August 1582, 6-10


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'Elizabeth: August 1582, 6-10', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 16: May-December 1582 (1909), pp. 224-236. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=78866 Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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August 1582, 6–10

Aug.6224. Horatio Pallavicino to Walsingham.
I wrote to you yesterday and gave the letter to Signor Landi, now with Mr Burnham, who comes with the ambassador's dispatch and with full information as to matters here. I have nothing to say beyond what I said in the abovenamed, and in the other, sent by way of Rouen. I will go on to tell you that we have searched all the jewellers' shops to find bracelets fit for your purpose, and have found nothing at the price, either pretty (raga) or fine, as we know they should be. To have them made to order would be a long and uncertain matter, and full of difficulties in knowing how to explain what was wanted and getting understood, because even we do not know what to ask for. Therefore it was impassible for Mr Burnham to take over anything in that way, whether bought or on approval, as we should have liked to try, to let you choose at pleasure, with no obligation else. One of them said he would see if in a few days it was possible to make a 'composition' of various things which should be to the purpose. If I find this graceful, I will bring it with me. Meantime you can see the two pieces of cloth of silver and gold which I had before Mr Burnham's coming, bought for the reason I wrote you, and which I have now consigned to him, in order that you may rather have the use of it, if you find it can be of use. If you do not like it, kindly have it handed over to Signor Buiamonte. I am sorry that in this business I have not the power or knowledge to be of more service to you; but I assure you there is not so much that is handsome here as is believed over there.
I wrote to you about the matter of Scott; now I repeat that if you will give the new dealer (?fattore) your promise that in December next he shall be included with me and under my name in the renewal of my obligations, I hope that he ought to be pacified. Otherwise he seems to me resolved to molest the citizens of London. Then as to the indemnity of her Majesty for the interest that she is about paying, I do not think it would be well to put off the fulfilment by the Flemings of the promised action, since the prolongation of the time is likely to render her Majesty's claims less clear, and the form of the payments more difficult for those of the Low Countries: whereas if constraint is applied now, they will have Antwerp, they will have Holland and Zealand bound as they wish. Which is all I have to say at present. —Paris, 6 August 1582.
P.S.—With the first letters that come, I hope to learn something of my brother's affairs at Rome; so they promise me in the last. I will then advice you.
Add. Endd. Hol.pp. [France. VIII.6.]
Aug. 6.225. Masino del Bene to Walsingham.
I received the letter which you wrote me by your servant Burnham; with whom I have since talked of many things, now blaming you over there, now accusing us here, as you will be able more particularly to understand of yourself, as also the departure of MM. Bellievre and Brulart to go his Highness. The quality of the persons is very satisfactory to me, and makes me think that they are not gone for matters other than important and good according to their wish. I called upon them, but neither from them nor from their people could I learn anything except that they were leaving things on a good footing here.
His Highness's Swiss were to arrive yesterday at Chalons in Champagne, and a commissary is gone to the frontier to receive them. Munitions have been prepared for them when they get there (per il iri); and there they will pass muster. Money has gone from here to pay them. The Prince Dauphin and others who have levied troops for his Highness are using all possible diligence, and it can be seen that they will be large and good forces, and that if they are well governed the way is prepared by their means for an almost certain victory. But there is great dearth of men to command, and for this cause and many other reasons I should be of opinion that his Highness will risk nothing and will be content for this year to maintain himself without any loss and only to check the rush with which it seems to me one can see even from here the Spaniards re-entering those countries. This opinion of mine I have written to the Prince, and repeated it in a letter which I gave Signor Capponi to send either from England or from Calais, and have tried to fortify my opinion with the best reasons I could, which are in sum that winter and famine will take arms quickly in their favour, and that seeing the attitude which things are taking here, it was possible to hope that in a little time, and with the great good offices, that are being rendered, we might see some good decision therein. This might be hindered by the least disaster happening to them; whereas on the other hand, if his Highness maintain his strength and his reputation, it may be held as almost certain that this good attitude will conduce to his 'perfection.' Signor Capponi bears my letter; you will, if you please, open it, and then have it resealed and sent securely. If you find my opinion good, give it the favour of your authority.
Of the armed forces there is no news except from our ambassador, who writes from Lisbon that news had arrived of its having come in sight of Setubal (?); and that there they were with great diligence preparing that of the King of Spain to go as escort to the fleets. I have not much opinion of ours, that it will do any good; God knows how pleased I shall be, and how much displeased in the contrary event. But things have been begun with so little order and continued with so much negligence and want of care that very hardly can one hope for any good of them. No blame for this can be given to the Queen, who has in this matter done with much liberality and promptitude much more than was at first asked of her.
By letters which I have from Geneva of July 25 it is said that the Duke of Savoy's people were still thereabouts, and were ruining and eating up their own country, and that they had had a muster of about 4,000 infantry and 300 or 400 horse. The Swiss were so united that everything good might be hoped for. By a later letter of the 30th from Lyons they tell me that the Bernese have sent a herald to protest to the Duke of Savoy about the loss and damage into which they had been brought through his contravention of the agreement under which they had given him back the three bailiwicks, and that is appeared that preparations were being made to retake them, and it might yet be that the same bailiwicks, seeing the great cruelties which the soldiers had done to them, would of themselves wish to go back under the obedience of the Bernese. Which things I am inclined to believe, having been told that things on that frontier (?banda) were in such a state, as my brother wrote, that it would be more trouble to hold back the Bernese now than it once was to hold the Five Cantons. But he is a man little affectioned to the King of Spain, in whose favour, by the Pope's means, all these practices have taken place, in the case of the Duke of Savoy again, to make a show of pulling the bridle, and meanwhile to drive the spurs in hard. Believe me that this is a bed fellow and very dangerous; upon which, and how pernicious a thing it is that there should be in King's Councils persons who bear his mark and want to put on purple, and their relations too.
I have in these last days done a piece of work to be esteemed rather foolhardy than otherwise. Now having no more to say, I beg you to kiss her Majesty's hands in my name.—Paris, 6 August 1582.
Add. Endd. Ital. 4 pp. [France VIII.7.]
Aug. 6.226. Tommaso Sassetti to Walsingham.
The present comes to salute you, since the state of my fortune keeps me in bed in ill plight with the gout as I am at present, as the bearer, Mr Burnham, can certify to you. I assure you that the service which I cannot do you at present in person, I do with all the 'effect' of my mind and good will, and I hope with God's help shortly to return to living and dying in her Majesty's service and yours.
Of the world here, Signor Capponi and Burnham will have to tell you all particulars. M. de Mandelot, Governor of Lyons, concluded the league between the Swiss and the King, and five years after his death, as is usual and paid them 140,000 crowns, and the ambassadors will soon be here to ratify it. They demand costs, damages, and interest from Savoy, and it is believed they will take away those bailiwicks; and it is held that the five Cantons allied with the duke will withdraw from league and amity with him; and it is believed that the duke is sorry for the advice taken from the Catholic King, from the Pope, and from his ministers. He had in being from 4,000 to 5,000 infantry, and 500 horse of his own subjects, and 5 companies of Swiss, who are disbanding. Geneva is well provided; 1,200 foreign troops, 200 horse, a galley and two galliots, which they have built on the lake.
They write me from Lyons, on the 29th, that the Spanish infantry was 41 ensigns, good men and well armed. Some say 4,000, some 5,000 are held at present to have arrived in the country of Luxembourg. Fifteen cornets of Italian cavalry have passed at Saint Rambert in Savoy, well mounted and good men. Some say they are 1,500, some 800, some 1,000. So there have passed 4,000 to 5,000 Italians in good order, all raised in the State of Milan. They pay 10 soldi a day per soldier where they pass, and do no harm; and 15 soldi for a man and horse. At Naples 2,000 infantry have been embarked for Portugal. The Pope is doing all he can to prevent soldiers from going to the service of Monsieur; nevertheless about 150 horse are coming from Italy 'on their fortune.' From here ample forces are going to him both foot and horse, and horses are selling very dear. The King is sending 12 very fine horses as a present to Monsieur. 'Beaulievre' and Brulart have been sent from his Majesty here to his Highness.
This King's people at 'Linsobona' write that the Catholic King has put on board his fleet 4,000 soldiers well provided with victuals and munitions, but they had not yet started. If this 'ordinary' from Italy brings anything worth your hearing I will write it to Mannucci that I be not wearisome to you. This is all from my chamber. Pray keep me in the good graces of the Queen my patroness and assure I am her faithful servant. The money to pay the Swiss goes hence on the 10th to 'Caloné,' [qy. Châlons] where a muster will be held. — Paris, 6 August 1582.
Add. Endd. (“from Sr Horatio Pallavicino.”) Ital. 3 pp. [France VIII. 8.]
Aug. 6.227. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
Last Monday morning, after the Dutch post was dispatched with my last letters to you, the Italian, one of the conspirators against his Highness and the Prince, killed himself with a knife. The next day he was drawn about the market-place, hanged, and his quarters set upon the town gates. The others have since that been put to the torture, and remain as yet unexecuted, divers being daily apprehended concerning the same treason. Dampmartin, sent with the process and the examinations of the offenders into France, returned hither on Saturday night, the 4th inst. It is bruited that Queen Mother has written hither that two persons are likewise apprehended in Paris, who 'should' have attempted some matter upon the King of France's person; the truth of which you will be advertised out of those parts.
If the general's letters are come to your hands, you are by this advertised of the loss of 'Lire,' which was traitorously surrendered to the enemy by the practice of a Scottish captain called Semple, uncle to Col. Preston, and of Captain Alonso, a Spaniard, who has served the States these four or five years very bravely and faithfully. The loss of this town, being of great importance, troubles the Council here very much, and especially those of Antwerp are greatly perplexed. For their pacifying Messrs d'Evure .qy. d'Evere] and Sainte-Aldegonde were sent on Saturday the 4th to Antwerp, to set all things there in some assured order, for the people are very inconstant and wavering.
There is no appearance yet of any removing hence, unless it be to Ghent, as some report; which I will believe when I see these princes there.
The camp of the enemy lies within a mile and a half of our forces. On Friday the 3rd Mr Norris was dispatched thither from hence by his Highness in all haste, and as it is bruited now, the same day there was a hot skirmish, and a lieutenant of the Prince of Parma with some others taken prisoners. I hear our Englishmen's service that day well commended, especially by our pikemen, but in particulars I have heard nothing as yet. If they abide a while longer in those parts, there will be more blows dealt very shortly, especially if our forces might receive some pay: to which end the Treasurer 'at the wars' repairs towards the camp this day, the most part of the pay being already sent to Dunkirk by water.
About a 'sevenight' past, M. de Saint-Lue arrived here, to be colonel of 3,000 Swiss who are said to be well on their way hitherward, and are looked for daily. The rest of the French forces come3 forward so slowly that some are of opinion they will come too late, or rather not at all; for here they talk that the Prince Dauphin says, if the king bid him march, he will come, and the rest stand upon like terms. And that which discourages most, they find there are more here than are well paid, which has caused many to repair home again, and will stay such as have not some particular devotion to his Highness's service.
Those of Dunkirk lately sent commissioners to his Highness and the Council of State, to complain of M. de 'Shamaye' [Chamois], colonel of 5 French regiments in that town, accusing him that he calls in French victuallers, who are free from all imports, and permits them to sell to the soldiers and others, under the rate that the town uses to sell, greatly to their prejudice; that he has sought to remove the Scotch and Walloons out of that garrison, and in their rooms to bring in French; that his 5 companies being not fully furnished, he fills them daily by soldiers from the camp, to make himself strong against the town, notwithstanding that the Governor. M. de Trelon, has forbidden him so to do, and refuses to lodge any new men within the town. Whereupon they besought his Highness to take order in time; and forasmuch as by the articles it was agreed that he should plant no garrison in any town without the consent of the States, they crave the same may be observed: and I have heard that last Thursday he sent express messengers to take order in that behalf.
Touching our late English mutiny, I trust you find by this that the general has been very hardly used, being charged to have received three months, pay for the soldiers, where in truth he has not yet received one month's pay, as he has sufficiently proved here to the shame of his accusers. He would have procured a certificate thereof 'into England' at his last being in this town, had not his Highness of a sudden 'returned' him to service in the camp, where the enemy approaching, his presence was more requisite. And if in the mean season you will give me leave to set down in particular a word or two, although I have no commission from Mr Norris to touch this matter, because he means to do it himself, the whole month's pay to the captain and soldiers comes to 27,988 guilders. There was accorded to the general by the Council of the States on the other side of the 'Mose, as appears by the Ordinance under their hands dated 22 May, 1582, the sum of 43,318 guilders, which lacks of 2 months' pay 12,658 guilders. Towards the sum accorded, those of zealand were to pay 15,106 guilders within 6 weeks after, as appears by their hands. This money was due in June last, but cannot yet be received, so that there was paid 28,212, which is more than a month's pay. Out of this last sum was yet 'defalked' by order of the States, as appears under their hands, for money 'imprested, towards his entertainment from the 15th November last, being general of the camp, a sum of 6,000 guilders; item, for two obligations by the States' consent, 2,580 guilders; all which, being by consent of the States 'defalked,' amounts to 9,580 guilders, and being deducted out of the money paid, remained 18,632 guilders in the general's hands, to be distributed in the payment of the officers and soldiers. At Ghent there was paid to them in the beginning of June last one half month's pay, and the rest was to be 'answered' as soon as the money in Zealand should be received. So it may easily appear how little cause the soldiers had to exclaim against their general concerning this manner of dealing. But in truth this matter grew somewhere else; and chiefly by a tale given out by Mr Earle [Herle} to Col. Morgan and others that he understood from a secret friend le. ra. . . that the general was greatly misliked, and that upon any small occasion his regiment would be 'cast,' or he dismissed from his place of service. When Captain Awstell came over lately into these parts, he persuaded him not to 'range' under the general, but under Col. Morgan, saying the general was likely to be cast shortly; and the matter being well examined it will appear that hereupon the common soldier was stirred up to mutiny. And sure I am that Col. Morgan, not without the consent of some of the rest, preferred a petition to the duke, and moved the Prince therein, that the mutineers might be pardoned and the general called to account for the money withheld from the soldiers; this I know to be most true, and they themselves will not deny it. The Prince answered that he marvelled any man would seek pardon for mutineers; and for the general, he said he must be called to answer for himself before anything was decreed which might prejudice him. This petition was commended by a letter from M. de Rochepot as a thing necessary for his Highness's service, and so followed with all advantage; the general not once made privy to anything, but awaiting a fit time to desire punishment on the mutineers. I am loth to trouble you with any long discourse herein; but if you thoroughly knew how the matter has been cunningly contrived against Mr Norris, and that by those who are daily beholden to him, you would as much mislike the inventors thereof, who have nothing to do in these men's business, as they hasty executors of such idle inventions. But I have troubled you over long.—Bruges, 6 August 1582.
P.S.—It is reported from Antwerp that the Spaniard Alonso is ransomed at 4,000 ducats, and that his ransom will be paid to the Scotch captain by the Spanish king; and so the poor Spaniard to be sent into Spain, to be there executed. Even now it is advertised from Antwerp that the Spaniard is slain.
Add. Endd. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 99.]
Aug. 6.228. The Crown Prince of Sweden to the Queen.
We have received your letter by Mr Thomas Gorge, and thank you much for signifying your good disposition towards us. We received him with all the pleasure and courtesy that we could show in the too short time that he was with us, and gave him help where he needed it, as we will in future do to all who approach us in your name.—Gripsholm, 6 August 1582. (Signed) Carolus.
Add. Endd. Lat. ¾ p. [Sweden I. 5.]
Aug. 7.229. Cobham to Walsingham.
I have delivered to the King so much as was contained in your letter sent by Mr Burnham, especially the French ambassador's extract, declaring that the contents of it did not [sic] deliver to the Queen scarcely so good an assurance for defraying the charges of the wars as 'warrantise' from being drawn into war through the accomplishing of the marriage, as the negotiation lately passed in England by his Commissioners clearly inferred and imported; so that I signified she found it very strange that his will appeared inclined towards the marriage, and yet his pleasure was not to take away those difficulties which 'impeached' her 'to' consent to the finishing of the marriage, considering he could not but conceive how when she should be married to his brother she could not 'leave' after her princely nature to aid Monsieur with all her means, whereby the whole weight and charges of the wars would light on here Estates and subjects, to which she cannot be persuaded to consent for the love she finds in her subjects. She understands further that neither Monsieur's 'partage' in France, nor yet the provisions which he may receive in the Low Countries, can sustain his enterprises against the power and means of King Philip. Wherefore she might have cause to think he does not desire the marriage for some secret respect in his mind, since he can be content to leave the impediments unsatisfied.
Whereupon the king broke off my speech, assuring me he would never have entertained the negotiation of the marriage, showing his desire, except he had thorougly meant it; declaring it seemed to him the Queen's subjects should as much affect the marriage as he and his brother, in respect he understood for want of her Majesty's issue the realm being left without known heirs, there would rise many factions and divisions. The like consideration moved him, his mother and brother, to press her to resolution, because he finds the smart of the infinite inconveniences which happened to this state during the minority of his brother and himself, and fears the continuance of them until he sees his brother married and having issue, wherewith God has not blessed him as yet.
I declared to him that it appeared by his speeches he had deeply thought of the cause according to the weight of it. Howbeit in the last conference which M. Mauvissiere had with the Queen, treating of the impediments which always dissuaded her from according to the marriage, he then showed by [sic] the words of an extract, wherein was contained only matter concerning his Majesty's promise to join his forces to invade her dominions, à l'ocation et en haine dudict mariage, which occasion she hopes and thinks assuredly will never happen, for there is no prince, as she may justly suppose, will hate her for entering into marriage, knowing how necessary it is for her to embrace marriage for the further comfort of her subjects. Nevertheless she may well assure herself that when she joins in marriage with the King of France's brother, who had already possessed himself 'with' so many rich provinces of the Spanish king's, that the said king 'was to be 'rightly moved after this marriage to annoy her realms and trouble her peaceable reign, wherewith the Spanish king hears how Monsieur, his enemy, was to be advanced and strengthened. Now, therefore, his Majesty is to consider whether the Queen had not exceeding reason to require at his hands, who is both prince and brother to Monsieur, to be defended and saved from these important inconveniences which are necessarily incident to the conclusion of this marriage only with his brother.
To this the king said that he had sent to his ambassador his mind in such manner that if it had pleased her to conceive of the meaning thereof, it would have satisfied her. Notwithstanding, he intended to think further of this matter, and would take advice how to compass this to the contentment of his brother, which they desired above all wordly things.
I thereon further declared that if in his judgement he found the difficulties of the cause of the marriage to be such that he could not conveniently remedy them, then he would think of the negotiation that was passed last year in the matter of the league offensive and defensive; which, though the marriage proceeded not, was yet to be embraced in respect of the necessity of his brother's enterprise, and also for the better advancement of his mother's right 'pretended' to the Crown of Portugal. Which league may serve him to many good purposes for the 'quayling' of the great rise of the Spanish king.
The king said he feared the league would impeach the marriage, and therefore he had thought good hitherto not to deal therein; for when that was had, he doubted the marriage would not be spoken of. He esteemed no way so certain to assure them of the Queen's friendship as the marriage of his brother; which moved me to reply that the matter of the marriage was subject, as it seemed, to many doubts and inconveniences, whereof he had found the proof in the treaty thereof these many years, so that now, it not having taken place, the 'concurrences' of the present time, as the affairs of his mother and brother, might justly move him to think of this league, considering it would give courage to the Portuguese through the hope they might conceive of his or her Majesty's navy. Likewise those of the Low Countries would the rather 'assure themselves the better in his Majesty,' and become in many ways more obedient and tractable to Monsieur. The league might further give occasion of greater confidence to her Majesty's subjects when such an amity should be confidence to her Majesty's subjects when such an amity should be concluded: so that those who yet justly dissuade her from the 'effectuing' of the marriage might render themselves more willing to consent to it upon that they should see him first embrace her Majesty's friendship with a straiter league.
The King 'returned to say' to me how if the league were bad, the marriage would be forgotten, adding he would think further on it, and confer with his mother.
I informed him that her Majesty had often commanded me to move him on behalf of Monsieur to such effect, that he would signify to the world his brotherly zeal to him, whereby those of the Low Countries, having 'betaken themselves into' his brother's hands, might be relieved, and the enemy discouraged. Notwithstanding, because hitherto she did not perceive that Monsieur had received any commodity through her requests made, she had now again commanded me earnestly to move him no longer to be persuaded to withdraw his princely support from his brother, considering how God had prospered him with so good a beginning, having given him the hearts of the people of so many provinces; so that if he should not now give him support at this instant, when the King of Spain seems to oppose him with his forces, he might consider how highly it will discourage his brother and the princes and others who 'run the fortune' of the Crown of France.
I besought his Majesty not only to assist Monsieur with his means and forces, but by his restrain, to command that the enemy be not nourished with victuals and commodities out of any part of his realm, to the great prejudice of Monsieur and his subjects; to which he answered that he thanked her Majesty very much for the great zeal she showed towards his brother, which he would never forget. He assured me he had done and would do for him as occasion was offered; his person and well-doing was dearer to him than any other could be. As for the restraint of transporting the victuals, he affirmed there was very strait order given therein, which was published. Howbeit, he said smilingly, he had not made this restraint in respect of his brother's occasion, but for the policy and want of victuals in his realm.
Thus parting from the King I went to the Queen Mother, to whom I delivered in effect as I had done to the King. She told me the King and she would not 'leave' to desire the marriage as they have done, so long as her Majesty was willing to hear their requests. She doubted lest the Queen had something in her heart which made her not to desire the marriage. I answered to that point she could not justly think so, because the Queen my Sovereign had inclined thereto, and the taking away of the difficulties remained on their side. Wherefore if she and the King thought it not good for their policies to proceed that way, then it might please them to think of the league which was propounded to them last year; for neither proceeding to the conclusion of the one nor the other did but engender doubtful and staggering proceedings as well in her affairs of Portugal as in her son's in the Low Countries; which two nations perhaps cast their eyes to see what entire amity passes between the king her son, and my sovereign. They hearken likewise what alliances and friendships the French king makes with other princes; whereon they ground their judgements how far to proceed in trust and confidence with the King and Monsieur. And so I left it to her judgement, beseeching her to accept my speeches, which proceeded from one who had now served almost three years in their Court, finding neither the marriage nor the league concluded for the further assurance of better amity between the Crowns, which I most entirely desired. She said the King was resolved, she knew, to give her Majesty all the contentment he conveniently could, and that she would confer with him.
Then I showed her how the Queen, being informed of all the great preparations King Philip made, to send into the Low Countries against Monsieur, had commanded me to move the king very earnestly to yield aid by all means to his brother, and besought her to 'accompany' the Queen's request herein to the King, with such effect that Monsieur might find that the delivering of the Queen's desires to them might stand him in some stead. Whereon, beside the many thanks she rendered to her Majesty, the Queen Mother promised to deal thoroughly with the King, so that her Majesty would shortly understand their meaning therein.
While I was going from the king to the Queen Mother, Secretary Pinart was sent by the 'next' way from the cabinet to signify to her what I had 'passed' with his Majesty; and after my conference with the Queen Mother he resorted to me. 'Finding' how he had been ripely instructed of these causes I then passed in conference with his Majesty, 'showing' me that the king lately intended to give full satisfaction to the Queen by M. Mauvissiere for accommodating the impediment to the marriage touching the defraying of the charges. He further said he found that the answer to the three articles which the king had sent was passed by the Lord Treasurer, though sent written with the ambassador's hand; discerning clearly therein my Lord Treasurer's phrase and manner of handling that matter, notwithstanding he 'constered' the ambassador had done it to good intent. He asked me whether I had had sent to me the copy of those three articles. M. Pinart assured me the king had not only restrained the carriage of victuals from the frontiers into the Low Countries, but had also forbidden the transporting out of corn into Spain and Portugal; and he thought the trading into those countries would soon be utterly forbidden.—Paris, 7 August 1582.
A later hand has written Marriage Several times in the margin. 12 pp. [France VIII. 9.]
Aug. 7.230. Cobham to Walsingham.
I had thought to have made answer to the Lords of the Privy Council's letters for the satisfying of their commands touching the commissions delivered forth by Don Antonio; but I cannot so fully answer their expectation till I have received further order from the king, which M. Pinart has forwarded me to send within two days. I likewise await letters from Antonio Brito, agent for Don Antonio, remaining yet at Tours until the return of Custodio Leitam, who after he comes back from England and Flanders is to reside here for Don Antonio's affairs.
But the King and his mother deny that they know of any commissions delivered in that large sort as might refrain of impeach theirs or her Majesty's subjects from 'trading' freely and safely the countries of Spain or elsewhere. But by the next messenger I hope to accomplish 'at' full what the lords have commanded me in that cause. I send you herewith a note of an advertisement.
Upon letters which this king's agent, M. 'Longley,' resident in Lisbon, sent last week to their Majesties, the journey of MM. Bellievre and Brulart was hastened; so it is conceived thereon they are gone to procure a treaty of accord with the Catholic king. Others judge they are to persuade Monsieur and the Low Countries to yield to the French king that sovereignty which belonged to the Crown of France before the taking of King Francis, this King's grandfather; and further that those two, after being with Monsieur, are to repair to the Prince of Parma, and so pass into England.
This King will make it known to all the princes of Italy how far he has dealt for the appeasing of the Flanders causes.
'Longley' advertised how the Spanish King's army was seen in readiness within four days to depart towards the 'Tarzeres.' On this navy they had embarked 8,000 soldiers, of whom 4,000 were well armed, the rest but badly in order.
This King has been of late 'signified' by sundry that the people of France are evil-satisfied with him; for the confirmation of which the Duke of Brabant has sent him sundry letters importing as much.
I was visited at the Court by MM. Clervant, Chassincourt, Millitère and Sanegas, sent thither to deal in the affairs of the King of Navarre. M. Sanegas is to pass into Flanders to his Highness, and so return by the way of England before he comes back to his King. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Condè both repair shortly 'in' Gascony, as I am informed. —Paris, 7 August
Add. Endd. (probably serving for both this and the last). 2½ pp. [France VIII. 10.]
About Aug. 7.231. Pietro Bizarri to [Walsingham].
I am assured that you are fully advertised of all that has happened at Bruges touching the conspiracy against his Highness and his Excellency; wherefore I judge it superfluous to 'extend myself' upon that. It is understood here that the Italian killed himself with a knife which had by chance fallen, with its sheath, from a peasant, a prisoner in the same place, while he was (saving your reverence) at the place of office used by both of them in common. However, before this ensued, he had under torture confessed most important secrets; and they say that his Highness has sent into France, to his brother the Most Christian king, praying him to send two of his Councillors, that they may see the trial of the conspirators, seeing that his Majesty is not a little interested therein. The prisoners are in custody at Bruges, each apart; and the Court of Egmont, they say, in his own lodgings under good guard. Salcedo, the chief author of the conspiracy, they say was born at Lyons, of a Spanish father and a Genoese mother, and for his very bad conduct had been banished from France. He then addressed himself to the Duke of Lorraine, by whom he was much favoured. Meanwhile he had maintained secret intelligence with the Prince of Parma, who besides other great promises in the name of Spain, had promised him 4,000 crowns a month to raise a regiment under his Highness, and therewith carry out on the day what he had designed. But the most high God has willed otherwise.
The same God, by whom all is governed, has been pleased recently to afflict us here with the very serious loss of Lierre, taken by the enemy through treason, on August 2 about 3 o'clock in the might. An entrance was made under the guidance of the Scotch captain and his men, who for lack of pay, or induced to hope for something better, committed such a piece of rascality. The Governor of the place is charged with great imprudence in having 'given the gate' without taking more notice. He escaped by throwing himself down over the walls, as did some others; though he left his wife and children there. They say that Captain Alonso has been ransomed for 4,000 crowns, the money being sent from here. The head of this enterprise was Haultepenne, son of the late Count Barlaymont, who came to Louvain and there held parley with the Scotchman. Of the details I have nothing else to tell you; you can easily consider the rest for yourself, especially the cruelties used by the enemy. This news, so sudden and unexpected, has made us here remain as it were all thunderstruck, and in great displeasure at the loss of a place so near, and almost impregnable. Since then St. Joris' Gate has been always locked, the guard doubled and suspicions greater than usual. Many families from neighbouring places have withdrawn into Antwerp for greater security, the enemy being master of the open country. May God bridle their fury, and have pity on His flock.
The enemy in Flanders these past days made an attempt on Ypres, and was repulsed with the loss of 100 of his men, and as many taken prisoners. Of our army I say nothing, because you understand better than I can tell you. One can only lament that time and the most valuable season are nearly past without any good effected. This delay will hinder much good progress which might have been made against the enemy, who will be able to retire and winter in secure quarters without loss. Sed sus Minervam non docet, neque noctnus Athenas [sic] as the old proverb says.
Add. and endt. gone. Ital. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVI. 99 bis.]