp., pp. 9. Modern copy.
[12 July.]
Vit. B. XIV. 44. B. M.
809. Edw. Karne to [Cromwell].
"Pleas[e it your mastership to be advertised] that ... most ... the le ... your may[stership] ... other the ... the effect an ... by the said Fraun[ces] ... handle and set forth the ... justicie with all dexterity and lerny[ng] ... must and that always we should ca[ll continually] for justice for the King's highness ... much as the agents of the part ad[verse] ... against his said Highness to the Po[pe] ... your maystership shall understand that [there was nothing] omitted for the King's highness behalf [that might be] excogitate, laboured, studied, or forseen [that might] confer to his said Highness purpose [which was set] forth accordingly as well with the Po[pe's holiness] alone and the Cardinals severally, as a[lso in the Consisto]rye openly before the Pope and a[ll the Cardinals, with] exclamations of the injuries a[nd wrongs that] they did to the K[ing's highness as] well in excluding me, and [the matters excusatory, wherein was stay made till I was] straitly commanded [to silence in that behalf, with utter] denial of any [farther audience, and commandment] to depart out of [the Consistory, except I or other the] King's highness [agents here had any other thin]gs to say then [such as concerned the matter]s excusatory, but never[theless] I shewed them [pla]ynly the injuries that the [Pope and the Cardinals di]d in that behalf, and laid ... for the reserving of the King's highness defence [in th]at behalfe, all such remedy as could be devy[sed] by the King's highness council here for that be[half], as also upon the incolorable injuries and [wron]gs that the Pope's holiness did to his Highness [in pro]cedyng in the principal cause at the instance [of] the parte adverse by the virtue of a certain process [ma]de by them only, not having respect, according [as e]very judge ought to have, by the due order of the law [and t]he right and justice of the King's highness' cause, which [his] Holiness ought by the law as well to search for or that [he pro]ceded to any decision, as if the King's highness himself ... as parte to sue instantly for the same ... [havi]ng respect or regarding only to the assertions [of the pa]rte adverse or process made by them, feigning ... to be, which were never in rerum natura ... ng not to be, which all the world chiefly in yng[land] ... to we ... ma ... after th[e Pope's holiness caused the rejection of the] matters [excusatory done by decree of the Con]sistorye to [be intimated to me, viz., the 4th of this, where] I ensure you [the bp. of Worcester, Mr. Bennet, Mr.] Boner, and every m[an, did as much as might] be spoken or done without any [respect, but only] to the furtherance of the King's hyg[hness cause and] right. This notwithstanding, the Imperia[lists, with the] learned counsel of the parte adver[se, rode about] to inform for the sentence in [the principal] cause against the next Consistories, [viz., the 9th and] the xjth of this, and made imp[ortune suit and] labours both to the Pope and Cardinals i[n that behalf] with all possibility, having the most p[art of the] Cardinals bended with them, in so much [that it was] openly divulgated in all the Court [that we should] have sentence against us in the p[rincipal cause in] one of the said Consistories. Nevert[heless the King's] highness ambassadors, Mr. Boner [and I, went] about to all the Cardinals, and in[formed them severally] both of the truth of those p[oints that the part adverse had informed to the contrary,] ensuring them by such evidences as Mr. Boner and I h]ad here, that if [they would, according to their duty], search for the truth [they should find it, and farther s]ayd that in [nowise they might, by the law, c]ustome, or stile, [proceed to any decision in the] cause without the produc[tion of the process made by] the Pope's legates in Yng[land, from the which] the late Queen did appeal, [and thereupon] obtained the cause to be advoked here, [and] this ground of the lack of the [prod]uction of the said process, those Cardinals which be [mer]e Imperials, could not deny to be such that in [case] the said process was not producted, they could [go] to no sentence ; and therby, to the great discontenta[tion] of the Imperials, the sentence in the principal [cau]se was stayed and put over, then considering the [imp]ossibility to remedy the lack of the said process [be]for the last Consistory, viz. the xjth of this, they [made] suit and labours importunately to have decla[ratio]n upon the attemptates by the King's highness [there], and restitution of the late Queen, and other things [contain]ed in certain pretensed inhibitions, and thereupon [made] process the same xjth day in the morning. Wher[ein to stay] and stop such declaration and process [we, the King's highness's ambassadors, Mr. Boner and I, used all [such remedy that we might possibly devise,] and [after such sort that if the Pope would] hav[e observed the order and due course of the] law [that day it had not been possible for him] to dec[ree anything ; but that notwithstanding] without any [respect] ... shall perceive by ... [the Pope] that day upon th[e attemptates proceeded. And, sir, if] our lives had lain upon hy[t, it was not] possible to do any more than we [did therein to] stay. And, sir, such provocations a[s your mastership] wrote of in your said letter of the ... by Fraunces the courier came not ... were brought by Thadeo the courier, [and arri]ved here the xj. day of this, about ii. ... in the afternoon, being iiij. or v. ... the Consistory was broken up, wher[efore it was] not possible to intimate them befor[e] ... on of the said Consistory, this courier is ... so that everything done cannot be ... for the shortness of time and speedy ... by the next all thing shall be sent ... it was done, and thus most l ... to your mastership, beseeching [Almighty God to] conserve the same in long li[fe] ... [Rome, 12 July 15 (fn. 3) ]33."
Hol., mutilated.
[12 July.]
R. O. St. P. VII. 480.
810. Bonner to Cromwell.
Thanks him for his kindness. By the letters sent will perceive their proceedings in the King's cause. When he has perused them, begs him to deliver them to the King. Will learn more by their common letters to the King. Contrary to all expectation, the Pope has pronounced censure against the King, but delays it till the end of September. In four days will write more fully. Rome, "Vigilia Reliquiarum."
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the Privy Council.
12 July.
R. O.
811. Sir Anthony Browne to Cromwell.
I have received your letter with news of the health of the King and Queen. The French king came to Ryon on July 9, at 10 p.m. The next day the duke of Norfolk repaired thither, and was met at two miles from the town by Mons. de Vendome, the duke of Albany, the count of Saynpoll, Mons. de Navars, and others. They entered at 8 o'clock, dined with Albany, and afterwards went to the King. Never saw the court so small, as most had gone before to Toulouse. The same day the King removed to Mountfarran, two small leagues off, where he supped, and Norfolk with him. He was received by the citizens on horseback, and 300 footmen with artillery, clothed in jerkins of cloth of gold, or orange velvet or satin. The religious met him in the town, with the sacrament and a procession. The streets were gravelled, and the sides hung with verdure, and covered with linen, with the arms of the King, Queen, and Dauphin. In divers places there were fair pageants, and the streets were furnished with torches and trumpets blown. After supper he went on to Clearmount, the best town in Ovarne, where he was received by the Bishop, who is the Chancellor's son, with 300 footmen in russet and black, and conducted to his lodging with trumpets, drums, flutes, and guns, and a great noise of thunder withal. After the Duke had brought the King to his lodging, he returned to Mountfarrant, which is but half a mile away. I have never seen three such towns so near together. The townsmen of Mount Farraunt gave the King a present of the value of 1,000 cr., and they of Clearmount gave him a cup of gold weighing 1,300 cr. He gave them both to one of his hunters. I never saw so goodly a country. The Great Master showed me that there has been no king in these parts for 160 years ; "which I have marvel of being such a thing, for it is all full of mountains, and they say that upon the tops of these mountains grows such grass that yearly it is mown, which you would think a marvel if you saw the country." Belyon, in Overn, 12 July. Signed.
P.S. in his own hand.—News came yesterday that the duke of Milan has beheaded the French ambassador. (fn. 4) The reason is not yet known.
Remember my bill, for the longer I tarry the more loss shall I sustain.
Pp. 3. Add. : Master of the King's jewels. Endd.
12 July.
Cal. D. X. 253. B. M.
812. [P. Vannes] to Henry VIII.
"... [l]ongo usu ... eo tempore præstiti ... ssime laboraret et cum f ... Angliæ unicum firmissimumque ... haberet, hæc omnia vere dici m ... fassi sunt, petiit deinde Comens[is episcopus quid] Majestas vestra de se sentiret quod olim ... nescio quid sinistre ad eam fuisse ... rare me dixi quid Regia Majestas vestra ... sciebam tamen de bonis omnibus eam quam ... et ingenti esse in omnes benignitate ... delationum facile oblivisci, quæ false f ... quæ non malo animo sint profectæ, hic ... sua in Regiam majestatem vestram observantia ... porro, loquamur, ait, nos tres aliquanto ... non ut nuncii, non ut secretarii, a ... sed ut veteris amicitiæ memores sum ... invicem agentes nil mihi futurum gratius [accideret quam] ad tantorum virorum sermones nunc adm[itti] ... ea dixit, ut se habent in Anglia se ... cia. Bene inquam, Deo duce, habent, et l ... quam optime habuissent, nisi adversarior[um] ... Pontificis bonitatem retardasset et b ... sanctissima rectissimaque causa justitia ... fieri tum aliquando posse putabam ut ... cui tam diu colla subdide ... et ... tia * ... plenitudine ... judiciaria termina ... jam pridem debuisset et Reg ... m duro scrupulo liberare ... ipsi rem omnem transegistis resp ... utare fuisse a Regia Majestate vestra ... cum Deo starent et veritate et Re ... animæ salutem nulli quam sibi ipsi cario[rem esse] posse et quod dolebam principes eo imp ... bus suis et animæ salutem concernent ... ntur aliunde, quam a pontifice remedia e[xpectare] ... [et] Sedis Apostolicæ authoritatem hic videbam quam [maxime p]ericlitari ; dixit uterque ita sibi esse pontific[is a]nimum exploratum erga regiam Majestatem vestram [ut] utcumque lacessitus nunquam sit paternum suum [amorem] mutaturus ; si hoc, inquam, re ipsa effecerit, p ... victi et rerum suarum stabilimento imprimi[s] consulet et universo orbi palam faciet alt[er]ius arbitrio non semper duci et eo pacto ... studium et amorem facilius ceteros alli[ceret. Pe]tiit deinde an dux Northfolkiæ recta in ... [co]nventu ad Pontificem destinaretur ... orare hoc me dixi, putabam tamen a Re[gia Majestate vestra] et Rege Christianissimo ea communibus coni ... agi quæ in utriusque Regni comm[une bonum] ... [et tran]quillitatem cessura * * * * ... ab omni re ... ul dubitem Illmum D ... tum prudentissimum, tum Regi ... cum primis carum omnia perscri ... digna, volui tamen audaciæ culpam s ... Regiam Celsitudinem his literis venera ... illi felicitatem precari.
Postquam dominus dux Northfolkiæ pauc ... ministris ascitis ita locorum angustia ... Regem Chr. una cum collegis se conti ... triduo de rebus gravioribus cum ejus ... unius ego diei spatio præcedere statim ... a rege Lugdunum versus redeuntem ... expectaturus atque ita per Montisferra[t] ... oppidum iter faciens, e fenestra me sal[utaverunt episcopus] Commensis et episcopus Faventiæ Pontificis or[atores] ... cum quibus olim Romæ agens aliquid ... contraxeram, ex equo desilii, ad eosque [properavi] bonam utrique valetudinem gratulans post ... alterum sermonem et mutuum amicitiæ h ... tum officium, ubi e cubiculo ministros vi ... et jam assidendum esse viderem abeund ... ne illis molestus essem eo quidem co ... eis jam in animo esse videbam ut ... tentem, gravioribus colloquiis de ... omnes assedissemus, cepi apud * * * ... aliquid s ... adventu ex illorum ... conventum tractatum a ... plorarem. Accidit utrumque ... [ju]rejurando affirmarunt pontificem ... citius fortasse quam præscriptum aut ... mirari me dixi pontificem, quem ... tationes actionesque cum Cæsare commune ... ntum apud hunc Regem potuisse ut ejus ... hunc congressum attrahat, at Faventiæ episcopus ... quit Christianissimus, is est qui multum apud Pon[tificem p]otest, cujus ductu Pontifex Niciam ven[turus e]st, utcumque fuerit hunc ego conventum pre ... m Christianæ reipublicæ salutarem, dixique adhuc ... Pontificis arbitrio, posse duo potentissima Reg[na] ... t perpetuo amicitiæ vinculo colligata in amic[itia] ... [s]tudio et devotione sibi sedique Apostolicæ conserv[ari, q]uod omnino, nisi improborum consilio innitatur, vel ... bebit illamque amicitiam et eorum principum benev[olentiam] ... iam solidiori firmiorique arbitrabar fundamento ... ex se et propter se ultronea et volunta[ria] ... at quam illorum principum qui stant et ... privatarum rerum respectu ex præsen ... temporumque successu et occasione ... tacite subiit de vestra Majestate serm ... [dis]erte eloquens et faci ... * * ... t sentire ... aniter cum ejus S ... [a]micitiam et humanitatem ... Majestate studium gratias utrisque eg ... illi ad Christianissimum abierunt qui ad ea ... profectus erat. Ego hac versus ...
Dominus Faventiæ mihi dixit quod un ... Magistro Niciam procedet obvius ...
Doleo hac mea loquacitate fuisse Reg[iæ Majestati vestræ] molestum, sed fidei et observantiæ meæ ... hos habitos sermones succincte pers[cripsi].
Deus optimus maximus Regiam vestram Majestatem ... orbi felicissimam longævamque tueatur. E ... Alverniæ oppido. Die xii. Julii, M...
Illud non reticebo, quod tum apud pontificis o[ratores tum] apud Galliæ nobiliores, multam laudem ... peperit testimonium illud Christianissim[i Regis] quod tam ardenter ejus authoritate, et ... cessum sit adversus illos de sacra[mento perperam] sentientes."
Hol. Mutilated. Add.

Cal. D. X. 120. B. M.
813. [Vannes] to —
"Dominus Dux ejusque ... tum itineris tum locorum habit ... ad aliquot dies regem insequuntur ... qui suæ fidei commissa habent, suæ semper quieti præponant. Ego certe, nunquam putassem Ducem senem tam vivido esse animo et vigilanti, si quando sentit, Regiæ Majestati suam operam esse usui. Est hic apud omnes in maxima existimatione. Audio a Rege datos illi comites Episcopum Parisiensem et Moretum, qui Lugdunum usque et ad reditum Regis illi adsint, ut honestissime in locis omnibus tractetur."
In Vannes' hand. Mutilated.
12 July.
R. O.
814. Edmund Wyndesore to Lord Lisle.
Your Lordship has been pleased to admit me, with my uncle, as one of your attorneys in your absence. Sir Edw. Seymour has had several meetings with your counsel about the bargain of the lands he bought of your Lordship in Somersetshire ; but Master Denzil and Master Marvyn say you have not kept covenant with him in entering your lands again, and that he was bound to make your Lordship a lease, for term of your life, of 140l., within a month after the estate and assurance made. Gives the answer of Seymour's counsel to this, showing that he had forfeited no bond ; and the answer of Lisle's own counsel, showing that Sir John Audley and his friends were bound in 10,000l. that his Lordship should enjoy all such lands as my Lady his wife had during his life. In the end Seymour asked them what they would do. They deferred their answer till Friday last, and said that Lisle would be content if he could keep possession or be made sure of his annuity for life, and would take no extremity, if Seymour did the same on his part ; but to this he would not agree, and insisted on having possession. They desired him to put his mind in writing to send to your Lordship ; to which he agreed. An action of debt is taken against your Lordship by Master Brown and other executors of Master Compton for 320l., about which your counsel desire instructions ; and another at the suit of the marchioness of Dorset, as executrix of her husband the late Marquis, for 150l. Let Master Smith, your auditor, know your pleasure. London, Saturday, 12 July.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd. Sealed.
12 July.
Titus, B. XI. 409. B. M. St. P. II. 198.
815. William Wise, Mayor of Waterford, to Cromwell. (fn. 5)
The vicar of Dungarvan has reported today that the Emperor has sent letters to the earl of Desmond by the chaplain or ambassador who was sent to the late earl James. It is commonly reported that his practice is to win the Geraltyns and the Breenes, and that the Emperor intends to send an army to invade Ireland. A Spaniard told this to an inhabitant of this city more than a month ago. Did not write of it then, as he thought it incredible. The chaplain arrived more than 15 days ago at the Dengill, in the dominions of the earl of Desmond. The Earl has taken a ship laden with Spanish wines, bound for Galway, for the victualling of his castle of Dungarvan.
Though his years require quietness and rest, he intends as much trouble as any of his nation ever did. Hopes he will be condignly punished. 12 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To the right honorable Master Cromwell, councillor to the King. Endd. : Wise. July.
[12 July?]
R. O.
816. Rowland Lee to Cromwell.
These three days I have travailed at Malmesbury without any good, owing to Baynton. The Prior let me see a letter of Bayneton's, desiring him and five or six of his brethren to come ten miles off to him, trusting in two or three days to have new letters from the King. At the end of his letter he says I shall be welcome if I come. After which it was folly for me to do any further ; for on trust of contrary commands to me (not to the King's honor), and maintenance of Mr. Key, we were more like to make a fray than a love day. I send you a copy of my letter to Mr. Bayneton. If this matter be suffered to go sub umbra and unpunished, let not the King trust to have such speed for his prerogative in monasteries as heretofore. At my return on Monday or Tuesday I will explain more to you. I bring with me Mr. Strett's money, and for the matter of Burton. Bradstoke, Saturday night.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To my most loving friend Mr. Thomas Crumwell, at London.
[12 July?]
R. O.
817. [Rowland Lee to Sir E. Baynton.]
This day the prior of Malmesbury recorded your recommendations to me by your letter, wherein you willed me to be welcome to your place ; for the which, and for your old assured gentleness, I heartily thank you. Before your letter came I had resolved for London, for certain business I had at court, upon causes committed to me in this my journey. It were folly to delay the time, for if any other determination be of late contrary to that I have received, as is not likely, I shall know it myself, and, if the King please, will shortly return and rid my business. Malmesbury, this Saturday.
Draft in Lee's hand, p. 1.
12 July.
R. O.
818. Sir Piers Dutton.
Resolution of the Council in the matter in variance between Thomas Aston and Sir Piers Dutton, that the latter is the right heir male of Hugh, brother of Sir Piers, son of Edmund, brother of Sir Conyers Dutton, deceased. The ordering of the lands is deferred till the quinzaine of Michaelmas. Westm., 12 July 25 Hen. VIII.
Copy, p. 1.
12 July. 819. David [Beton] Abbot of Arbroath.
See Grants in July, No. 35.
12 July.
Add. MS. 28,173, f. 283, B. M.
820. Mary Queen of Hungary.
Instructions for Jehan de le Sauch, imperial secretary, to be declared to the King with the aid of the ambassador at present there. To complain that the queen of Hungary has been informed that the King has forbidden to the merchants of the staple of Calais the distribution, sale, and widenge of wool to the merchants of the Low Countries. She does not think this prohibition can come from him, and she requests him to remove it. 12 July 1533.
Fr., pp. 3. Modern copy.
Ibid., f. 285. 2. Another copy.
13 July.
Vesp. C. VII. 42. B. M.
821. T. Batcock to William Prat.
Yesterday night (Saturday), Thomas Biston, a servant of the King's, came to his door with a post, being advised by some in Bayonne to do so. He had heard on the way that war was proclaimed between the Emperor and the King because he was new married. Told him that nothing of the kind had been proclaimed here ; and, as far as he could perceive, the Emperor would make no war this year, neither with England nor with Barba Rocha. The Emperor came to Monson, and is since returned to Barcelona, and it is not known here where he is. He brought 4,000 soldiers to Barcelona, who would have spoiled the city, and put the Emperor in jeopardy of his life, because they did not have their wages. He intends to hold a parliament in Monson to have money from Catalonia, Aragon, and Valencia. Does not think this can be done for three months. He will then come to Castile, and hold another parliament to have money. After this, as those who came from the Court say, he will set the Scots and Irish against England, with a great number of Spaniards. Told Biston that if he had any letters for England a ship was going to Bristow tomorrow. He said he would write from Ernany, and send a letter "for one Mr. Cromell," which he has not done. Asks Pratt to show his mastership that Biston passed here. If he were as well acquainted with him as he has been with my lord of York and the duke of Norfolk, would have written to him. As Prat knows, has been evil rewarded for the good service he has done, and intends to labor no more in vain. In the Rendre, 13 July 1533.
The bachiler, his hostess, and all his folks, desire to be recommended. Asks him to send her a pound of flax.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Wm. Prat, of London, merchant. Endd. : Thos. Batcoke. From the Rendre, 1 Aug. 1533, by Bristow way.
13 July.
R. O.
822. Christopher Hales to Cromwell.
I am glad you are at a point with Mr. Pakyngton, who desires your favor. I thank you for your goodness to Mr. Chicheley. I am sorry I did not speak to you before you went to Court. This day fortnight I trust again to be in Gray's Inn. Your servant, John Brigenden, has been twice at Canterbury, to visit my wife's maid. If he marry her they will both be undone. "If ye know not of these his leappys," examine him of them. I should be sorry to see him cast away, and therefore keep a good eye to him. He is more frail than you would imagine. Southwark, 13 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Councillor.
13 July.
Harl. MS. 2,067, f. 104. B. M.
823. Thomas Gamull, of Buerton.
His will. 13 July 1533, 24 Hen. VIII. (sic.) Copy, pp. 2.
14 July.
R. O.
824. John Hackett to Lord Lisle.
Has received his letter dated the 7th, touching Adryan the saddler's matter, which Hacket thinks of great importance. He ought to deliver Lisle a testimonial of the words spoken, to be sent to the governors of the town where they were reported, so that justice be done. Will stir in it to that effect if the testimonial be sent to him. In failure of any proof, the words were better left unspoken. Bruxelles, 14 July 1533. Signed.
Encloses a letter from Parker to the Master of the Horse.
P. 1. Add.
[14 July.]
Harl. MS. 2,057,f. 124 b. B. M.
825. The Citizens of Dublin to [Henry VIII.]
Received on 14 July his letter of 9 April. Deny the truth of the complaint made by the city of Chester. In consequence of the ill-treatment and extortion suffered by their merchants at Chester, they go of their own accord to Liverpool and other places.
Copy, p. 1.
14 July.
R. O.
826. Tunbridge.
Lease by Thomas earl of Wiltshire and Ormond to Ric. Lawe of Tunbridge, Kent, of a park-ground, paled, called the Cage, with a lodge therein, in the p. of Tunbridge, for 21 years, at a rent of 5l. Dated 14 July 25 Hen. VIII. Sealed.
14 July.
Poli Epp. I. 406.
827. Sadolet to Pole.
Has been prevented from writing sooner partly by ill-health and partly by some necessary journeys. It is quite true, as Pole asserts, that what he has written of bim proceeds from affection ; but it is affection proceeding from true and right judgment. Thinks he has vindicated himself sufficiently from Pole's criticism that he had done injustice to theology ; but as Pole urges it again, will endeavour to satisfy him. Has received letters from his friend Thomas (Starkey ?), (fn. 6) a man well worthy of Pole's intimacy, and of the studies to which he daily devotes himself. Sends compliments to him and others. Paul has been suffering from fever, but is beginning to recover. Carpentras, pridie idus Julii 1533.
Lat.
15 July.
R. O. St. P. IV. 652.
828. Sir Thos. Clifford and Sir Geo. Lawson to Henry VIII.
News came to Angus that now, on the return of the Scotch commissioners, Mark Carre of Tevedale, and Alex. Hoome of the Marche, were commanded to repair to the Scotch council, the king of Scots then being in the North, at St. Dothons in Rose, though he will immediately repair to Edinburgh. It is supposed they want to invent some plan to get the Cawe Mills by stealth. To prevent this, have viewed the place today, and have devised a flat roof of timber to be set upon the roof for ordnance. Wrote lately to Cromwell of the arrangement the warden had taken with George Douglas for his charges. A gentleman of Wales, naming himself Ryse, has come to Edinburgh with his wife, daughter, and seven servants, and the king of Scots has received him well. Has moved George Douglas to get inquiry made about him. Ric. Foster and other captains of your ships of war arrived at [Holy ?] Eland. The price of corn is marvellously fallen. It is so abundant that small sale can be had, but it would be costly to send it to other places. Yet, if peace ensue, there will be great loss in keeping it. By advice of my Lord Warden the posts are to remain, notwithstanding Tuke's message, seeing that the peace is concluded but for 20 days. Berwick, 15 July. Signed.
Add. Endd.
15 July.
R. O.
829. Sir George Lawson to Cromwell.
To the same effect as the preceding. Berwick, 15 July.
P.S.—Master Clyfford is writing to Mr. Fitzwilliams concerning the matters of my lord of Northumberland. If the King is disposed to make overtures to have the said Earl's lands in Northumberland they will be most valuable, and always make his warden strong and more able to serve with less wages.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
15 July.
R. O. St. P. VII. 481.
830. Sir Wm. Poulett to Cromwell.
Thanks him for his news of the Queen's coronation, and the truce with Scotland. The king of France came from Lyons to Ryo in Auvergne, where we met him on Thursday the 10th. With him were the duke of Vendôme, Albany, and others. Gives an account of their journeys with him and their final departure, intending to be at the interview at Nice. Thinks the Pope will not keep it, otherwise it will be an advantage to the King's cause. Norfolk has handled himself well. Would have written to the King if he had had any news. The King is honorably received in Auvergne. Crepiour in Auvergne, 15 July.
Hol. Add. : Chancellor of the Exchequer and Governor of the Jewels. Endd.
15 July.
[Cal. E. I. II.?] I. 103. B. M.
831. Rob. Aldrydge to Cromwell.
I sent you from Paris an over-long letter by one Mr. Mason, a student there. My lord's Grace, lord Rochford, Mr. Comptroller, (fn. 7) Mr. Browne, Mr. Bry[an], and all the company, are in good health. We have come from Paris, and are now at Croupere, about xx .. leagues from Lyons. We passed through Nouvell St. Geordge, Mylloune, St. Mathuryns, Montargys, Bryar, Coone, Charyte-super-Ligerim, Nevers, St. Petre le Mo[ustier], Mullens, where my Lord lay in a house that had been the duke of Bourbon's, St. Purcyns, Gaunat, Agaperse, "where my lord ... hys tarried the King's appointment where he should ... meet him with often message between them, so that wythy[n] vij. days after, as was appointed, he came to Ryon ... where about 1½ mile without the town, met with him t[he duke of] Richmond and my lord of Surrey, within ... a mile after met with him the duke of A[lbany], Vandon and count St. Poule, and so bro[ught him] into the town, where he dined with duke d ... After dinner went to the King, there abode in ... with the King about two hours. After accompanyd ... King to Montferrond, where the King was [recei]uyd after a fashion as I have not seen befo[re] ... stage at the first gate gorgeously apparelled, [and there] upon stood a young woman richly clothed with ij ... of gold, speaking to the King, and delivering [the] keys. Within all the way the King went the t[own was] hanged over with fair linen cloths upon bowe ... walls hanged with arras, children to the num[ber of] 40 in garments of silk, spears in their hands [crying] viva le Roy. In the midst of the town three o[r four] young women upon a stage in like gorgeous a[pparel]. In the third place, likewise the fyft, with tr[umpets] and other minstrelsy. I should have said ho[w that] without the town the burgeys met the King [on] horseback, of whom one spake a brief proposition ... the towns end the clergy with procession. There ... pyd the King and my Lord within the Court." The same night the King went to Cleremont, where he was received with much more glory and royalty, with men of arms and other business. My Lord returned to his bed to Montferrond. Afterwards he and certain gentlemen followed the Court for four days, and the rest of his company went to Crouper. He intends shortly to depart in company with the bishop of Parys, Mons. Jocky, Mons. de Lue, and other French gentlemen, to Lyon, and to proceed to accomplish our most desired purpose. Crouper, 15 July.
Hol., pp. 3. Mutilated. Add. : Rt. Worshipful. Endd.
15 July.
R. O.
832. Calais.
"Verdicts brought in for Dykeland."
Report of Henry King, Henry Frowyke, and 25 others of the county of Guisnes, and the lordships of Marke and Oye, on certain articles of inquiry drawn up by lord Lisle, deputy of Calais, on the King's behalf, 4 July 25 Hen. VIII., touching the former condition of certain lands between Newnhambridge, Sandgate, and the Cawsey, that had been overflowed by the sea, when a sluice was made by the bishop of Winchester (fn. 8) at the King's cost. It appears that the country was sessed for making sea-banks in connection with the sluice, which caused great murmurs, and that some paid, and some did not ; that the sluice was broken up by a commission sent to lord Berners, then deputy, Will. Snawdon, then mayor, Sir Chr. Garneys, knight porter, Will. Bryswoode, then the King's surveyor, and Ric. Chawfer, alderman ; and that this was the cause of the overflowing. The lands might be recovered by stopping the sluice, making a spoy to let out fresh water and keep out salt water, and renewing the sea banks ; but this would be an importable charge, and should be done at the King's cost. The Commissioners desire his Lordship to call the mariners and fishermen of the town before him to declare upon oath if the haven be better by the breaking up of the sluice than it was before. The tenants on the north side are willing to lose the land if it be for the benefit of the town and haven ; but if the sea is to have its course a bank should be made for above 1,200 feet from where the sluice stood, else not only the south side will be drowned, but the country will be in danger. 1,000 acres are now overflown at every tide. A "gote" should be made to convey fresh water into the haven at a dam called the Long Beme, at the west end of the dyke. The harbour would be improved by more abundance of water being brought into it from some other place.
ii. The answer of certain mariners on their oaths before my Lord Deputy and the Council.
It is 10 years since Dykeland was broken up, when Mr. Snawdon was mayor. Thinks the haven is amended thereby. There is now six foot more water, and then there was a bar before the haven, which is now gone. No other cost has been done since the breaking up of the said Dykeland, except the mending of the jetties and the making of the heads (which did not deepen the haven, but protected the downs and walls), and the making of two sluices at Newnham bridge, which were needed for the back water of the country, and by which the haven is improved. Any work to keep out the salt water from Dykeland would injure the haven.
iii. The verdict of John Wynebanck, Geo. Anlaby, and John Corson, of Guysnes, and 22 other persons of different places adjoining, on certain articles proposed by lord Lisle, 15 July 25 Hen. VIII.
Before the breaking up of the sluice by Newnham bridge, the land there to Sandgate was in as good estate as any other land in the county of Guisnes, for the tenants had spoys in their ground to convey the water into the said sluice. The sluice was made at the King's cost, and the country was sessed for making the bank, but many did not pay the sessment. Think the sluice should be stopped again at the King's cost ; but if the sea is to have its course, there must be a strong bank made and repaired on the south side of the said sea water.
Pp. 8. Add. : To the right hon. Master Cromwell, of the King's most hon. Council.
15 July.
R. O.
833. John Smyth, Auditor, to Lord Lisle.
I have received your letters, dated Calais, the 16th June, and have been with my Lord Chief Baron, who has shown me sufficient acquittances of the money in the indenture. 200l. was paid at the sealing, and at another time 40l. to your own hands by his servant Pony, 140l. by two bills of Sir Oliver, 15l. to Alexander Aylemer, 100s. by Kynsmell for Norres, and 20l. for the redemption of your collar, besides other 20l. paid by my lady. Sir Edw. Seymour has made no determinate answer as yet to your counsel, but I doubt not you will have as much advantage of him as he of you, by the indenture or otherwise. Sir John Dudley is at no further point than you left him as to the performance of his covenants. I have been at a reckoning with Rob. Acton, who has delivered 63l. in money and stuff since the last reckoning, of which 33l. was due to your Lordship at Lady Day. There is still due to him 30l., and he claims of you 40s. a year out of Rybbesford, which I told him was extinguished when he bought the manor. He also makes much work for 100l., for which he stands bound to the King for you, as he says. London, 15 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
15 July.
R. O.
834. Henry Lord Mountague to Lady Lisle.
Has received her letter, with news of her and her husband's good health. The Lord Chief Baron denies everything which he lays to his charge. Will defend anything which comes to his ears sounding to the honor of lord and lady Lisle. Perceives by her letter that Calais is somewhat chargeable, as he always reckoned it should be, "to such a free stomach as my Lord hath." Advises her to look upon it now at the beginning, for everything here is harder than at her departing, and is like to continue so. Commendations to lord Lisle, who has no kinsman more ready to do him pleasure. London, 15 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
15 July.
R. O.
835. Henry Man to Dr. Bocking.
Owns his fault in not replying sooner to Bocking's letters, which have given him such spiritual joy as he cannot express. Let us magnify the name of the Lord, who has raised up this holy virgin, (fn. 9) a mother indeed to me, and a daughter to thee, for our salvation. She has raised a fire in some hearts that you would think like the operation of the Holy Spirit in the Primitive Church. If you saw with what frequent tears some bewailed their transgressions ! God has left himself at least 7,000 who have not bent the knee to Baal. I rejoice that I have lived to see this day. But now, as to yourself, I cannot let you disown the title of father I have given you unless you will take me as your hired servant. Charterhouse of Shene, St. Swithin's Day.
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add. : To his devout religious father, Dr. Bockyng, cellarer at Christchurch in Canterbury.
Endd. (by the Prior?) : "Yckam pro nobis.—Westram, et ecclesia S. Leonardi Lond., pro illis."
15 July.
Cleop.E.IV.9. B. M.
836. William Peytoo to Friar Hugh Payne.
Has received his letters, with those from the minister of England to the minister of Lower Almain. Has forwarded the latter, but has had no answer. Does not know by what authority the minister of England in uno locorum conventualem te constituturum.
From the convent at Antwerp, "S. Francisci profesto."
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add. : At the Freres Observants at Greenwich.
15 July.
R. O.
837. Sir W. Courtenay to Cromwell.
Received the credence that Jas. Horswell showed me for the marriage of my daughter-in-law to my loving friend, your cousin Richard. Her mother is here with me at present. Whether she will have her home to her father, or no, I cannot tell ; nor of her promise can I make better surety than as a man may do upon the promise of a woman. She says she will be governed by me. If so, I shall be glad to oblige you. As she is, however, nigh kinswoman to the Queen's grace, "I desire you to obtain the King's letters of request to me therefor to be directed, in the avoiding of her Grace's displeasure." Powderham, 15 July.
P.S.—According to your request I have discharged Master Wadham's servant of his good abearing. There was good cause that he should have been further tied. Events were wholly against his discharge until I insisted upon it. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Mr. Thomas Cromwell.

Footnotes

1 It is not clear in whose name this letter is written. It is in the handwriting of the abbot of St. Austin's, Bristol ; but, as the writer says, "I chose the abbot of St. Augustine's," it would seem he wrote in behalf of some other person.
2 The transcriber was uncertain, and has written above the line "? M .. aellie."
3 Supplied from modern marginal note made before the mutilation. Some of the mutilated passages have been filled up from a modern copy of a portion of the letter in Add. MS. 29,547, f. 1.
4 Merveilles. See Memoires de Du Bellay, 113.
5 This letter has been dated 1534 by the Editors of the State Papers. But the year 1533 seems more probable, for two reasons : first, that this letter appears to convey the first intimation of Desmond's disloyalty, which was known to the King in May 1534 ; and, secondly, that Cromwell is not addressed as secretary.
6 "A Thoma tuo."
7 Sir William Paulet.
8 Bishop Fox.
9 Elizabeth Barton, the Nun of Kent.