Elizabeth: June 1582, 26-30

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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'Elizabeth: June 1582, 26-30', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582, (London, 1909) pp. 110-131. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp110-131 [accessed 26 April 2024]

June 1582, 26–30

June 27. 113. Cobham to Walsingham.
Having 'procured to obtain' access to the king by means of MM. Pinart and Gondi I could not as yet 'attain' thereto. But M. Gondi has now promised me and the other ambassadors we shall get audience next week at the king's return to Fontaine-bleau; which is not yet so certain as I could wish.
Since leaving off his diet, his Majesty has passed his time very privately, going to many places, but not staying very long in any, recreating himself for the better recovery of his appetite and strength. Meantime some have made sundry judgements upon the king's withdrawing himself from affairs, supposing he retires in that manner till he may see the proceedings of Don Antonio's army by sea, and what course the Duke of Savoy will run in his new enterprise of Geneva. In this it is said that the king has done some good offices to them of that town, both through the negotiation of M. Mandelot, governor of Lyons, M. 'Hotford' [Hautefort], brother to Bellièvre, and M. de Fleury, elder brother to M. de Marchaumont. He has also lately sent to the Duke of Savoy by M. Bourdin, nephew to Pinart, in earnest manner and in appearance much in favour of those of Geneva. Howbeit it is as yet understood the Duke remains very obstinate in his purpose.
Mandelot and Hautefort have sent word hither that they find King Philip's money to have much corrupted the Papist cantons, so much that they 'staggered' from the cantons of the Religion, and those of Geneva, but they are now better united, as it is hoped.
The wisest sort in this Court judge that the Duke of Savoy would not have followed this enterprise without assurance had of the pope and other princes of Christendom; wherefore most doubt it will not take so sudden an end.
The king, when last at Fontainebleau, entered into some private discourse with his sister of Navarre, wherein he 'showed to have' good liking of the love he understood was between her and her husband; persuading her by all loving ways to continue therein, which she vowed to the king. On this he 'entered further, and told her he supposed her husband inwardly misliked she would keep about her Mademoiselle de Fosseux, by whom he had lately had a child; persuading her that her husband could not think she loved him since she could be contented to keep about her so large a partner of his affection. The king further showed her that he could not like that a maid 'known of such infamy' should accompany the queen his wife's maidens. On this conference, and receiving like speeches from the Queen Mother, the Queen of Navarre resolved to send away Mile de Fosseux; which she did presently. The King of Navarre being advertised of this sent one of his trusty servants to his wife, 'showing' to be greatly offended with her sudden and violent dealing towards that maiden, with a. message mingled with bitter words. So the king and Queen Mother, finding the King of Navarre to be moved herewith, have sent the Marquis of Curton with very amiable letters in excuse of the Queen of Navarre.
The King of Navarre has returned to Saint-Jean-d'Angely, to be present at the assembly of those of the Religion, which began about the 19th inst. When it is ended he is to repair into Languedoc, upon some disorder happened between those of the Religion and the papists of certain towns.
Meantime the Prince Dauphin continues his preparations for levying certain companies. M. de Laval, Count Rochefoucault and other gentlemen do the like, the king being contented they should pass quietly without annoying or damaging the country.
By letters from Spain it is understood the king has assigned all the old bands, besides the 10,000 new levied soldiers, to be addressed to the enterprise of the Isles of Terceiras. They are beginning to march towards Portugal.
Moreover the 'distress' which Don Sancho d'Avila had suffered in Africa is verified by those letters, as also that two alcaldes of the King of Fez had been received at Tangier in Africa, by whom it was reported that the said king had sent an ambassador to the Turk with rich presents. Also that the Cortes in Castile began on May 25. They further certify that the 'army' sent by the Spanish king to the Straits of Magellan had arrived safely, having taken by the way two great ships which robbed on those coasts.
Don Antonio [sic] Colonna is to be viceroy of Milan, and Don Andreetta Dorio [sic] is appointed viceroy of Sicily.
The Catholic king has ordered the guard of the viceroy of Naples to be all Italians, which was never before accustomed. Also the ordinary companies within that realm will be placed along the coast of Apulia for its better defence.
Count Olivares has gone with the Duke of Florence to Pisa, to solemnise the Order of the Toison, which was sent him from the Catholic King.
I am told that three Cardinals are repairing to the Duke of Savoy, under the pretence of visiting the napkin of Our Lord which is at Turin. The three are Borromeo, Paleotto, and Alessandrino. But their purpose is esteemed to be the forwarding of the enterprise against Geneva. It is further signified that the Spaniards and Italians will all repair in small troops for the same effect.
They give out in this Court that in Brussels, Mechlin, and Lierre they have introduced the papist religion again. It is also bruited that the States complained to M. Bellièvre that the king did not 'deliver that demonstration' towards his brother which it was given them to understand he would perform. To this M. Bellièvre, as they say, answered that it were convenient for them first to return to the Catholic religion, which being done they would have proof of the king's goodness. Otherwise he could not proceed in their behalf as they required.
I send you herewith advertisements from sundry places, on two sheets of paper.—Paris, 27 June 1582.
Add. Endd. 5 pp. [France VII. 111.]
June 27. 114. Cobham to Walsingham.
I forgot in my last letter to tell you how the king has newly ordered his Privy Council, having appointed fifteen of them to serve quarterly in Court, and sit daily together in the Council-chamber, besides those who are princes. Also the secretaries are now to be reputed in the number of the Councillors and sit at the table where before they stood. The king allows every Councillor 4,000 francs yearly for the table. He assigns every one of them a key for the Council-chamber, and the usher with a key to stand at the door to let in the princes. Chaplains are allowed, to say their daily mass before their entrance into Council. Moreover the king has caused a window to be made in the Council-chamber out of a cabinet whence he may see and hear what passes, and commands a like window, with glass, to be made in all his ordinary houses for the like purpose. He promises to 'be assisting' with his Council at least once in fifteen days.
I have sent into Normandy, wherein I have used the means of M. de Montigni. One of my own is also gone into those parts, to see how the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne with the other princes of that House pass their time. They departed hence last week to Gaillon in Normandy; but as yet I am not advertised of those particulars.
I have spoken to M. Schomberg concerning the diamond, and perceive from him that you have yet time enough to send it. He promises me I shall have in writing the course they take in the lottery.
I have been informed in this sort of the present affairs of Don Antonio, that M. Strozzi's ships and companies had joined Count Brissac's about the beginning of this month, of which Don Antonio being certified, he departed from Tours the Monday in 'Whitsunday week,' taking with him Count Vimioso and the rest of his Portuguese nobility, and his three friars. He embarked on the 15th, and departed next day, being Saturday, about 4 o'clock in the morning, with his whole fleet, 'compounded' of 60 sail, wherein were embarked about 2,000 men under Count Brissac and almost 4,000 commanded by M. Strozzi, besides 1,200 levied at the charges of Don Antonio, commanded by Don Antonio de Meneses. For three days they had prosperous winds and weather, but the winds have since been contrary to their landing in Portugal, which is Don Antonio's intention, if it please God; seeing he is very courageously hoping to do some exploit to the prejudice of King Philip. They left Belle Isle together. Don Antonio has taken with him as prisoners Roderigo de Souza and Fran, de Costa, who was lately sent to persuade him to come to some composition with King Philip. I hear King Philip has commanded the Marquis of Santa Cruz to draw near the coast of Galicia with his galleys.
The Moors in Africa begin to have a will to pass to their allies of their tribes in Spain.
Don Luis de Tayda, viceroy of the Portuguese Indies, has' carried himself constantly' towards Don Antonio, being his confident minister, upon consideration he sometime served the Infante Don Luis, father to Don Antonio.
I have been informed that this king and his mother have disbursed for this Portuguese exploit the sum of 300,000 crowns or more.
Don Antonio Brito Pimentel is left at Tours as Don Antonio's agent.
I wrote to Don Antonio concerning her Majesty's pleasure touching those English captains imprisoned at Tours, and the letter, I hear, was delivered to him. Now hearing of his departure, I have written to Antonio Brito entreating for their liberty, and trust they will be favourably dealt with.
Custodio Leitam is appointed by Don Antonio to repair into England to inform her Majesty of his proceeding, and so to pass into Flanders to hasten away the ships which are prepared there for these causes. This is as much as I have got intelligence of touching Don Antonio and his army.
Count Torres Vedras has lately advertised Don Antonio that he can spare him 2,000 shot, all men of the Terceiras, and yet be able with the rest to defend the Islands.
As concerning the cause of the marriage, I hear now no further speech of it, though on June 2 I wrote to M. Pinart, upon the message he delivered to my servant, that when the king pleased I was ready to declare so much touching it as I had received from her Majesty. To this 'purpose' I have received no answer, though he has satisfied me since on all the other contents of my letter which concerned the English merchants. I shall not forget to put him in mind of it.
The Queen Mother and her daughter of Navarre have been at 'Vellecotroy' [qy. Villers-Coterets] and Monceaux. They are this morning returned to the Tuileries, where they do not stay, but repair to Saint-Maur and so to Fontainebleau. The Queen Mother has put from her Faty, one of the maids of her bedchamber, a Greek born, who has long been nourished with her, and is married to one of her maîtres d'hôtel. This has happened for trading with the Spanish agent especially; but the ambassador of Venice has thereby lost a friend in Court. The queen has indeed been singularly well advised in this matter.
Madame de Carnavalet marries her daughter, as I hear, to M. de Chantonnay, nephew to Cardinal Granvelle, and her son likewise to a lady of the same lineage in the County of Burgundy.
M. de Rocheguyon is to marry Mlle Antoinette de Pons, the queen regnant's maid, of beauty and great good fame.
It is doubted lest the king's hard dealing with Marshal Montmorency and therewithal his partial grace shown to Duke Joyeuse favour [qy. father] will cause some trouble in Languedoc. Montmorency seems now to adhere to the King of Navarre, having solicited his nephew M. de Chatillon to 'run his fortune, 'which they of the Religion would be loth should happen. I recommend to you the consideration of this case.
M. Combelles is not in town. I will deliver your letter and chain to him or his brother at their coming. I have received from Signor Pallavicino the money for Mr Champernowne, but neither Mr Boyle nor Grimston can direct me how as yet to convey it.
I hear Signor Capponi and Landi have been with the Popes nuncio about the Italian prisoners remaining in England.—Paris, 27 June 1582.
Add. and Endt. gone. 4 pp. [Ibid. VII. 112.]
June 27. See Lettres de C. de M. viii. p. 388. 115. Cobham to Walsinoham.
I have thought good to send the enclosed note of Don Antonio's 'army,' with the captains' names. I am advertised that one of the greatest ships of those he had from England has been utterly burnt with all the men and munitions, 'through that the fire took in the gunpowder.' But Don Antonio de Meneses who was in the ship leapt, at the first perceiving of the fire, into the sea with three more, who alone were saved, as I learn from a credible person; who saw Don Antonio 'ashipboard' in M. Strozzi's ship.—Paris, 27 June 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Und, VII. 113.]
Enclosed in the last:
“State of the French fleet raised for the succour of Don Antonio, King of Portugal, which sailed from Belle Isle Roads 16 June 1582.”
M. Philippe Strozzi, commander-in-chief; Count Brissac, lieutenant to command in M. Strozzi's absence.
M. de Ste-Soleine, major-general, with 15 companies, viz., his own; M. de Borda, maréchal de camp, two; Captain Sauvat, one; Capt. Bazet, one; Capt Monsavran, one; Capt Guillon-ville, one; Capt. Fautrière, one; Capt. Brame, one; Capt. Favelles, one, which is that of Scalin; Capt. La Bare, one; Capt. Alexandre, one; Capt. La Valade,one; Capt. Antoine Sauget, one; Capt. du Rivan, one.
M. de Bur, major-general, with 9 companies, viz.: his own; Capt. Montmor, one; Capt. la Berge, one; Capt. du Dresnay, one; Capt. du Mesnil, one; Capt. Scavenac, one; Capt. Arman,one; Capt. Leure, one; Capt. du Plessis, one.
Companies coming with Count Brissac: M. de Beaumont, his lieutenant, two, of which Captains Ocagne and Porquet have charge; Capt. Dorival, who sails with the Count, one; Capt. Roquemoret, one; Capt.Thomas, one; Capt.Crinville, one; Capt. Maucomble, one; Capt. la Ralde, one, of 50 men.
There are 50 sail, namely 80 great ships and 20 pataches. There are sundry volunteers, and among others M. de Fumée, who has joined with 5 vessels, large and small, and 400 soldiers, under 5 captains, to wit, himself, Captains Goninville, la Valée, Thomas senior, and Hurtaut.
It is estimated that there are in the force more than 1,200 gentlemen, for there are companies in which there are 30 or 40, besides the volunteers, and the King of Portugal with his Constable and other lords and gentlemen of his suite.
In all 37 [sic] companies and 55 sail.
Besides 7 English vessels carrying French soldiers under Capt. Pardin, and another ship of war, named la Fargue, with her patache and barque, commanded by Capt. Antoine Scalin, who awaited the passage of the fleet at Sables d'Olonne, to join with 700 or 800 men.
It is estimated that when all are assembled there will be 5,000 fighting-men, for there are some companies of 200, besides sundry gentlemen, with more or fewer followers, who are following some of the lords abovementioned, for their own pleasure, and not without a place in the companies.
Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Ibid. VII. 114.]
June 27. 116. Summary, in the hand of Burghley's secretary, of the news conveyed in Cobham's letters of this date.
1¾ pp. [Ibid. VII. 115.]
June 27. 117. The King of Denmark to the Queen.
We are sending this our servant Robert Jacobi, lapidary, to your realm to buy there lapis Alabastrites which we want for our castle of Cronenborg, now in course of building, and see to the shipping of it across in any vessel which he may be able to get for the purpose. But whereas we hear that you have forbidden the exportation of that stone without your express leave, we have thought it right to ask you to grant our servant the necessary letters to buy without impediment and freely send over to us, without duty, so much as he may judge sufficient for the purpose in question.—Cronenborg, 27 June 1582. (Signed) Fredericus Rex.
Add. Endd. Latin. 1 p. [Denmark I. 15.]
June 28. 118. Herle to Walsingham.
I received yesterday from you a letter of the 24th inst. signifying the receipt of a packet of mine delivered you by the post. But there is another which you should have had since, by one Lieutenant Denys, unless he be too long stayed by the way. Your charge, that I should continue writing to you, shall be performed with the best diligence that I can use. If I may have your countenance here in some good manner, I will do her Majesty such service that she shall have cause indeed to thank you; for such is my poor credit and access that I can penetrate into their secrets, and have as many news, with reputation to decipher things, as any of my 'cote' may presume. If I were rich, she and you should 'perceive' in a larger sort.
I now send my servant on purpose to England, to procure some provision for my charges of those poor things I have there; by whom I also keep promise with you; for herewith you shall receive certain secret observations of mine, which I beseech you to commit to the fire when you have read them, and to attribute 'alonely' to my zeal borne to her Majesty's estate the roundness and simplicity that I use therein, without respect had to others. I have acquainted none therewith, but only my Lord of Leicester, and not sooner than now; and have not yet signified to him that which you are privy to, which therefore I commend to your discretion, whereon I repose myself.
I have sent her Majesty a 'platt' of Oudenarde, drawn exactly at large, and the country about it, with the breach that is made near the ravelin of 'Gawnteporte.' Neither the Duke nor the Prince 'have' the like plan, nor was any made by the governor, but the same by my own procurement, which is approved to be a very perfect one. It might please you to recommend it to her Majesty as a mite that is presented by a zealous poor servant of hers.
The state of the town at present is thus. They have beaten down the curtain, ravelin, and part of the gate aforesaid, on the north side, where in the plan you may see them enter to the assault; and have filled up the ditch along a great space, even to the point of their battery eastwards, with faggots brought from the wood under the hill on the south side of the town. They were 15 days filling up the ditch, by reason that the stream of the river, increased by the inundation, ran so swift that it carried the stuff away faster than it could be cast in; and until they with an extreme diligence had made an infinite number of bags of their tents, which being of 'gross dowlayes' and filled with earth were cast in, which suddenly raised a mighty wall that resisted the course of water, they could advance nothing. But then it was easy with faggots and rubbish to occupy the place; and make it a firm passage, between the 'argyne' of bags and the gate of the town. By reason of this, they brought their assault under cover of their trenches to the very breach, without danger from the ravelin, which is now won by them. Yet those within have so countertrenched the breach that the enemy has given over the hope of doing any more good there with his ordnance, and therefore leaves shooting and deals at the foot of the curtain by way of mine, to overthrow the gate and the wall along, to make passage that way, and to cut between the ravelin and the town. But to meet this, those within have made a great spacious half-moon, well flanked and draped (?) at the end of two large streets that meet before that gate, whereby they fear their mine the less, unless it should break inward undiscovered; nor do they fear the loss of the gate and ravelin, having thus provided for the worst, having by good hap detained two engineers within the town when the siege first began, who now may stand them in good stead.
The house that receives their waters and river, in nature of a sluice (marked with a yellow Roman T), is the preservation of the town, for thereby they overflow all the green pastures about—the river of Ghent staying also the river with them, causing it to swell upwards to the advantage of those of Oudenarde—which bars the enemy 'to' annoy them in more than two places, and so they are not 'subject' to disperse their guards, nor weary their people overmuch.
Within the water-house the Duchess of Parma's mother was born, daughter to a crossbow-maker that dwelt there. And where the water is reduced into a round pool, and 'written upon, Scheld f.' there is a house over against it, marked with the figure of 50, having three green trees before it within an 'harbour,' in which the duchess herself was born; who, for the favour she 'pretends' to her birth-place, sent them of Oudenarde three weeks ago a 'blank' to 'write upon' their own conditions, so they would surrender themselves to the king's government.
The first battery was at the foot of the hill and wood; by reason of the abundance of water, it became vain. To that wood and hill, since Mr Norris came to the camp, the Prince of Parma's horsemen have retired, who before 'lay at large.'
The enemy's camp continues within trenches, 3 English miles full [sic]. The prince himself lies among the 'Allemaynes,' lodged at the abbey with two steeples.
On Tuesday, Villiers, marshal of our camp, with 1,200 foot, of whom 400 were 'armed pikes' of our nation, marched under the cover of woods, well guided, till he 'made alto' within half a league of the enemy; and 'thence sending' Roger Williams with 80 English lances and a dozen argolettiers to discover the camp, he very valiantly charged the enemy's corps-de-garde, consisting of 3 cornets of Albanese, and chased them within pistol-shot of the Marquis of Risbourg's tents, where taking four brave prisoners, he returned in safety to Villiers, who should have seconded him with 300 Flemish lances, but he was so 'respective' [of his own safety, erased] that the Prince of Orange bade R. Williams, at his coming hither today, 'that' another time, if the other troops did not charge with him cheek by cheek, to suffer them to go on hardily themselves. The alarm was terrible in the enemy's camp, 'supposing' that our whole forces were come to charge them, which made a great confusion.
Our camp is to remove to the Castle of Gavre, nearer the enemy, and tomorrow the time expires 'that' Monsieur promised upon his honour to relieve Oudenarde, either by 'divertment' or by fighting with the enemy, and yet nothing done.
The enemy five days ago sent 22 cornets of horse into Artois, to observe the reiters.
We had an 'exploit' upon Armentieres, and upon Corttrick, whither Rochepot and Captain York were addressed, with 400 horse and 1,000 foot; but missed both places. At Cortrick they made three several scalados, and were repulsed with a loss of 150 men, of whom two were captains. Thus our 'divertments' have become vain, as at Aerschot also; for either the providence of the enemy is great, who sent horse and foot to assist these places, or our purposes by lightness discovered before we begin.
They have another enterprise at 'Bollduck' in hand, but it is followed by 'practice' rather than by surprise. It has been long a-managing, but nothing effected. And now they have sent 'Strall' the 'Amant' [qy. Amptman] within these four days, with one of the colonels of the town to do somewhat there 'of new,' who are not yet returned. In these terms stand we at present, for Oudenarde and other affairs; the duke having procured with much ado that the town has undertaken, yesterday, to furnish 6,000 guilders, and Flanders disburses 100,000, to muster therewith our whole camp, new bands as well as old, at Ghent, for the reiters are already paid, and to give them a month's pay, that we may know our forces, and consequently how to employ them.
Today is arrived here the Count of Mansfeldt, conductor of our reiters, greatly welcomed by Monsieur and the Prince. He came from his troops (who are 5 cornets, containing 1,500 horse, well filled with gentlemen) to Boulogne, and thence by ship to Dunkirk. His troops lie in Artois, accompanied by 800 French lances, 200 argolettiers, and 400 French horse, who came before into Cambrésis. There are also 3,000 'foot shot.' The footmen lie at Marquyon, a strong ground by reason of the marshes, and the horse at Arleux and l'Escluse, making daily incursions to the gates of Arras, spoiling and 'branscatting' the whole country. They are also attempting to win Vys [Vis-en-Artois], a place of strength within 2½ leagues of Arras, though it be not held pregnable without the cannon; which therefore is to amuse and divert the enemy.
Fervacques is by this come into Cambrésis, and brings his 'band of ordinance' with him and 500 horse, with the footmen of Normandy, accompanied by M. la Ferté. Also Laval is looked for daily with his troops at Cambray, being well onward in his way a-marching. For the Switzers that Monsieur should have, it seems that they are stayed by their Cantons at home, since the enterprise against Geneva was discovered.
The new forces that lie in Artois should take their journey, in their march hitherwards, by Beaumont, over the little river Scarpe to 'Ribbecourte' [Libercour] and to 'Mount en Pewle,' leaving Douay on the right hand and Lens on the left, proceeding to Pont-à-Bouvines, to Neuville and Hallewyn, and so to 'Mennyng,' upon Lys, a town of our own; a fair ready way, without impeachment of rivers or strong places, yet leaving Lille two leagues on the left hand. From Meenen is but 7 leagues to Oudenarde, and 10 to Ghent. But the sure way hither is by Ypres, Dixmude, and Nieuwport, and then along the seaside to Bruges etc. It is thought that the Prince of Parma's horse, joined with the garrisons of Artois, will either fight with the reiters, or 'coste' them, to take some advantage.
The French king's promise for the shutting up of the passages of Mézières and Calais is not performed, which discourages those of Holland and Zealand, and breeds great languishing to these affairs. Sundry Frenchmen come to Monsieur daily, and depart as they come (like the humour of that nation), which they account here but entertainments, and thereby mistrust the rest of the French assurances, both for the contribution that the king hath promised, and for the aid of his 'bands of ordinance' etc. Whereof we conclude that his favourites, and some more secret cause, lead him, more than judgement or regard of his outward composition does. It is excused, notwithstanding, that the king defers things for the best, and may not discover himself before he have planted forces in Burgund, which are 'ascending' thither, they say, to 'preoccupate' plans of defence before the Spaniards and Italians come that way. Passage is demanded of the Duke of Lorraine for these Spaniards and Italians to march through his country, but nothing granted as yet. At Cologne huge preparation is made of munition and arms for the Prince of Parma; and those of the Religion there demand of their 'magistrate' public places for the exercise of their religion. If it be denied, they will be strong enough shortly to urge it.
The means to have money here for the maintenance of the wars, and for the 'answering' of the contributions promised by the States-General, grows harder and harder. Some begin to accuse the ill choice of officers that this Council of State has established in the finances. [Note: The Council of State, by an agreement between the duke and the States-General, are changed every six months]; and that unless the husbandmen be defended from the enemy, and rid from the soldiers that are lodged upon them, the towns only are not able to bear the burden of these principal contributions. And withal by the departure of Mr Norris from Guelder-land, that whole country is like truly to be lost; for Verdugo's forces are increased, and the nobility of Guelderland ill devoted to this State, and 'do urge' the Religions vrede; besides that he who is once master of the field there, commands the towns in like manner. It will be a great wound to this State, and a maim in their finances. There are other piques and inward jealousies that begin to rise in this town and elsewhere, whereof you shall shortly hear more. And if Oudenarde withal be not succoured in time, both Monsieur and the Prince will taste of a strange alteration. It is hoped that Monsieur's soliciting in England for money will prevail, for so we are borne in hand. To this all men have their eyes bent, as to a sacred refuge. They urge marriage withal, but money is the chief errand they would have. Monsieur would send over to her Majesty a present of tapestry (which I have seen), to the value of 18,000 guilders; but he would have some good enterprise succeed first, to recommend his present the more.
Du Plessis had his dispatch yesterday for his journey to this Imperial Diet, being first directed to the Duke of Bouillon; who [sc. du Plessis] is principal commissioner for Monsieur, to negotiate at the said Diet for him and the causes of these Provinces United. (One part of his instructions is to confirm these two 'Critzes' [Kreise] or circles of Low Countries, under the obeysance of the Empire, in all duties and rights, and then to demand the duke's investiture as a prince of the Empire. The rest is the justification of the States; which I am promised with the other articles the week it comes in. Yet by letters from great personages of Germany, it cannot be perceived that there is any certainty of the time when the Diet will begin.
Sainte-Aldegonde is returned from Zealand, and his 'Tysyck' continues.
Col. Stewart was to have departed a se'nnight since to Batemburg, and thence back to 'Camphine' [gy. Kampen] to take ship into Scotland. But a warrant of Monsieur's whereby he should have received 10,000 guilders has been deferred in the payment, which may stay him here longer than he would. He should return hither with 600 or 700 soldiers; but there is some special matter in handling besides, from the Duke and the Prince, by him with the Scottish king, whereof please have good regard; for Stewart is a creature of d'Aubigny's, a 'favour' of the House of Guise, grounding his master's greatest interests upon that family, if his title in England shall be either quarrelled with or delayed. To conclude, he is French in affection, and scarce lukewarm in religion, whereof I can tell you more when you shall please to hear particularly so mean a one as I am.
In the meantime I am glad that our men among others will have some training here against all events that might happen at home. I assure you that Mr Norris is a person of great sufficience for his years, and of singular judgement and silence withal; being much humbled and reformed since the loss of the battle in Friesland. Yet Monsieur intends not, either for his merits, or for what the Queen has written earnestly in his favour, to 'continue' him any other title of honour or prorogation than that of colonel over the English regiments, so that the name of General, or Campmaster, must cease.
Colonel Morgan also has the reputation of assured experience in martial affairs, very honest, and of as much 'value' as may be joined with counsel. You may please to take some occasion to let them understand that they are beholden to me and that there is account made both of my speeches and person, which may serve as matter hereafter to do good in, as well for my countrymen as for my further credit, wherein you will receive some service also; which I commend to your good consideration and favour, especially to cherish this nursery of soldiers that be here, a number truly of proper valiant men as may be seen.
The colonels of the new regiments and the old are partly 'qualified' and reconciled; but there are bad instruments among them that enkindle new matter daily, which the folly of the one side cannot eschew. I have done good office therein, though I be hardly rewarded of some.
The new English soldiers of Mr North's regiment and Mr Cotton's, having neither money nor meat at St. Bernard's, where they were put into an empty place, and not allowed any other quarter, have now mutinied and taken prisoners and spoils, which breeds much ado. Mr Norris's new bands and Col. Morgan's are well provided for.
Don Antonio's declarations now published here tend ('in' imitating those heretofore of Zealand and Holland) to make profit by selling licences to merchants that traffic into Spain, of what country soever; who, purchasing their surety this way, are borne in hand to be well protected. But this 'proves not in sequel' that many become buyers of these licences, notwithstanding those great assurances 'pretended'; but rather it has discredited Don Antonio's actions, which they suppose will be now converted into piracy or 'imposture.' Hereupon is risen a speech that this declaration had 'his' birth here and not at Tours, and that Villiers the preacher's counsel was therein, who being well paid for his labour designed and fashioned the declaration to the shape it is of. Don Antonio's navy threatens to meet the West Indies fleet returning in August.
Advertisement is even now come to Monsieur that those of the castle of Lalaing lately submitted to his government have procured those of Douay to follow their example; who, it is said, upon certain conditions of their liberties and reservations of their religion, have ranged themselves also under Monsieur. But this is doubtful, both because 'Chartyers' is .the instrument to speed it, who has given out other untrue things heretofore, and because it carries neither likelihood nor necessity; 'being' a vehement papistical town. But I fear me rather there is some present danger impending to Oudenarde, which they will ('in' following a common ruse used here) 'counter prise' within [sic] such news of six days' continuance, to cancel or qualify such loss. And I fear me further that the enemy at Oudenarde may have some secret mine, beside that which is 'pretended' outwardly, to lead him into the inward parts of the town, whence he may surprise it by a sally when he sees his time.
Those of 'Vyllford' are not yet reconciled, which is a great contempt of authority, and a danger withal.
At Brussels there is great stir about the Religion vrede and the town divided. They have sent a couple hither to solicit Monsieur roundly to grant them their churches; who were attending upon Chartier (a fit instrument to maintain these divisions) for their answer, when suddenly the Councils of this town apprehended them, and sent them prisoners to Brussels. Other insolences are committed daily, with small regard of the duke, or of the majesty of justice.—Antwerp, 28 June 1582.
Add. Endd. 7½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 44.]
June 28. 119. John Norms to Walsingham.
I have lately received two letters from you. One concerned Mr North, who having at my return to Antwerp satisfied me with better terms of those injurious words he gave out against me, I am therefore content friendly to entertain him; the rather at your and my Lord of Leicester's most earnest 'shuot' [qy. suit] and the good mediation of Mr 'Knowels.' The other was on behalf of Mr Fitzwilliams, with whom you shall well perceive I will deal according to equity and justice, and satisfy in right to the uttermost; always provided that those gentlemen and soldiers who served under his brother may also have their right, having none to claim it of but me, and deserving it for their service rather than those who coming over make claim to be heirs to such commodities for which they never ventured. Howsoever you may be informed in such matters, I will be always accountable to you to give every man his right, and wholly remit myself to your direction and judgement.
M. de 'Famma,' Governor of 'Mackling,' should have surprised Aerschot; but as it is thought for want of good directions, some entering the town, the rest not following, the enterprise failed, to the loss of some of our men. We have some hopes to relieve Oudenarde, if Fervacques with the French troops and Count Mansfeldt with his reiters come in any good time.—Antwerp, 28 June 1582.
Holograph (?). Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XVI. 46.]
June 28. 120. John Norms to Walsingham.
After sealing up my other letter, I bethought me of a matter wherein I beseech you to give me your advice. In our service at the camp, I perceive his Highness means to give the command to M. de Rochepot, and M. de Villiers to be 'Marshal of the field.' And since I have served longer in these countries than they, and in a place of charge since my coming, I cannot but think it against my credit to be commanded by any of them. Yet for all that, I will readily follow such course herein as it shall please you to direct me; beseeching you to send me your advice by the next convenient messenger, and in the mean season I will so temporise in .this matter that I shall be fit to follow your direction.
Not long since I sent you a mare of this country; and as at the first there was a fault in the messenger, who delivered her to my father, so now 1 am lately given to understand that there is another error, because the mare is sent to my lord of Leicester, contrary to my first direction. I mean by my next to signify the same to him. —Antwerp, 28 June 1582.
Add. Endd.: Mr John Norris, precedency. 1 p. [Ibid, XVI. 45.]
June 28. 121. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
I thank you for accepting of my writing to you, as I find by yours of the 23rd inst. received by the post. I will not fail to use it with diligence as occasion shall be offered.
There is little alteration in the proceedings here since mine of the 23rd; only the news of Aerschot was believed here a little too soon, for although the town was gained, yet the enemy having retired into the church, being the strongest place in the town, issued out soon after, and finding the States' companies earnest at the spoil, caused them to forsake the place and retire, not without the loss of 10 and 12 of the States' best soldiers.
Last Sunday, the 24th, the States of Brabant presented Monsieur with a benevolence of 50,000 guilders, which he accepted thankfully, saying he would immediately send it to his soldiers in the camp.
The English companies will tomorrow receive some pay and depart to the camp, where it is thought the whole forces will have a general muster a fortnight hence, and then be presently employed for the relief of Oudenard, upon the arrival of the French forces, which are said to be 'sometimes' about Cambray, Saint-Quentin, and Crèvecoeur in Picardy, but are so long in coming that the wiser sort do not look for them yet. Many things are given out to satisfy the common people; one, the approach of these French forces, Monsieur's going to the camp in person, the taking of Cortrick and Armentieres (which proved false the next morning), the good estate of Oudenarde to hold out against the enemy for many days, and such like, because the people will be much discontented with his loss of that town, and impute it chiefly to Monsieur's careless security. At least something must be done for a show of rescue of the place; for the people say already, how shall other places dare to withstand the enemy, finding themselves devoid of all succour and relief abroad, when they happen to be besieged ?—Antwerp, 28 June 1582.
Add, Endd. l¼ pp. [Ibid. XVI. 47.] (In hand of Audley Danett, as is the last.)
June 28. 122. Cobham to Walsingham.
I have been advertised that the king has 'received knowledge' from M. Mandelot and his colleagues that the Swiss are loth to renew their league with him, till they see he will effectively aid Geneva, which he has taken into his protection; whereupon M. Mandelot has sent back to Lyons the king's money which should have been paid to the Swiss, and the French commissioners, I mean Mandelot, Hautefort, and Fleury, are returning with nothing concluded.
I have been further advertised that the Duke of Savoy is reinforcing his army, and now by letters from Milan it is certified that there have repaired into that duchy about 2,500 horse from the kingdom of Naples and the Pope's territory, and about 4,000 Italian foot, who 'pretend' to take the way into Franche Comté and La Bresse; whereon it is suspected they of Geneva will be put to great pain, if this king deal not well by them.
Within this fortnight sundry express couriers have come to the ambassador of Savoy resident in this Court, on which he has pressed very much to have access to the king, but hitherto has not obtained it.
The ambassador of Venice has received such a dispatch that he seeks by all means to be admitted to the king's presence.
The king has desired his princes and marshals, and other chief personages, to repair to Fontainebleau; where I am informed he intends to receive their opinions and advice for the course he has to take in these great causes now on foot: his brother's action in the Low Countries; the enterprise of Don Antonio, with his mother's title to the kingdoms of Portugal; and the affairs of the Swiss, together with the Duke of Savoy's invasion and forcing of Geneva; all which are causes of high moment to this realm, whereon depend many other matters of great consequence belonging to this Crown.
M. Gondi is now come to me, to let me know that the king intends to be at Fontainebleau about the end of this month, and that I may have access to him on July 3. So I purpose to be at Court that day to perform the commands you sent me from her Majesty.—Paris, 28 June 1582.
P.S.—The Duke of Savoy has summoned all his knights of San Lazzaro to serve him against Geneva. Signor Carlo Muti has left Rome with many gentlemen-adventurers for that service.
Add. Endd. 2¼ pp. [France VII. 116.]
June 29. 123. Thomas Longston to Walsingham.
Since mine of the 16th I have not dealt at all with any chief magistrates touching the money required for her Majesty, nor heard anything from them in that respect till this evening, when Paul Auradt came to me in this house, and told me that he and other of their merchants here had attended these last four or five days to have audience of their magistrates; who today have at full heard their griefs and the loss likely to grow to them in England by reason contentment is not given to her Majesty as it was meet. In the end the fault being laid upon their pensionary Van der Werke, who then was absent, it was. agreed that they should return on Monday next, when also Van der Werke would be present, and then this cause should be so dealt in for her satisfaction, that their merchants shall have no cause to be aggrieved, nor to fear any loss in this respect; which I rather wish than look for, but I told Paul I would signify his endeavour and diligence herein.
I have had regard this week to learn what goods of value have been laden here by their merchants for England, but cannot see what might serve the turn. Nor shall I see it here competently, for besides their cunning, they have means here to prevent and 'lay open' any that shall seek to effect ought that way. But I suppose the value of their goods in each ship may best be learnt at the hands of Mr Smyth, customer in London, with whom they enter the quantity and quality of their goods.—Antwerp, 29 June 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 48.]
June 30. 124. Etienne Lesieur to Walsingham.
On the 23rd I wrote to you from Dordrecht what I had up to then, since my leaving the Prince of Parma, negotiated touching Mr Rogers. I hope that my letter was safely delivered. Among other things I sent word to you in it of the sum of Mr Rogers's expenses, amounting tó about £900 sterling; of which I hope in two or three days to send you the details. In my last I besought you to let me have a reply thereon, which I again request; and that I may be able in future to regulate myself according to your commands. I also beg you to consider that at my departure on Feb. 14 last, by your means £30 were handed to me, which is very little for such a journey. It has cost me a good deal more, and will cost me, if I have to pursue it.—Antwerp, last of June 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 49.]
June 30. 125. Du Plessis-Mornay to Walsingham.
I have received your letter, and thank you for the news you impart. Here we have nothing for the present but the siege of Oudenarde, which his Highness will try to succour, and to that effect is, awaiting his army from France. His reputation in this country is much at stake.
The King of Navarre is at Saint-Jean-d'Angely, for the assembly of the Churches, with a view to the consolidating of the peace. I am writing some details of the embarkation, which you will learn, if you please, from M. d'Auquerque. When there is more to say, I will write more at length.—Antwerp, last of June 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. XVI. 50.]
June 30. 126. Fremys to Walsingham.
I wrote to you last a week ago. What is going on in those countries is that the enemy is still before Oudenarde and is employing all his powers to reach the rampart of the town by sap. He has managed to get as far as one gateway, where he is sapping. Those of the town have made a strong entrenchment in rear, of half-moon shape, with two platforms, being well determined to defend themselves. The enemy fires little, hut uses all his energy in trenches, pontoons, fascines, gabions, and other similar things, to attain his object, if he can, and if he is not soon hindered by his Highness's forces, who arc advancing well. The reiters are 3 or 4 leagues this side Cambray, and are doing the worst they can in Artois, awaiting the other forces from France. These are advancing from the region [cartier] of Anjou as well as from Normandy; besides 7 cornets and three regiments of French foot, who are near Douay. There is an opinion that that town is at his Highness's devotion, as well as Bouchain, and others that are being practised. M. de la Rochepot had an enterprise in Courtray, to surprise it. He went there with 500 horse and 1,000 foot, whom he took from the camp, and added some infantry from Bruges and Meenen as he passed that way, making a great round to arrive where he intended. Nothing came of it, inasmuch as the enemy was advertised of it; and in giving a eamisade to Courtray at 3 in the morning, our people got a good dressing, for the enemy was quietly (à pied coy) waiting there for them, and we lost some good men very inopportunely. Thus a retreat was made. In this direction our people had an enterprise on Aerschot, which also failed. Our men having got some way into the town were turned out for lack of leading.
As for our camp near Ghent, it is still there, in poverty and misery, without money or victuals. It is said they will be mustered next week and have one month's pay, in order afterwards to strike camp and go nearer to the enemy, who always keeps close and fixed in his camp. Whatever excursions and ambuscades we give them, right up to their trenches, they never move, unless they see some great opportunity to their advantage. We capture their foragers, and they ours. That is how all goes on so far in the camp.
Count Mansfeldt, commander of his Highness's reiters, arrived in this town four days ago. His Highness welcomed him well, and had him honourably served by his officers at his lodging. He will soon set out towards his reiters, to carry out the intention of his Highness.
M. du Plessis has not yet started for the Diet. M. de Bouillon is to be of the party, for his Highness's service. The journey is delayed, inasmuch as the Emperor and princes are long in arriving at Augsburg. This delay is very displeasing to M. du Plessis. It is some days since his Highness made him draw up a memorandum for the journey. It seems that they are awaiting the meeting of the States-General, which is to be at the beginning of July, in order to settle the resolution upon it. Everything goes slowly.
There is a doctor here, come on behalf of the Bishop of Liége. He had addressed the letters 'To the Duke of Brabant,' inasmuch as when heretofore he put on the superscription 'To the Duke of Anjou,' they sent them back, saying they were not addressed to his Highness; so he has now corrected it.
This doctor is come to complain of the raids which our soldiers make on the bishop's territory, and of their ill-treatment done to the people in the villages where they pass and other such things.
There is also here a Scotchman called 'Gutray' [Goodriche], a military commissary in Scotland, sent by the King of Scots to congratulate Monsieur on his new promotion to the lordship of their countries. He is from St. Johnston, and is partly sent also about the matter of Col. Stewart, who sent in all haste to Scotland, when he was ordered to confine himself to his quarters, for the quarrel between himself and his captains. He is still there, in a good deal of a fix (embrouillé). He is soon to start for Scotland, and marry Mme de Batemburg on his way. The Duke of Lennox desires him to go to Scotland.
For the rest, his Excellency and his Highness are in good health, thank God. The Duke of Montpensier has sent to ask for one of his Excellency's daughters, who has granted it, and sent him the fifth. Things do not yet go as it surely is requisite in these parts. May God of His grace preserve His people against the devil and His enemies.—Antwerp, last of June 1582.
P.S.—M. des Pruneaux is writing to M, de Bacqueville. Please forward it.
Mr Norris is at the camp; Cotton's and North's companies are still at St. Bernard.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 51.]
June 30. 127. Walsingham to Cobham.
M. Bacqueville has exhibited a complaint to her Majesty of some wrong which he pretends to have been done him by an English merchant-ship in rescuing a Portugal prize from a man-of-war 'whom' his brother and he had 'set forth' to sea; and demands that satisfaction be made by the merchants for the loss he has sustained thereby. Whereupon, her Majesty having caused the matter to be looked into, it has been found by the examination of the master and mariners of the English ship, and by the opinion of the learned in the civil law here, that M. Bacqueville has no reason on which to ground his demand, which he has accordingly been given to understand, and nothing has been omitted that might tend to persuade the gentleman that indeed he can in no way think himself wronged if what he desires is not yielded to. Nevertheless, not resting satisfied herewith, it would appear he is procuring his own satisfaction, or rather revenge for it, at home, for a brother of his called 'Armeville,' as you may see by the enclosed note, has 'set forth' a ship and two pinnaces, with which he has already spoiled certain English ships in the narrow seas, a means to do the like to as many as he is able to master passing that way, until some present order be taken with him in that disordered course.
To charge Bacqueville here, and seek redress at his hands for these spoils committed upon her Majesty's subjects, it is thought would be to little purpose, for it is very likely he would disavow his brother's doings. Therefore her Majesty's pleasure is you should complain directly to the king of this great disorder and injury done to her subjects, letting him understand that M. Bacqueville has here been answered with reason; (for which purpose I send you a copy of the case set down by the lawyers themselves, that you may if need be show it them there); and request the king to direct letters forthwith to his governor in Normandy that they may not fail to take order forthwith for the repressing of Armeville. Otherwise, if their private revenges be suffered, there will of necessity another revenge be made of them; whereof may follow some greater inconvenience than will be easily remedied.
And since the matter requires great expedition, her Majesty's pleasure is you should not stay for audience, but write to M. Pinart to move the king in it, and desire redress with all possible speed.— Ult' Junii1582.
Draft in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. 1 p. [France VII. 117.]
June ? 128. Marchaumont to [Walsingham].
The fear I had of distracting [? destourner] you makes me write to beg you to take an opportunity of speaking to the Queen about Monsieur's affairs, and the conversations I had with the Lord Treasurer and yourself; because you then told me that by your advices from Flanders you learnt that great levies had begun to be made in all the town, and that his Highness would soon touch a large sum. By an answer I had three days ago, this is not the case; because his Highness, as he writes, being assured of the Queen's promise, was unwilling in this levy, which is being made per head, to use any violence, but rather to bide his time, which cannot be very soon. The Queen may believe that if his Highness could get it elsewhere, seeing the little pleasure which she has in lending, and if he was not founding himself on her, he would never have written or spoken of it, and I should very willingly have abstained therefrom. I am much grieved that this commission has fallen to me; I wish it had dropped into the hands of another. My master lays all the blame on me, it being impossible for him to doubt the Queen, and being assured that if one has her, one has you gentlemen also.
I have been diligent in showing you the truth, which is clear enough to you, that the Queen and he would be out of trouble and free from further importuning, if she satisfies what remains. Before the first which she so willingly gave him, she was bound neither by word nor by signature. Now her servants, remembering what has passed, have to consider her honour and the interests of her state, and not hide the truth from her. They will find that even if she were not bound by these conditions, the loan of the sum aforesaid would be very profitable to her for reasons too long to set out, and which you see very clearly. You will remember what I have so often alleged to her Majesty and both of you; the friendship and suit which for five years has been such and so constant that it has no second; her Majesty's inviolable promises, her signature and that of the Lord Treasurer; and the assurance of the degree of ruin brought on his affairs by the delay or slow execution of the promise. Her Majesty will, if she pleases, herself examine, if you, sir, will remind her, all that has passed, which, as you know better than I, to argue [? estriver] against her is not permitted me, as I wrote you—on account of the place which you hold and your having negotiated by her command. You have always [qy. done so] as one desirous to preserve the friendship of these two princes, most useful to their states, and to render it inviolable—the true way to maintain this peace in her realm, and to close the road of her injury to her enemies, who will by no means lose the opportunity, being such that they have little to lose and much to gain. If she does not believe it she is being deceived and betrayed. If the peace that they would persuade her to make in Flanders be not entirely to the hurt of her state she will, if she favours this peace, in a very short time see the eggs of strange practices against her hatched out. The King of Spain with Flanders and Portugal off his hands will be very glad to pay usury for the displeasure he has received and exercise the vengeance which he has long been ruminating in his heart (remache en son courage), if he does not take a part under hand in favouring the designs of the King of Scotland and his partisans and relations in France. They will not lack men to to favour the rebels in Ireland; the Pope will not forget that.
His Highness sends me word that a great part of his forces, already arrived, do not march for want of pay. His reiters are close to Cambray; time is running on and the month going forward without anything being effected. The delay, apart from the loss of time, will cost him near 100,000 crowns. I am sure the Queen loves him so much that she will be grieved if for lack of this he receives some irreparable annoyance, as he certainly will do if he is not promptly succoured. The injury too will touch her as well as him. Monsieur is very indignant with the Lord Treasurer for wishing the Queen to fail in what she has promised and for saying that for considerations of State no regard ought to be had of signature or seal, but only of that which is expedient for the state; and will never believe that this emanates from the Queen. He sends me a long letter about it, and wishes for a final resolution. To let him have it some time hence will not be of as much convenience to him by a long way. For four months, to my great regret, the matter has been dragging on. If she is quite willing, let her be pleased to take the trouble of sending word by letter to his Highness, who sends me word she writes that she will never abandon him. This does not agree. When she lets him know her will in such sort, his Highness will build upon it as he shall see most expedient, and I shall cease to importune; even though her failure will affect her interests more than his. Forgive me if I say that I have seen some of these good managers, who through saving the cost of a tile on their houses, or a stone in the foundation, have in less than no time lost their whole building.
Please explain this fact a little to the Queen; not in the awkward fashion in which I am writing to you, but in good language as your wont is. I conjure you by the zeal and affection you have to her service, more than to your own life, to enable her to recognise the truth, and take it all in good part from her 'monk' who is very devoted to her service; humbly beseeching her to remember hereafter what I have written to her. It concerns you, sir, to tell her. Prompt pleasure is double; that which has to be extracted by force brings neither advantage nor satisfaction. For this reason she absolutely ought to send word, that his Highness may no longer, contrary to his custom and unsuitably to his quality, have to beg for what is so little in respect of her and him, and much just now for their common expediency and for prompt succour. My pen would say more; your own affairs, as well as ours, speak for his Highness on this occasion. (Signed) P. Clausse.
P.S.—You will not have regard to the letter, but the substance, using it if you please.
Holograph. Endd. Several phrases underlined in pencil. Fr. 3 pp. [France VII. 118.]
June. 129. The Merchants Of Rouen to la Mothe-Fenelon.
Pierre Chamberland, Thomas Legendre, and their partners, merchants of Rouen, humbly represent to you that in the year 1578 they caused to be imprisoned and put in the.custody of Gaspard Swift, sergeant of the Admiralty in England, one 'Courdtherkelm-berch' ['Court Hellebourg' in Dom. clxxxi. No. 83] dwelling in the Isle of Wight, on account of 5 ships and their goods appertaining to your petitioners taken by him at sea in the year 1576. On June 8 in the year 1578 he was incontinently taken from prison for the service of the Queen of England by the Lord [Charles] Howard, Knight of the Garter, who was then on his way to Ireland, and who on that day promised to bring him up again in the Admiralty Court 30 days after his return from sea. Since his return Lord Howard has many times been asked to fulfil his promise, and to this end several requests have been presented, to which they have had no answer, though the time has expired these four years. Your petitioners are therefore constrained to have recourse to you, begging you in pursuance of the instructions you have from his Majesty to pray the Lords of the Council and Lord Howard in our favour, to the end that 'Courtherkelmberch' may be replaced in Swift's custody as he was before his enlargement. By so doing you will not only follow the king's will, but bind us to pray God for you.
Endd. Fr. Broadsheet. [France VII. 120 bis.]
June. 130. The Embassy to Denmark.
(1) The Queen to the King of Denmark.—Letter of credence for Peregrine, Baron of 'Willibye and Ersbye' [sic] and Gilbert Dethick, knight, King of Arms, commissioned to invest the king with the Order of the Garter.
(2) Letters patent, appointing the above-named ambassadors for the purpose.
(8) The Queen to the Queen of Denmark.—Letter commending Lord Willoughby, who will tell her the news from England.
(4) Safe-conduct for the ambassadors.
—Greenwich, June 1582.
Drafts in hand of L. Tomsom, and endd. by him. Latin. 3½ pp. [Denmark I. 16.]
June. 131. Copies of the above in hand of 1700 or thereabouts. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 16a.]
June ? 132. Strozzi's Expedition.
M. de Strozzi desiring to make the voyage you wot of, begs the Queen to send with him as many vessels as she may think good. If the fleet she sends be a strong one the intended end will be more readily attained. She may commission any of her subjects she pleases to command these vessels, whether in chief, or as lieutenant; as she thinks best. Her Majesty will, if she pleases, declare what share she claims in any conquests that may be made, and M. de Strozzi will make no difficulty. Prizes and plunder to be shared according to the custom of the sea [mayr]
Endd.: Offers to her Majesty by Strosse. Fr. ½ p. [France VII. 119.]
June? 133. Cobham to [? Walsingham].
I have been requested by Don Antonio that her Majesty might be moved to favour his cause so much that he might have 2,000 English soldiers; who he desires may be paid for 6 months, with ships victualled for one month; through which he would hope to find himself 'well in possibility' with the succours of France, if he shall not otherwise become persuaded by Queen Mother to employ himself. He desires greatly to be satisfied therein, and to hear tell her good liking of bis demand and intention.
Endd.: Sir H. Cobham. Deciphered. ½ p. [France VII. 120.]
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