Elizabeth: July 1582, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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'Elizabeth: July 1582, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582, (London, 1909) pp. 188-207. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp188-207 [accessed 26 April 2024]

July 1582, 26–31

July 26. 187. Cobham to Walsingham.
You may have heard how Capt. Perdin has started from beside Rochelle with almost 1,000 soldiers, embarked in 8 ships, with two other ships freighted with munitions and victuals, 'left behind' Don Antonio, which have taken their courses towards the Terceras.
Antonio de Meneses has remained hurt and sick at Rochelle, and is not yet fully recovered. He is to depart with his 300 men from Rochelle in two or three ships, as I am informed by one of Don Antonio's gentlemen left about his affairs. Otherwise there is no certain news of any act done by Don Antonio, but sundry bruits of little 'eficair'.
They of Rochelle, now that they find Don Antonio's proceedings to be directed against King Philip, offer him ships, victuals, and munition.
In the beginning of last week, there passed at Sanseres [qy. Sancerre] 4,000 Gascons, who hasten towards Monsieur.
The troops of M. Laval and the Viscount Rochefoucauld have passed into Picardy, with 200 horse besides their foot; of whom I hear no certain news.
Advertisements have come to the king that the King of Sweden is dead.
I enclose herewith advertisements from sundry places.—Paris, 26 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France VII. 140.]
July 26. 188. Cobham to Walsingham.
I have dealt very earnestly by all the convenient means I could use to advance the obtaining favourable means in behalf of the merchants' ships stayed at Malta, as you will find by the copies I will send you by the next; having 'enforced' myself, that the merchants might perceive your recommendation has had power on me and on my will.
The Rouen merchants, Hopton and Morris, are delivered from Rouen, where their lives were in danger.
I have 'dealt by means' with John Gower, offering to deliver him and succour his miserable estate with all things he shall need. As yet he shows rather to have a will to obey their clergy and discipline, but I shall not so leave him.
One of Count Roquendolfe's servants is apprehended at Fontaine-bleau for carrying a dag charged. He has been examined, because it was doubted he had an intention to murder the king; but as yet the young fellow stands stoutly to the denial. He is a scholar, perhaps a Jesuit.
The king has, as I hear, given the Duke of Matpensier the duchy of Chatellerault in recompense for his government of Britanny; and the Duchess of Chatellerault, the king's bastard sister, has the duchy of Angouleme assigned her, and the Duke of Mercoeur the government of Britanny.
The Queen Mother has granted the Queen of Navarre the duchy of Valois, which she had both in dowry and 'jointer.'
I return, by this bearer my servant Jackson, Mr Phillips's dispatch, for I sent him with it to Bourges to Mr Phillips. I leave the consideration of the costs of his journey to you, if you please.— Paris, 26 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France VII. 141.
July 26. 189. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
Since my last of the 23rd, sent by the Dutch post, the enemy was before Meenen, and sent to summon the town; but after he had hovered about there two or three days he went towards Ypres, but stayed not long there, but went to a place called 'Poperen,' where he remains to refresh his army, the country thereabouts being very fertile, and as is yet supposed, will stay there the coming of the French forces, which he will encounter, if he find his advantage. It is given out that those forces will arrive here shortly, but the best believe they cannot be here this month; and therefore whatever is given out of a general muster and a pay to be had presently, to stay the camp, which by reason of their intolerable misery is greatly discontented, I do not think they will receive any relief before the whole forces are arrived. It is commonly talked that very lately money has been furnished 'by 10 out of 27, and by 81 out of 25'; but I think it is to continue a hope of pay, because they disband out of the camp, and the numbers decrease daily.
The matter of Salcède, mentioned in my last, has since been thoroughly examined; the process and depositions are sent to 12, and 30 vehemently suspected of the practice; which was to have taken away his Highness and the Prince by slaughter or by poison, or finding himself strong with his regiment which he was to 'erect,' by 4,000 crowns which he was to receive of the Prince of Parma, to have carried them both to the enemy. The Count of Egmont is still prisoner in his lodging, having a gentleman of credit belonging to the prince, and 6 of his guard to attend upon him. He is deep in this conspiracy, as it is said, especially touching the prince, and therefore I think it will be hard with him.—Bruges, 26 July 1582.
Add. Endd, by Walsingham. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 79.]
July 26 [or 27] 190. Thomas Morgan to Walsingham.
I requested Mr Stookes to advertise you of the misfortune that chanced amongst the 11 'ancients' that came out of Friesland. The departure of them this gentleman the bearer hereof can inform you, of the truth of their pitiful departure, 'and most vemently did exclaim against the general.' But who put it into their heads God knows, but whom the fault is in I 'knows' not. I have brought those few men into the camp, but yet marvellously 'discont' and 'daily doth run away to the enemy.' Truly since my departure from these companies, I find them the [most] disordered men that ever I saw in my life. You will please to understand that I have taken as great pains in the behalf of the general as ever any gentleman could do, and he never gave me thanks at my coming to him for all the pains I have taken for the maintaining of his honour. There is unkindness fallen out between us, by reason of certain words, as Mr 'Knowelles' 'should' tell me; which words were these, saying that he would write to England that he owed neither captain nor officer any money, which I utterly deny, for he owes me a great piece of money, that I have ventured my life for, and that he has received for my pay. This I beseech you to countenance me in, that I have ventured my life and goods, for truly, if it please you, in my opinion there was never a greater disorder or discredit to our nation than has fallen out at this time. The soldier exclaims on the general, the general finds fault with the captain; but 'who' the fault is, I know not, But I doubt not but the truth will be known one day, and I for my part will seek it out to the uttermost. I beseech you to confer with this bearer, who was with me among them, and he himself was once like to have been slain by them. He will 'show you of' all their proceedings.
I received your letter touching Mr Carleil, 'which' I am very well contented with anything that is your pleasure. But truly I have had great wrong.
Concerning the news here,—we have had intelligence as this present day that the enemy is come down very strongly, and lie about Ypres and Poperingo, which is not above three leagues of our camp. We lie very strongly between two waters, and begin to entrench ourselves upon the weakest places. We are not in the camp of fighting-men, horse and foot, above 7,000; and they come away daily, of all nations. When the enemy comes nearer, I fear they will go away faster.—From the camp by Dunkirk, 27 July 1582.
Add. Endd.: 'July 26.' 3 pp. [Holl. & Fl. XVI. 80.]
July 26. 191. Roger Williams to Walsingham.
I was ashamed to write to you touching the mutiny and am loath to do it; but seeing Mr Norris goes about to condemn his captains generally without excepting, perforce I think myself greatly injured. Coming from Gelder, at the passage of Wier (?) by Utrecht he left me with the three cornets to pass 'for' Flanders. I waited for him till I met him at Antwerp. I passed with such diligence to the camp by Ghent that 'Ulltes,' Excellence, States gave me thanks, without losing 'none.' It is well known to the best here (?) that the footmen were resolutely bent at that passage to stay for 'contentation,' and not to march further, but that I had embarked the horse before. If there be any of any nation that will say, since our arrival 'to' Flanders, that [they] had the vanguard oftener the three English cornets or fought so often, I will say 'No' and maintain [it] to death.
Touching the money. God knows I know not what was received, nor never talked of it, as all the officers of the army will bear me witness that I had as good occasion to call for money as the rest; for that day I entered the camp I will say no captain had more lances under his cornet than I. Since our coming I have lost half for want of money. Our three cornets since we came from Doesborg to this hour have received but half a month's pay.
Some told me, within these two days, that no man was more beholden to Mr Norris than I. The gentleman I confess to be very valiant and wise, and think no man dares do more with a troop of men than he; I confess myself beholden to him. Yet that day that he gave me a company of foot, Mr 'Delannoue' would 'a had me to a gone' with him to Flanders, promising to use me as well as his son 'Tilleny.' Since that time I think he gave 'place of captain' to divers others, as base minds as myself. I can say I was the first captain that ever he made, but he cannot say that he made me first a soldier. Since my coming to him I can prove I was seconded as well here as in England with better than £700, and 18 serviceable horses—seven of them was 5 crowns. I never saw any crowns or horse of his for me at this hour, on the faith of a soldier. In my judgement I am 'better than £300 worse than nought.' When it comes to proof, if you will show me that liberty to let me come to my answer, I doubt not but you will find Mr Norris in my debt all manner of ways; that I will prove as the poor man at the bar, by God and good witness.
I desire you to pardon me. If I did not fear and love you, I would not Write so much.—At the camp by Dunkirk, 26 July.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 81.]
July 26. 192. Fremyn to Walsingham.
I wrote to you yesterday through Mr Norris. Since then nothing has happened except that his Highness has sent word to M. de la Rochepot that he is taking immediate steps to find a month's pay for his army, and that he hopes before the 15th of next month the French forces will join with ours, to be employed there in some good service. It is said also that the enemy has surrounded the town of Ypres with a view to besieging it. There are in it 8 companies of infantry besides the citizens, all in good agreement and furnished with everything necessary.
Lamoral Egmont was yesterday sent a prisoner from Bruges to Sluys with a good guard, and Salcedo put in a dungeon with irons on his feet. He has confessed everything to his Highness and his Excellency; how he had received 100,000 crowns from the Prince of Parma on behalf of the King of Spain, to go to his Highness and ask for a regiment. He would easily get permission to raise one at his own cost, and money would not be lacking. He was to spend (?) boldly, and employ all his wits (torn ses sens) to arrive at his aim, to kill his Highness and his Excellency. Another, an Italian, is said to have been taken in the camp, and sent to his Highness. Their trial is being prepared, There are some French gentlemen mixed up in this business, in which much will be discovered when the torture (la gesme) is put before them. His Highness has sent for the Attorney-General of Ghent to prepare their case and put it through. Lamoral is deeply implicated in it. He has forgotten himself greatly towards both his Highness and his Excellency. He had been put into possession of all the property of the abbey church of St. Bavon that is in existence, with an income of more than 15,000 florins. That is how this young lord has let himself be brought to ruin. Salcedo having raised his regiment reckoned at the time of the execution of his conspiracy to go and garrison some good place, in order then to hand it over to the enemy. You shall hear much more when all the examinations have been made of the culprits. His Highness is sending to the king his brother to let him know all about this conspiracy; which touches him as nearly, so far as I have been able to understand.—From the camp by Ghent, 26 July 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 83.]
July 26. 193. Dr Dale to Burghley.
I send you an abstract of the reasons that are contained in the book which I had of you, touching the titles of the competitors for the kingdom of Portugal, and also such as I remember of that other book written in the Portugal tongue, which I had of you two years past.
None of those books open any of the points which may make for Don Antonio, touching the marriage of his mother 'subsequent'; I suppose because they consist specially in facto, which they will not admit or acknowledge. I remember the verse of Lucan, touching the right of Pompeius and Cæsar:
Magno se judice quisque tuetur; Victrix causa diis placuit, sed victa Catoni.
Copy in a later hand; qy.in connexion with marriage of Charles II, Endd. 1¼ pp. [Portugal I. 82.]
July 27. 194. Daniel Rogers to Walsingham.
Two things especially greatly hinder me in writing to you at present; fear lest my keepers should come and spy ink and paper with me, and lack of time and opportunity, since that which I now begin, I cannot tell when I shall end, by such straits am I compelled to write. After God and her Majesty, I think myself singularly beholden to you for the great care you have taken about my deliverance. If God give me grace to come once hence, I am to endeavour myself how I can be thankful to you. If I die before, my trust is, and you need not to doubt, the Almighty will requite your godliness and care had, and labour about my delivery. Surely a little further care will effectuate my liberty, all things well weighed. Two difficulties remain to be run for my entire liberty; first to travail again by earnest letters of her Majesty to the Prince of Parma, the Duke of Cleves and the Baron of Anholt, that the king's determination of setting me at liberty be executed in effect, secondly, the discharging of our expenses here. As to the first, if the Prince of Parma send a full authority to the Baron for my deliverance, he will make no further delay. If Stephen had forthwith, after he had heard the Baron's answer, according to my counsel returned to the Prince of Parma for the obtaining of his full authority (because Schenk, to whom the princes had written likewise, was apprehended the same day he came with the Prince of Parma's letter to the baron) he had surely met with all the practices of Schenk's friends, who have wrought with the baron and the prince that I might be stayed until he by my 'ways' might be set at his ransom. But the Prince of Parma, duly urged, cannot but effectuate the king's order, for he has always to consider her Majesty's displeasure against Mendoza his king's ambassador; and so I have declared to the baron, that besides he does not obey the king's command in setting me at liberty, he greatly hinders the king's service in causing by my detention the stay and apprehension of Mendoza in England. To which he answered (for as concerning other frivolous objections of his which I have written to Stephen, he does not 'mind' to stand on them) that he only waits for further authority from the Prince of Parma. But a letter from her Majesty to him will make things sure, especially if he be given to understand that as in gratifying her Majesty he is to look for manifold courtesies from her, so if he should not effect the king's command, but prefer Schenk's considerations before her Majesty's requests, he might hinder himself and his posterity more than he seems now at present to weight. Besides this, her letter to the Duke of Cleves would finish all things; by which the duke (under your correction) were best to be admonished how it stands with his honour to seem not only furthered by his ways for my deliverance in causing all cavillations to cease which might be moved against me by Schenk's friends, but also in seeing that any charges might be mitigated and borne by him, who afterwards has good means to be repaid out of Schenck's goods, seeing that Schenck has bought a house and other things in his territory, especially in his town called 'Goach' [Goch], which is a mile from Blyenbeck. All which things are to be hastened, to avoid the dangers which Schenck's friends are 'a-dressing' for me; for they have contracted with the Drost of Bredeforde and with the Rittmaster, which two have here made the whole charge in entertaining us and Schenck's reiters, that if I do not cause Schenk to be put to his ransom, they will deliver me and my brother into the hands of them of Blyenbeck, who have promised to pay them all that they say they have disbursed. As concerning the second part, which is the discharging of our expenses here, which are unreasonable, both the baron is to be moved therein, and the Prince of Parma is to command severely, that they be rated according to reason, in which matter the duke must help according as is required. I think it would do well if the Duke of Alençon and the Prince of Orange (who is cousin to the duke) wrote to him, to admonish him that 'he' considered how necessary it stood with his honour to see the said expenses defrayed. They might promise him that they would cause Schenk before he were released, to repay the charges to his Excellency. I think surely that Schenck's friends foresee what actions I might justly lay upon him, being at liberty, and therefore have taken such counsel as I have specified for my detention till he be set at his ransom. I have nothing so much to fear as lest I be delivered over into the hands of Schenck's friends. Today I understood that he had been conveyed from the town called Guelders into Zealand or Holland, which I think could do me no hurt. Andreas, the chief, and now only one alive of those who spoiled me, is yet in prison at Cleves. He travails 'wonderslow' to prove that I am not the enemy only of the King of Spain, but also of the Empire, meaning by that way to escape, as I have heretofore written at large to Stephen, and lack opportunity to write here to you.
I think that besides all these considerations, Colonel Norris (who has 'left good occasion to the Duke of Cleves to be known here') could do me especial pleasure by writing both to the duke, and to the Baron of Anholt. He might write to the duke how shamefully I was taken in his country, and that upon my letters written to him he had set at liberty the captain of his guard, M. Edelkirchen, whom he had apprehended hearing that I was taken in his country; and therefore might require him to see any charges defrayed, otherwise he should be compelled to seek for them at his subjects' hands, which he would be loth to do. This letter, sent a little before Stephen is to return, would make his councillors bethink themselves the better, and so partly by fear 'objected' to them, and by the authority of his Majesty's letters, I might the better come out of this misery. After the same manner he might write to the baron, giving him to understand that for my cause he had spared his subjects, whom he should now be compelled earnestly to molest, as also his particular goods, if he caused me not liberally to be restored to liberty.
Of some of these things I wrote to my friend Stephen, who does not so well weigh these 'moments' as my case requires; for these things were not to be deferred, and being done at one time would move the duke and the baron more than if Mr Norris did not write. My lords the bishops, being moved by you, may otherwise help in this case. Being once delivered, I trust I should recover the charges again at Schenck's hands, and peradventure something of what was taken from me; for Schenck, besides that he gave away 4 of my geldings, especially hindered me by forging a horrible untruth, saying to the Prince of Parma that I had offered him threescore dollars for my ransom, by which means he made the princes think that I had far other things to execute than they knew. If Schenck be still in the custody of the Baron of Hohensaxe at Guelders, then I am to desire you to write to him, and likewise to move the Earl of Leicester to write to him, to threaten him, that unless he cause me to be delivered he shall pay for all my charges before he let him go. The Baron of Anholt is at present at the siege of Lochem, which is a frontier town on the borders of Zutphen, not far from the town of Zutphen, where he has now been these 16 days. The town is very strong, but there are no victuals, as is given out, in it.
I beseech you be so good as to accelerate this last negotiation for my deliverance; which being hastened cannot but bring to good end all the careful travail heretofore taken for my sake by you. I have sent, to provide against the worst, cyphers to my friend Stephen, which Mr Tomson may demand of him to use in case (which God forbid) I should further be holden up. I am as yet in the Rittmaster's house here, where I have now been these ten weeks, but guarded as 'nigh' as ever I was. The fear I have lest some of my keepers should perceive me to write (which I do in my bed) makes me break off here.—Bredeford, 27 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 2¾ pp. [Germany II. 35.]
July 27. 195. John Norris to Walsingham.
Since my brother's departure I received two letters to you from Capt. 'Freminge,' which I send by this bearer. I do not hear of any 'change of words,' but that it is said the enemy means to come before Ypres. Divers have been lately apprehended for treason, amongst whom the young Count of Egmont is one. The bruit is they would have killed his Highness. and the Prince; but in my opinion neither for his years nor discretion would so great a matter be committed to him.
The French forces are not certainly heard of. I am sure M. Fremyn writes you his opinion. Our camp is the very image of Hell, and in it none more tormented than myself; for besides the trouble with strangers, and this shameful disorder, our own chiefs will not yet suffer me to live in quiet. I doubt I shall shortly be forced to write it to you more at large.—Dunkirk, 27 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. & Fl. XVI. 83.]
July 28. 196. John Norris to Edward Norris.
Brother Edward,—I received today your letter by Mr Weston. The only point that is to be answered is touching those French reports of this meeting. It will not be strange to you I am sure that most part of them will not spare to lie what they can to disgrace me; and it grieves me not a whit, for I will not be such a one as they shall 'like of.' His Highness, I assure myself, is satisfied, or at least everybody makes me believe so. This is the only letter I have received from him since it happened, which I send you. For the Prince, I think he has had so good proof of me that he will not make any such report of me. Whatsoever all they would say, I can rightly clear myself. I would you could write me some particulars, who has written these false reports, for if I make mention of it generally, I shall be denied and laughed at. Let me know who you think it necessary that his Highness or the Prince should write to, and I doubt not but to procure it. If you knew the life I lead here, you would think I need none of these slanders to trouble me.—Dunkirk, 28 July 1582.
P.S.—I pray you keep his Highness's letter well, or else send it me again. I send you also a letter of Mr Danett, that you may see what he heard of the matter.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XVI. 84.]
July 28. 197. Thomas Longston to Walsingham.
By my letter of the 21st you 'may have intelligence' that according to your order I paid here to Stephen Le Sieur the value of 100 French crowns, being £30 sterling, which I desired might be repaid in London to Mr Christopher Hoddesdon, in part of a 'more' sum that I 'ought' him. I also signified in my letter what speech this burgomaster Alostanus had with me, touching the interest for 'Paulovisino' and Spinola; viz. that Mr Ymans had their commission to 'satisfy' in England for them. And as I heard in secret there was order given not only for the contingent of Brabant, but also for Flanders and Zealand, and that the Dutch merchants 'trading England' should furnish the money there. If you are not made acquainted with this by Ymans, he is worthy. I think, of reproof for indirect dealing as well as the others that seek to gain time to prolong etc. [sic] and therefore to be urged for performance of the commission given to him, that her Majesty may be contented so, rather than by way of arrest, which might turn to the loss of our merchants here, while the Dutch merchants that should be touched by the arrests in England have here in this town command of the weapons, especially now that Monsieur and the Prince are absent. For though respecting her Majesty's goodness shewn toward this country, with the present estate and case thereof, it may seem that what I fear is very unlikely to fall out, yet the experience I have had of their desperate dealings and how these men will help themselves in their private causes, if by any means they can, though with detriment of the general and [sic], I may think they would now do it, yea, and forsake this country rather than be ruined.
Your pleasure signified to me by letters of the 21st, received the 25, I will observe, in not dealing further here about this matter; as also when I see it pertinent, to give warning that no colourable contracting be used. But surely I think our merchants will not take that course, to hurt their own markets by bringing strangers' goods thereto.
The letters directed to Stephen Le Sieur I have at his coming from Bruges this day delivered to his hands, as by his answer I account you will understand, and also of the heinous treacheries plotted against Monsieur and the Prince, at Bruges revealed and made frustrate for this time, and the Almighty have praise for it.
I will according to your pleasure furnish Stephen with more money, for he desires it, and would have had 200 crowns at first.
So I think he will now have 100 crowns more at least.—Antwerp, 28 July 1582.
Enclosed in the above :
July 3. 198. 'Articles propounded and laid forth at Augsburg, the 3 July 1582.'
1. That the 'treves' for 6 years against the Turk, consented in that sort it was at Regensburg in 1576 is anew 'required to be consented' for another 6 years.
2. To deliberate upon the means how the troubles in the Low Countries may be once quieted and appeased. And those then something caring for this Dutchland, all dangers may be avoided [sic].
3. How the Empire, pulled away by sundry strange potentates (and specially Liefeland), is to be 'reduced'; and whether the ambassage formerly required and 'contented' into Moscovia is to be effected or not.
4. In what sort some faults chanced or fallen into the 'chamber-Justice' may be reformed for behoof of the said 'Chamber-Justice.'
5. To bring into better order the womb or bowels of the Empire and the unruliness therein having course to suppress or extirpate.
6. To put in order the contentious questions 'cessiones'; and that his Majesty have consideration upon the conclusion and final writings of the impleaded parties to end the same by justice.
7. How the Imperial ordinance for the coin may be maintained or observed, touching the unreasonable raising of gold and silver.
8. Lastly, how and what manner the heavy tolls imposed by the Princes in England, Sweden, and Denmark upon ships and merchandise may be set off or pulled down.
Add. Endd. 1½ and 1½ (smaller) pp. [Ibid. XVI. 85.]
July 28. 199. Étienne Lesieur to Walsingham.
I wrote you on the 20th that I should start on the following day for Bruges. I arrived there three days ago, and delivered M. de Marchaumont's letters to M. de Quinsé, who having read them said that he would communicate with his Highness upon them. I was answered by the Prince of Orange that her Majesty's request touching Schenk was granted. He offered further to do me any other pleasure I needed, and got me a passport from his Highness to go to the Prince of Parma.
During my stay at Bruges there was discovered a conspiracy against his Highness and the Prince, of which I doubt not you have been amply and truly informed. Still, inasmuch as I was there, and that last Thursday I went to see M. Marquette, who is my friend, and to whom is committed the guard of Lamoral d'Egmont, and having heard myself from the said Egmont that which he freely confessed I would not fail to write it to you. It was in the form of a conversation. A gentleman of Tournay, in the presence of Egmont, was lamenting his misfortune, and that such a dishonour had fallen on his house. He replied that he hoped to clear himself of any such suspicion that they had of him, and that meanwhile he would arm himself with patience till the truth was known. Thereupon M. de Marquette replied: “How, M. d'Egmont? by what way can you excuse yourself of those four points that you have confessed to me ? to wit, that you settled with Salcedo your departure from hence, the means being that he would send 2,000 horse to escort you; that you wrote to the Queen Mother to that effect, without informing the Prince of Orange who has loved you so much; that you tolerated and concealed the insults and evil which Salcedo spoke to you of his Highness and the Prince; then when the Prince told you not to kept company with Salcedo, who was not fit to come among honest people, instead of doing so, you told Salcedo what the Prince had said to you; is it not true?” Whereupon he answered, Yes, and he could not deny it, even confirmed it. Egmont showed throughout a joyful face, as though protesting against anything else they might charge him with. During all the time I stayed at Bruges he did not leave his lodgings, nor was he examined. That is till yesterday evening when I was going, and then I heard that the procurator-fiscal was to go there to examine him, and I think if he will not confer that of which the other conspirators accuse him, that he will be shown the torture, and judicial proceedings will be taken according to his confession. What will be done with the others is not yet known.
M. de Plessis departed last Thursday with his family, whom he is leaving in France, and he for his journey to Germany. His Highness gave a banquet that day to the Prince of Orange and the States of Flanders, where they were very merry.
On my return from Bruges to this town this evening, I received his Majesty's letter, that which you sent me. With the help of God, I will make my way to the Prince of Parma in two days, and will use my best endeavours in this charge, so that you shall be content with my services, which with a faithful heart I have dedicated to her Majesty. I think you for your care that I may not lack means for my journey.—Antwerp, 28 July 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XVI. 86.]
July 28. 200. The Marriage Negotiation.
Considering the French ambassador's report, that the king his master 'yields' to discharge her Majesty of all charges of war, if she will marry Monsieur, and that he requests a speedy answer; it is to be considered—
1. To see the very words of the king's letter, for at his commissioners' being here the like in this sort, that if she will marry the day after the marriage there should be delivered on the king's part any kind of assurance from him that he would declare against the King of Spain.
2. The words already passed in the treaty of marriage are in plain terms, that by reason of the marriage her Majesty and her realm should not be molested with any war. This treaty was also to have been performed and sworn to by the king and also by his brother:
So it is 'requisite' what is more now granted than before; for her Majesty always required that, seeing Monsieur was entered by his actions into hostility with the King of Spain, she might not only be free from the charges of the war after the marriage, but that it might be seen how Monsieur should be maintained to prosecute his actions begun, so that she should not be, for respect of her husband, drawn to charge her realm and subjects contrary to the covenant of the treaty.
But now for answer at this present, if the king's words shall appear [sic] that he will satisfy her Majesty's demands fully, will she assuredly promise to marry?
There is to be considered in what sort the French king will proceed in aiding Monsieur either directly and covertly; and thereto Monsieur himself is to show his opinion and liking, that her Majesty may see the matter plainly probable, how with her marriage she may keep her realm free from the interest of her husband's war. For this is to be well noted that on her part, when the marriage is concluded there can be no accident to change it, but it must continue; but on the other part, whatever shall be promised by the king for the discharging of her Majesty may by new accidents be altered and changed and that also with 'probability of pretensions' to save the king in honour, though the promise shall not be fully performed.
Yet because in such cases princes cannot exact among themselves more than covenants and promises, confirmed by writing, sealing, and oaths, there is in this matter, if her Majesty thinks it expedient to marry, as much to be foreseen as reason can conceive, that the French king's promises may be found probable to be performed, that is to say that the same may appear to be:
1. profitable for himself his brother; and also
2. possible or feasible to be continued by him; for without these two respects, the continuance of the promises will be doubtful.
When these doubts are cleared on the king's part, then, if her Majesty shall like to marry, it will be convenient that she forbear her 'resolute' answer affirmatively, until she hears from Monsieur in what sort his intention is to proceed.
In Burghley's hand. Endd. by him: 28 July. For answer to the French ambassador's message at Nonsuch. 2¼ pp. [France VII. 142.
July 28. 201. The King of Sweden to the Queen.
From the letters brought by Thomas Gorge, a gentleman of your bedchamber, and from his own report, we have gladly understood the matters entrusted (? demandata) by you to him, which he has diligently and with great dexterity set forth to us. As we decided everything in his presence, he knows how to report our mind and wishes to you.—Upsala, 28 July 1582. (Signed) Johannes R.S.
Add. Endd. Lat. 13ll. [Sweden I. 3.]
July 28. 202. The Queen of Sweden to the Queen.
Although we were unable through ill-health, to receive your gentleman Thomas Gorge, the greeting which he brought from you caused us much pleasure. We understood further that you were surprised we had not yet written to you. But seeing that all things were not as well settled between the King our husband and yourself as we could have wished, we abstained from writing. Now however that we understand your mind to be better disposed towards our husband than formerly, we hear it with great joy, we hope that this will long last, and we have wished to greet you herewith. If there is any way in which we can gratify you, you will find us your most devoted sister and cousin.—Upsala, 28 July 1582. (Signed) Catharina.
Add. Endd. Latin. 14ll. [Ibid. I. 4.]
203. Herle to Walsingham.
Since the writing of my last, a great conspiracy has been discovered at Bruges, intended against Monsieur and the Prince of Orange, for which one 'Sergedo,' a Spaniard's son, born in Normandy, is apprehended, as head of the plot, with whom was joined 'Amorall,' the younger brother of the House of Egmont, who is committed to the custody of Marquette, sometime lieutenant to la Noue. He has already confessed some things against himself, touching the conspiracy. With these two are apprehended two Italians, one of whom, called Francisco, accompanied Salcedo hither from the Prince of Parma's camp after the surrender of Oudenard. There are taken, for the same practice, a Lorrainer and a townsman of Bruges, and at Ghent sundry imprisoned therefore, as colleagues to the former. Monsieur has taken this 'near to heart,' and has advertised the French king of it by an express messenger, 'showing' that in case sufficient matter be proved against these persons, they shall suffer for it, without regard of Egmont more than of the meanest, though near of blood to the French Queen that now is. And he has further signified that their process shall be divulged throughout Christendom, to make apparent the King of Spain's proceedings against his person, and those that are jointed with him Du Plessis has it in his instructions for the Diet.
This Salcedo was son to a Spaniard that served the French king 'H. the Second,' by whom he was greatly advanced and 'recorded,' and among other things has a castle with a signory given him near Rouen, where this young Salcedo was born. The father, for the good opinion that King Henry had of him, was made governor of Metz, and matched himself in marriage with one of the House of Vaudemont, against the Duke of Guise's mind; with whom 'coming in pyke,' was removed from his government, and lastly, being at the massacre of Paris, was by those of Guise murdered as a Huguenot, notwithstanding he was a superstitious papist. His son after his death lived riotously, and having wasted his patrimony and goods, fell to robbing by the highwayside; in which time he committed such horrible murders, violences, burning of houses, rapes, and other villainies, as were wonderful. Lastly, his castle being searched for him (he escaping by a postern), they found clippings of gold and silver coin there, and instruments, with 'matter' already prepared, to forge money; upon which they 'proceeded in justice against him,' and sentenced that he should be boiled to death, which was executed at Rouen in pretence 6 months ago. Since that time he has served the Prince of Parma, and offered to do notable service for the King of Spain, 'so he were enabled with maintenance.' Whereunto the prince, considering the promptness of the man, and his reasons, which were 'faysible,' consented that he should try his ability here, appointing Francesco the Italian to bring back word from him of things; by whom he should be furnished with money from time to time. At his arrival in this town, which was immediately after the composition of Oudenarde, he put himself in good order, and had access to Monsieur, to whom he declared that he was come from France to do him service, even for affection-sake; and albeit he had played the young man sundry ways, yet not so as might deserve the rigour that was shown him by the Court of Rouen. He hoped by good service that he would do to purge out all his former follies, offering on his own charge to levy and arm an entire regiment, and to bring them to the camp; which liberality pleased Monsieur much. But conferring with the Prince of Orange, his name and . . . ners now better examined, and thereby the rest brought in suspicion, within a while after it was discovered by some words that had escaped him, that he had a passport from the Prince of Parma. Upon this, three gentlemen were appointed to observe him, who, pleasing his humour, drew out by degrees that he was come thither as a servant to Spain, to do some exploit. In the meantime the Prince of Orange warned young Egmont to forbear Salcedo's company, as a man most infamous, and who had insinuated himself to be Egmont's kinsman by the mother's side. The Prince willed Egmont to keep this . . . . . to him secret; not for any regard or fear he had of Salcedo, but because he alleged he would not have more enemies than he already had. Which notwithstanding, Egmont at once revealed to Salcedo, what the Prince had said, and afterwards dealt with him by 'scedules' and messages, withdrawing in show from his company. Herewith was Franceso dispatched back again, and apprehended by the way, being threatened with torture if he confessed not the truth of the practice, as he was made believe that Salcedo had done. Thereat Francesco being amazed, and hearing some of the 'purposes' recited that the three gentlemen had observed of him and Salcedo, confessed that Salcedo was a professed servant to the King of Spain, and had undertaken to the Prince of Parma, who was to furnish his charges, and give him money to 4,000 guilders, to obtain from Monsieur the credit of a regiment, with which he should be able, if Monsieur and the Prince of Orange came personally into the field, to kill them both, or 'at leastwise' one; or otherwise to be ready always with his regiment to betray the camp, or if it came to a day's battle, to be occasion of the victory. Or lastly, being put in garrison within any good town, to deliver it to the Prince of Parma, who gave Salcedo a passport for six months, to compass his feat in.
Francesco further confessed that Egmont, by reason he was denied the office of Master of the Horse at the Duke's hands, also the government of Flanders, and because Count Maurice, son to the Prince of Orange, took the upper hand of him. and lastly because Bonnivet had given him the lie, was become a party 'of' this conspiracy, and offered, so that Salcedo would 'make Monsieur away,' that he likewise would dispatch the Prince at his pleasure, it being easy for him, when he was at dinner with him, and ate at one dish, to do it by poisoning a 'pawncy'[qy. pouncet] that he wore upon the end of his little finger, which touching the soups and broth on the Prince's side, a meat that the Prince much used, it were quickly and assuredly effected. Francisco confessed further that Egmont had consented to retire to the Prince of Parma, Salcedo promising that 2.000 horse should meet him and receive him according to his degree. He also affirmed that Egmont was present when very unseemly and injurious words were spoken of Monsieur and of the Prince and States here, wherein he concurred rather than was displeased. This is the substance of what is known hereof as yet, and therefore I thought it my part, for your satisfaction, to set it down as large as you see.
The Prince of Parma is come in person to the army, which is about Ypres, but attempts nothing. Truly great practices are in hand. Champagny and the elder Egmont at Ghent are clapped into irons, since this practice of Salcedo and the Younger Egmont is come to light. Our camp is to be mustered tomorrow, and to receive a month's pay. It continues between Dunkirk and Bergues St. Wynock's. The French king has now given Monsieur's troops leave to march with displayed ensigns through France, threatening to cut them in pieces if they commit disorders in the countries where they pass. The whole French forces promised to be here at the furthest by the 16th of next month, and we look for certain for the Queen Mother to be presently here. Her coaches were prepared for that purpose.
Mr Norris is reconciled to his companies, but greatly 'stomached' by Monsieur and the Prince, and 'desired' to have lodgings at Bruges.
Herein are news from Cologne, that the colonels of this town have imparted 'with' me, from a party of good account. Here are also the articles prepared in the Imperial Diet.—Antwerp, 29 July 1582.
P.S.—Sainte-Aldegonde had like to have died of a surfeit of cucumbers.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. & Fl. XVI. 87.]
July 29. 204. Stokes to Walsingham.
My lat was the 22nd. Since then, these are the 'occurrence' here following.
There is a great murdering treason discovered, which was practised by the Prince of Parma and others, to have murdered the Duke of Brabant and the Prince of Orange. But God of His goodness has revealed it before it was ripe. This murder should have been done by M. 'Omyralle' Egmont, and Captain Salcedo, a Spaniard's son born in France; who for sundry great faults which he committed in France fled to the Prince of Parma, and after long speeches sundry times between the prince and him, how this murder shall be done, Salcedo came to the Duke of Brabant for a cover, and presented his services to his Highness. With him the Duke of Parma sent an Italian to help him to fulfil his murdering enterprise. It seems that Egmont had some intelligence of this matter before Salcedo came on this side; for they quickly became acquainted and kept always company together. Egmont, he should have given the Prince of Orange the poison, and Salcedo should have murdered Monsieur. This matter is come out by the Italian, whom Salcedo sent with letters to the Prince of Parma of his proceedings. At Dunkirk the Italian was taken with his letters about him and sent back to this town. He was brought before Monsieur and the Princes in the presence of Salcedo, and there confessed the whole truth of the matter, 'which' Salcedo could not deny it. So they desired mercy of Monsieur and the Prince of Orange, saying they had justly deserved death; and here they lie fast in prison until answer come from the French King and the Queen Mother.
Upon hope that the Prince of Parma had that this 'pretended' murder should have taken place, he caused his whole camp to march towards Ypres, besides which town they arrived last Tuesday, and the Prince of Parma came hither with them, and there he summoned the town for a bravery. For answer, 5 ensigns of burghers and soldiers, with 2 cornets of horse, issued out and skirmished long with them, and then returned into the town, and gave defiance to the Prince of Parma, who departed yesterday with 7 cornets of horse to Tournay, half malcontent; and last night the enemy's whole camp departed from Ypres towards St. Omer and those parts to keep the rest of Monsieur's forces from entering, in they can.
Monsieur's camp lies still between Dunkirk and Berghes, in very great disorder for want of good government, and specially for their pay; 'which for want thereof' is the only cause of their evil government. The speech goes there that Monsieur is in great pain for lack of money to pay his soldiers, which is feared will be the overthrow of all, if his friends do not help him with money.
Every day here sundry speeches are given out of Monsieur's forces from France. But as yet they are not come, which is no small grief to the commons in these parts. God send them quickly hither, or it will not go well.
This week the Duke of Brabant gave a great banquet to the magistrates of this town and the 'Free,' and to the Four Members of Flanders, with the States of Brabant, Holland, Zealand and the rest. The great glasses went so fast to and fro in such order that his Highness made them all, after the fashion of his country, very merry; which was well liked of all, for surely he was very merry amongst them.
Since the great treason was discovered the Gentners have taken the liberty they had from the Count of Egmont and M. de Champagny, and they are now kept very short and strait. —Bruges, 29 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 2¼ pp. [Holl. & Fl. XVI. 88.]
July 29. 205. Fremyn to Walsingham.
I have written you two letters this week through Mr Norris. Now I write this word, to say that M. de Rochepot is ill of fever at Berghes; and last Friday M. de Villiers, marshal of the camp, started for Zealand to stand godfather to a child of his brother, and has left the Count of la Rochepot to leave the government of the camp to M. de la Pierre, which is by no means agreeable to many, for divers reasons. M. de Villiers at his departure gave the password, and he last evening gave three others different. I leave you to judge if there had been an alarm last night in an army composed of 5 strange nations, what disorder would have arisen. Meanwhile M. de Villeneuve will in no way receive the word from la Pierre, nor take any orders from him. As for the others, there is the captain of the watch, who is going to get it from M. de la Rochepot. That is how our army is led; full of disorder and lack of good chiefs, discipline, and money; by reason of which the soldiers go daily 1.200 or 1,500 marauding, stealing, pillaging, 'briganding,' violating, committing all possible crimes, under cover of seeking victuals. I leave you to judge how God can bless such armies. The French have conquered few or no kingdoms which they have not lost for lack of good conduct; and there never was any worse than at this time. And yet we have to do with a great prince, who has abundance of good commanders and discipline, and will know well how to profit by our disorders. When we were joined by our reiters, if we had marched towards the enemy we should have put them in fear; or at the very least if we had gone to four or five places in the enemy's country to ravage it and take his small fortresses, if we had been forced to retire, we could have camped where we are; where the enemy might give us a pretty task for our bad provision, if God has not pity on us, and we do not incur great good luck; for the French not being employed when the iron was hot (a la chaude)at their arrival, there is nothing but quarrels one against the other, and this entertainment is what is seen, devoid of all discipline, and denying God all they can. Our army has not received a Sou or patar since we have been in camp. The report is that there is to be a muster in five or six days; meantime there is a lot of grumbling at the way it is led.
M. du Plessis arrived in this town yesterday. He is on his way into France with all his family, and going to seek the Duke of Bouillon, to go to the Imperial DietJournèe). The States are sending on their behalf the Pensionary Van der Werke of Antwerp, who already has his dispatch, with a secretary for the German tougue.
There was a fire yesterday night at Bruges, which burnt three or four houses, whereby there was great alarm.
The town of Bois-le-Duc has received a garrison, because Count 'Holo' was in the neighbourhood, looking out for an opportunity to surprise it, with some 2 or 3 thousand men.
In short, if they do not proceed otherwise than they are doing for his Highness's service, all will go ill, and the newly-come French will be more hated than the Spaniards were, for their bad behaviour.
Count Maurice, his Excellency's son, has gone to Holland, and M. de Villiers the minister to accompany him. They are giving him 12,000 florins pension.
Mr Norris started this morning for Bruges. There has been bad management among the English, of which you have sufficient information. For the rest, I am your servant.
Saint-Lue, governor of Brouage, arrived here yesterday accompanied by 10 other persons, and is gone to find his Highness. It continues to be said that the forces from France will soon arrive.— From the camp by Dunkirk, 29 July 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 89.]
July 30. 206. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
I wrote to you on the 26th, but I think Mr Henry Norris had departed for England before my letter came to Dunkirk; nevertheless I hope it is by this come to your hands. The States' camp lies still by Dunkirk without doing anything; for want of pay and good order, they depart daily. It is now certainly believed that towards the end of this week there will be a general muster, and pay for one month. There is no great hope of any French forces to arrive here yet this month, and therefore no great likelihood of any matter to be attempted for his Highness's service this summer; which being ended, I think the companies will for the most part be placed in some towns in garrison until next year. It would appear that his Highness minds to tarry here some good space, and as it is thought will place 5 companies more of the French in garrison in this town for his better safeguard. There is not talk of going to Ghent, wherewith that town is little pleased; and as it is said, in this levy that is made to pay the camp, the Gauntois are very backward in furnishing their portion, which is not yet sent hither.
The late-apprehended conspirators are daily examined, and racked on Saturday last. They confess great matter, as it is said, which I hear is already 'advertised into England' by his Highness.
The enemy's camp has stayed some time before Ypres, but on Saturday last they lodged at Cassel, and it is thought will draw towards Gravelines, to cut off some few troops of the French which are said to be about Calais, before they join with his Highness's forces; some think they will assay to fight with his camp, which lies between two rivers, 'without' all danger of the enemy, as is here reported. It is believed that some new succour is come to the Prince of Parma, to the number of 2,0000 horse and 4,0000 foot, who are said to have been received 9 days past in the country of Luxembourg.— Bruges, 30 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. & Fl. XVI. 90.]
July 30. 207. Bartolomeo Spatafora to Walsingham.
Your inborn courtesy and kindness urges me to write and tell you my infinite obligation to you, and my hope to serve you on every occasion. You will hear from hence how we expect the king on the 10th of August. He has sent four lords to entertain the ambassador in the meanwhile; with whom we speak Latin, French, Italian, German, not omitting to inform you that we do our duty so far as possible in drinking to the health of the Queen of England, the King and Queen of Denmark, and individually to that of our individual friends; that of your honour, which I pray you to accept as cordially as we do it. — Elsinore, 30 July 1582.
Add. Endd. Ital. 1 p. [Denmark I. 16.]
July 30. 208. John Cobham to Walsingham.
This morning I have been in the camp, which lies two English miles from Dunkirk, and as far from 'Bergen.' I find it greatly at controversy, especially between the French and the English, which causes arise upon the spoiling of a great 'burrough' called 'Houndscott,' of marvellous wealth, and inhabited chiefly by gentlemen, who relieved Monsieur's camp with much victuals, and besides paid weekly to the Prince of Orange and the States, as I am informed, 2,000 guilders. The spoil was first committed by the Frenchmen, and continued by the Englishmen, Today they put themselves in arms against the Frenchmen, to be revenged of them; but by the good discretion of Mr Rowland Yorke, Captain Gainsford, and Captain Salsbury, with the consent of M. 'Deperes' all was pacified.
Count Mansfeld is come to the camp with 1,500 horse. There are not by estimation above 8,000 soldiers in the camp of all sorts. M. Rochepo commands all in the camp; M. 'Deperes' is his superintendent. M. 'Shamuell' is colonel of 4 ensigns of Frenchmen in Dunkirk. All our English colonels are from the camp: some of them are with Monsieur at 'Bridgis' and with the Prince.
It is also most credibly informed that Monsieur and the Prince of Orange should both have been poisoned by the practice of one Salcedo, an Italian captain who was 'entertained' by Monsieur to serve him with 200 horse. He received secretly from the Prince of Parma 4,000 crowns to 'advance his band with bravery.' It is reported that the Count of Egmont's brother, in spite of the dignities which Monsieur had bestowed on him, was contributing to it, and two of Monsieur's gentlemen. — Dunkirk, last of July, 1582.
P.S.—The enemy as I hear draws towards Ypres.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 91.
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