Elizabeth
September 1582, 16-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1909

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324-335

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'Elizabeth: September 1582, 16-20', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 16: May-December 1582 (1909), pp. 324-335. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=78874 Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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September 1582, 16–20

Sep. 16334. Stokes to Walsingham
I thank you for the favour offered me in your letter of July 14 last, wherein I perceive that my desired licence of beer will not be granted, because her Majesty had made a restraint of all licences to the end that the licence of Dover may be the better 'vented'; which I am sorry for the rather because I have entered into bargain and sold 200 ton of beer to be delivered by 'Hollantyde' [qy. Halloweentide] and have received a parcel of hops towards the payment, so that now I shall have a very hard bargain to my loss. I must have patience and make as good a 'vend' of it as I can. And where you offer me to procure her Majesty's licence for the transporting of grain, I thank you for it; but surely the benefit that arises now by grain is so small (unless it be wheat) that 'without' a very great 'number' be transported, which makes too much show, the benefit to the transporter will be small. Besides, there are already great licences out for barley and malt, and yet there passes out more without licence than there does by licence. Wherefore I have thought good to beseech you to favour me in another suit, which is, that I alone may have a licence to bring pins into the realm; 'which commodity although in very deed be forbidden by statute, yet it is daily brought into the realm by divers men, and by the 'only' favour and means of the customers. Wherefore if you will favour my suit, upon knowledge thereof I will cause my 'book to be drawn out' for it, and ever acknowledge myself bound to you.—Bruges, 16 September 1582.
Add. Endd. 2pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 12.]
Sep. 16335. John Cobham to Walsingham
I received to-day yours of the 8th inst., whereby I perceive you have written effectually and earnestly to procure some good and speedy end between Mr Norris and myself. For my part, if you will take that pains. I will refer myself wholly to your order and direction; and if he will for himself choose another to you, I would be content to stand to such order, rule, and judgement as to your honours shall be thought convenient. Or if you please to appoint two persons here, one of them to be chosen by you for me, and the other for him. I am content that they shall hear, examine, and determine all this controversy, and be bound to stand to your order or theirs, so that Mr Norris will enter into bond in the like sort.
There are lately landed here 1,500 'Gaskoynes', who are gone to relieve Friesland and Guelderland. The enemy marches with his force towards that part. There were very lately put into Lierre by the Prince of Parma 600 foot and 100 lances. Italians; but they are very simple persons. It is credibly reputed that the enemy means to besiege Diest, 'which being true,' I fear we shall not be able to relieve it, these forces are so small. The enemy came in the night about two days ago to a house where 'Mercurie,' the captain of the 'Albonoyse,' lay with his company, and set the house on fire and took from him 24 of his horses and some few of his soldiers.
The States of Holland show themselves very obstinate against Monsieur, for they do not pay that money they agreed upon; and not contented with that, 'but' they carry salt and other victual to Rosendaal, whereby the enemy has revictualled Lierre and divers of his towns, and much discontent Monsieur.—Antwerp, 16 September 1582.
P.S.—I would most gladly hear for certainty of the good success of Don Antonio, for it would bring great comfort to a number here.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 13.]
Sep. 16336. Audley Danett to Walsingham
As my letters weekly written I trust come safely to your hands, so my hope is that you take them in good part, rather for the good opinion you may conceive by them of my desire to do you service, than for any matter they contain worth the advertising; so that although my sufficiency may be found far inferior to many, my ready desire to do you all the service I can being equal with the best, I hope not to be thought unworthy of your favour.
Since my last of the 9th, by the English post, there arrived here and at Flushing from Calais to the number of 2,000 'Gascoines,' who were at once all sent by water into Guelderland, to join the other forces there for the relief of Lochem.
Since Mr Norris went thither, no letters have come from him; only it is understood 'by' others that on Tuesday the 11th he was at Zutphen, not past two days' journey from Lochem.
The enemy is said to have some forces thither lately from these parts, but in so small number that there is good hope the town will be relieved notwithstanding.
The enemy, being master of the field, disperses his forces into many parts. Some remain about 'Lovaine,' others about Meenen, where it is said they have made a strong fort, between that town and Lille, which will be a great hindrance to Meenen for receiving of victual: whereof they have lately made some provision by fourscore waggons laden from Bruges, which have again returned from thence as is here reported. It is also reported that the companies about Meenen being lately 'fallen to some terms' for want to pay, have assembled before Lille, by which town they demand to be paid before they go to any further service. If it be true, it is likely Mr Stokes, being nearer the place than we, will advertise it to you.
Many things are on purpose given out here to stay the people, who are timorous, wavering, and very inconstant, and that with such assurance that one may hardly make sound judgement of the truth; 'namely,' the great numbers of French forces which are said to be about Cambray, the particulars of Don Antonio's victory, and the great wealth obtained by taking the Spanish fleet coming from the Indies. All these have been delivered with good assurance in the 'State house' here by Don Antonio's agents, and yet are scarcely believed to be true.
Our English companies, with some few of the French and Scots, remain at Borgerhout, joining to the suburbs of this town; the common soldier so poor and miserable that I am ashamed to write it to you.
The enemy is grown very strong at Lierre, whither it is said the Prince of Parma came very lately; which makes some think he will ere long attempt something against the forces at Borgerhout. On Friday night the 14th, those of Lierre besieged certain French horsemen who were lodged at a very fair house called 'Buckehault' [Bockholt], which stands midway between this town and Lierre. Next morning certain of our forces went out to their succour, but found the enemy dislodged, having made some spoil by fire of the barns and stables belonging to the house, and taken away threescore of the Frenchmen's horses.
This Sunday morning the English post arrived here, by whom I received yours of the 8th inst.—Antwerp, 16 September 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 1/4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 14.]
Sep. 16337. Thomas Doyley to Walshingham
I cannot choose but lament the miserable estate of our countrymen in these countries whose credit lately more than before, I know not by what practices, is very much eclipsed and in decadence. Our general, who in Guelderland and Friesland commanded all nations, was drawn thence to the camp, having there not place of credit allotted to him; 'being given' to 'champignons' in respect of his continuance and experience in the wars of these quarters, not with-standing that his nation was reinforced by new regiments, and that the English by the estimation of all men was the half force of the whole camp for the infantry. And for a confirmation that they meant his disgrace they have sent him to Guelderland only with his cavalry, to be commanded by those whom he before commanded. and also a perilous journey, going between 'Schertogenborch' and Breda, the enemy's country. Also at the last noble retreat, where our General won the spurs, by his valour and skilful direction saving the whole army, I note that whereas our nation had that day by course the vanguard, they gave him the charge to direct the rearward, the place of most danger; which he both willingly, and valiantly performed, taking only 250 of his own, 'piquiers' with him. And being come of the 'plain field, 'to the gates of Ghent, our English ensigns only were flying in the field, the French wrapt up near, laid in a heap near Ghent walls, our 'piquiers' breaking the fury of the horsemen; who were rewarded only by our general; 'Son Alteze' and the Prince not so much as commending them, though they saw the conflict from the walls. Also our nation tarried a month after all others for their pay, and yet have not their due by 3,000 and odd guilders, as it were to put them in like terms against the general as they were before. Also whereas the Frenchmen are all either in good towns in garrison, or else' on the boors to refresh themselves, only our nation are in a 'skonce' at 'Berghenhout' by Antwerp, as sheep in a pinfold, debarred since their pay of all 'provande'; as if a pay in three months could both pay their debts to the 'vivandiers,' cover their naked bodies, and find them now also victuals. I fear the words of Quincy, secretary to the duke, have entered deeply into his master's conceit; who, upon occasion of the mutiny, spoke these words: “Look well to those Englishmen; it is they that will hinder your sure footing in these countries, and if you sit not the surer in the end, they will put you out of your seat.” Whereby one may well conjecture their good affection and conceit of our nation. Therefore I wish that either our countrymen might be better respected, or that our general might be better respected, or that our general might be 'revoked,' not as driven thereto by their disgraces, but as by her Majesty commanded, since 'neither' they respect him in preferment, 'and yet' put him to the most desperate attempts.
Since the general with his 3 cornets, and 7 others, part French cavalry and part reiters, 10 cornets in all, passed by land to Guelderland, to the rescue of Lochem, and 15 ensigns of French infantry by water, 2,000 Gascons arrived at Flushing, who were also sent to Guelderland 'on Saturday was se'nnight.' The general was at Hoesden; since, on Tuesday at Utrecht. So that by this time they are all before Lochem, wherein are 2,000 soldiers, and Grave 'Harman,' Grave Frederic, and Grave Oswald, three of the eldest sons of the Grave van Berghe, governor of Guelderland, and brother-in-law to the Prince of Orange. It is thought the enemy will not abide their coming, because our army there, with those of Grave William and the Grave van 'Hovenloc,' are 6,000 infantry and 2,000 horse. The enemy is but 4,000 infantry and 400 horse; and also they have already sent some of their artillery to 'Ouldseel' in Friesland. And whereas it was thought that 4,000 Italians de La Ligue Saincte went thither, it is thought they remain beyond Louvain.
On Friday night the garrisons of Lierre and Louvain came to 'Bouchout,' a castle by Lierre, where lay two French cornets; where they took away and killed 64 horses, 2 men, and hurt one captain. On Saturday morning Col. Morgan went to their 'reschwe.' but the enemy was gone very early, having burnt the 'base court' of the house.
The Prince of Parma made a fort between Ypres and Meenen, as it were at once to famish and besiege those two towns, but hearing that the French troops were afoot, he dislodged, to march towards Cambray: but the soldiers mutinying for want of pay, stay before Lille, suffering no victuals to enter the town until they have their pay of them.
Of Don Antonio we have no other news than comes from England and France, all our Spanish and Portuguese merchants' letters being stayed by the French King as it is here said. But his facteur here publishes victory in Antwerp 'State-house, as also the taking of 13 of the 'Indian's ships,' with the 'parcels' of the prize.
The report is that the Prince shortly goes to Holland, some say to prepare them and induce them to be French. But it is 'more common than certain'.
Thus wishing you the accomplishment of your due felicity, I commit the same to the Heavenly physician.—Antwerp, 16 September 1582.
Add. Endd.pp. [Ibid. XVII. 15.]
Sep. 17338. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
My last was of the 16th inst. by the English post; since which we have no news from Guelderland. Some secret speech there is that the States of Utrecht are not well content that the wars in these parts are turned into their countries, whereby they are grown to be disunited in opinion, and in doubt which way to incline. Some thought the Prince should take a journey into Holland, or into those parts, to help settle the people, and to bring the government there into some better terms. They 'liked nothing well of' the English when they were in service there, and mislike now more to have the French. But it is not likely the Prince can be spared from hence, unless the occasion in Guelderland grow such as cannot be settled without his presence.
It is certainly believed that the enemy has passed over the Rhine between Emmerick and Cologne, with 4 cornets of horse and 10 ensigns of foot to the aid of those who are besieging Lochem. If his forces fall out to be greater than ours, it is thought good rather to suffer the town to be lost than to put the whole strength, assembled for the country there, in any apparent hazard.
The French forces newly coming from France are said to be strong about Cambray, 3,500 Swiss, 12,000 French harquebusiers, and about 3,000 horse or better; besides M. de Puygaillard, who keeps about the frontier for the defence of the country, with certain bands of 'ordonnances.' The Princes of Parma, with his whole force, is said to be gone towards those parts, with purpose to fight, as soon as the French shall attempt to enter those countries.
The news of Don Antonio has been diversely reported here; one day with him, and the next clean contrary. It is now published for a truth, which has been very lately sent hither from Queen Mother, that notwithstanding the death of Strozzi and the Constable of Portugal, with the loss of four of five ships in the first conflict, yet in the second fight, four days after the first, King Philip's fleet was wholly defeated, and Don Antonio remains master' at the seas,' having gained the Isles of Tercera and St. Michael. This news is constantly reported for true in the Court, but in the 'Burse' little believed.
I doubt but you are ere this time made acquainted by our Merchants Adventurers of their purpose to remove their traffic to Middelburg in Zealand, mistrusting the safety of their goods and persons in the town: and it may be that our English soldiers, finding their entertainment and usage to grow every day worse 'than other,' will be as ready to repair home, both the poorer folk, who are ready to starve, and those of better calling, who daily receive occasions of great discontentment, and 'more shall,' when the number of the French is increased; but it becomes not me to complain first, whom the matter touches least, therefore I refrain to trouble you further therein.—Antwerp. 17 September 1582.
Add. Endd.pp. [Ibid. XVII. 16.]
Sep. 17339. Cobham to Walsingham
It Signor Pigafetti, of whom I have written in my former letters 'to be' the acquaintance of young Mr. Nevell, is at present on his departure to wards England, together with Signor Aragon, having obtained some assurance of Cavaliero Giraldi to receive money in Spain, whither it should seem they intend to go after their return from England. They are desirous to see her Majesty and the City of London. Signor Aragon is nigh of kindred to Signor Giovanni Battista di Trento, with whom he is to confer about the inheritance fallen to him in Vicenza, through the late death of Di Trento's brother. I beseech you that Pigafetta may receive the favour to transport at his return a gelding, having often been visited by him. He has written a book of his 'voyage' passed in Turkey and Judea, which he desires her Majesty may see.—Paris, 17 Sept. 1582.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [France VIII. 43.]
Sep. 17340. Cobham to Walsingham
There came to this Court yesterday Formiconi, secretary to the late M. de Strozzi, who has brought advertisements in what sort the 'army' was defeated by the Spaniards, and that the Marquis of 'Santa Croce' had 'judged' all the French gentlemen to be beheaded, and all the others to be hanged, and those under the age of sixteen years to be sent to the galleys, as pirates and rovers entering into that war without the knowledge of the King of France, troubling the good amity between the French king and the Spanish, 'impeaching' the traffic. The Marquis had 'appointed' M. de Strozzi to be drawn in pieces between four great boats with oars, if he had not died before the execution. And I am informed by good means that the Spanish king has sent order into Flanders that all the Prisoners taken on the French side should be reserved to make a day de collatione Sta Johann is Baptista [sic]. So there is small hope of redemption for M. de la Noue or any other.
The army which goes 'for' Flanders does not pass the river Somme until the 25th inst.
The King has been somewhat indisposed of his health, and the queen his wife much worse, so that now his return is not looked for till Oct. 10.
M. de Châtillon and Merle are returned from Geneva, having left only three or four companies for the defence of the town.
Having received the enclosed letter and notes of new impositions from the merchants of Rouen, according to their request I have thought it expedient to send the same to you, to be communicated, if you please, to her Majesty and the Lords of the Council. I receive daily complaints from them, and beseech you therefore that they may in some sort be relieved, since in the meantime her Majesty, I suppose, receives detriment in her customs, and her merchants decay the more in their substance.—Paris, 17 September 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. VIII]. 44.]
Enclosed in the above:
Sep. 13341. The Petition of the Merchants of Rouen
We have emboldened ourselves to present to you a view of the miserable and cruel extortions where with the English nation is at this day oppressed, without any relief or remedy. Wherein, though in respect of ourselves we deserve no such favour as that you should look thereupon considering to what trouble we have already put you, and the negligent pursuit which has been shown in a matter of such importance, yet it may please you, since our cause concerns in part the state of a common wealth, to vouchsafe the reading of our complaints and procure some redress.
Since we first addressed you concerning the impositions and other abuses where with we were afflicted, it seems to us now that they were then but straws in respect of those heavy burdens which have since then been laid upon our shoulders. Whether it be of deliberate purpose to draw and pull from our nation more than from other strangers we cannot fully assure you, though it be very likely; the impositions being raised upon no commodity but such as Englishmen bring into the realm or transport out again; but sure we are that our traffic in France at this present time is in greater bondage than the Indian with the Spaniard. It is no small grief to us that the English nation is become a fable to them of this town, a very jest and scoff to every mean and inferior person, as if it were lawful for them to lay upon us what they like, and we bound to endure. We have written to the chief of the City of London, we have shown that it is against the honour of the state to receive so many injuries, to bend our necks under so many impositions without seeking redress or complaining to her Majesty's Council; but we fear that all is in vain, for we and our letters have been so 'coldly respected' with the greatest part of them, that there are a very small number which 'advance themselves' in the suit, preferring more their particular gain than a general utility. If we go about by law to withstand their exactions, very few will contribute to the charge. The wilfulness of some youths here in town, servants and apprentices, who under colour that they want commission from their masters have often been cause to break off our good beginnings, little regarding the excessive sums of money which for want of foresight go out of their master's purses which would be saved by a small expense at the beginning [sic]. Every man will be here a master, and by this means everything grows out of order; and worse is like to be if the Council by their authority do not bring them into order which are so 'disorderous.' Since three weeks past we have had the greatest imposition set upon us that ever yet was raised, namely, a sous 'of' the franc upon 'drapery,' a thing only invented to 'pele' the English nation. In like manner a new 'right' which they 'challenge' to be paid upon the entry of all kinds of our woollen commodity, contrary to the king's edict; and for the establishing of it they arrest our goods, and 'set them to sale,' hoping by force to obtain that which by law they cannot; of all which impositions we have sent you a note herewith annexed. And not with standing that we as compelled by necessity and for want of support are contented to yield our necks to the yoke and pay their demands, yet they intreat us with such rigour in opening our packs and 'moyling' our commodities that the one is no less grievous and 'domageable' to us than the other.
Now lastly, not eight days past, there has been a new edict proclaimed, the greatest exaction that ever was heard upon prunes, Lyons thread, and 'boulters,' the only three commodities which none but Englishmen transport out of this realm, upon which we pay to the king the first penny worth it cost.
Of all these impositions we have amply advised the worshipful merchants of London; where we though it like wise our 'duties' to advertise you, to whose protection we commend ourselves and our rightful causes. And because we fear that our complaints will be as slenderly respected by some or the greatest part of the merchants of London as they have been heretofore, we crave that according to your accustomed clemency and for the honour of our nation, to which we know you entirely affectioned, you would take our cause in hand, and recommend it to the Lords of her Majesty's Council, that by their authority those who are slow and dull in their country's welfare may be stirred up and compelled to show some part of their duty.—Rouen, 13 Sep. 1582. (Signed by)
Thomas MoyserThomas HiggonsThomas Becknes
Robert FisherW. GartonRichard Stallinger
Wm. EnglishRobert StacyRobert Smyth
Thomas RyseP. FrancghelinRob. Ryvell
Thomas ChurchJames GrenhallReynold Grene.
Augustine Skynner.
Appended is:—
A note of the impositions and taxes raised upon English commodities, and upon such commodities as are transported out of France by Englishmen; as follows:—
In the Reign of King Charles IX.
For a broad cloth30 sous.
For kerseys and Manchesters, per piece7ss. 6ds.
The like upon a northern dozen.
For every 100 yards of Welsh cotton15ss.
In the reign of King Henry now reigning.
In the viscounty upon every 100 of canvas more than accustomed2ss. 6ds.
In the new impost upon 100 of canvas22ss. 6ds.
The like upon a cwt. of buckrams.
For woad, each bag pays30ss.
Anno 1582.
A duty invented for sealing; 'to say' for a broadcloth10ss.
For a dozen5ss.
For Kerseys, Manchesters, Welsh cotton and Irish friezes2ss. a piece.
For Kendall cottons and 'pyanwhites'1s.
The same year a new imposition on paper.
On fine and large paper5ss. per 'realme.
On pott and hand paper3ss.
On coarse capp paper and copy paper1s. 6di.
Upon playing cards, the cwt.40ss.
July 1582.
All kinds of woollen cloth within the 'hall' of Rouen, pay a sous upon the franc; an excessive impost, invented to rob and spoil the Englishman.
August.—The customer of this town demands of his own authority a right which he claims due upon the entry of our commodity.
Upon each kersey, Manchester cotton, northern dozen, Bristol frieze, 5 sols a piece. Upon a broadcloth, 20ss. Upon 100 Welsh cottons, 12ss. Upon a piece of bayes, 8ss.
August 23, proclaimed a new imposition, verified in no Court, and yet we compelled to pay:—
Upon a lb. of thread, 2ss., which 'amounts' per bale 9 livres, being the sixth penny of what it is worth; a commodity which none but Englishmen transport and whereof 800 bales a year are transported into England . . . . . . 9livres per bale.
Upon 100 of prunes, which is the 4th penny16ss. 8ds. per 100.
Upon the bale of 'boulters'4
Moreover, the king 'pretends' to establish sworn brokers within this town, to the end that nothing be bought or sold by us strangers, but that his farmers of custom and other officers shall have perfect knowledge thereof. To what end this is done, God knows; but we cannot judge that it is for any good to us Englishmen.
Now please further consider that among all these impositions before specified, we do not touch the new augmentations of customs upon goods inwards and outwards, being more than double as much as we paid before.
Of all these exactions we beseech you to have a favourable consideration, and since it is against both the honour of the realm and the league between her Majesty and the King of France, it may please you to advertise it to the Lords of the Council, that some remedy be provided, or at least that a general 'defence' may be made for any merchant to traffic into France for the term of a year, which as we suppose would be the only salve to cure these sores.—Rouen, 13 Sep. 1582.
Add. Endd. 4pp. [France VIII. 45.]
Sept. 17342. Madame De La Nove to Walsingham
The assurance which we have of your friendship after all the proofs given to M. de la Noue and his, causes me to lose no opportunity of writing to you and imparting the news which we have of him. I wish they were better, both for his satisfaction and ours, and also for the happiness which it would be to him on his deliverance to recognise by some good services all the favours and kindness which he has received from friends in his affliction, and among others from you, who have always been remarkable as one of the most entire and well-disposed to his affairs. His health is as good as he can preserve it among all the incommodities of his prison, which causes him continual headache with other indispositions. But what I more regret is to see him abandoned by those from whom he might have expected most support in this extremity; and that instead of aiding him with such means as may present themselves to further his release, he is daily being deprived of such security as he had for his life in the persons of the prisoners who were assigned to him. But I hope always in God, that He will not leave him, but will raise up to him extraordinary means, since thee is so little hope form the side of men. I beg you to continue more and more the effects of your friendship toward him and believe that he promises himself more from you than from all his other friends, you will always find him and his more disposed than others to serve you. The bearer is an honest man, and quite a friend of ours. Please gratify him where he needs your favour.—Paris, 17 Sept. 1582.
P.S. (in a different hand).—M. Geoffroy knows M. de la Fontaine the present bearer, who is one of our good friends. I beg you again, if he needs your favour, to show it him.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. (France VIII. 46.)
Sept. 18343. Cobham to Walsingham
M. de Bellièvre has brought the King's accord and consent to Marshal Biron, and, as I am informed, a commission to him for the command of the army under the Prince Dauphin which passes into Flanders. His Majesty has likewise given order that Puygaillard shall have especial charge in this army. He is as sufficient a private gentleman as is in France.
The king has been much moved with the cruel dealing used by the Marquis de 'Santa Croce' towards the French gentlemen in the Isle of St Michael, 'having' given some of them the torment, to make them confess that they came there with the king's commission. The king has been advertised of this by his ambassador, from Spain, who has signified the same by letter to Cardinal Birague and to others of the Council, so that they in this Court are very much moved with the outrageous and despiteful execution done on the French 'after victory had.' Which violent manner of the Marquis 'St. Croce' proceeding has stirred up Duke Joyeuse to offer himself as Admiral of France to go as general in the new fleet meant to be prepared against the Spaniards, and the Duke d' Epernon shows to have the like desire. But it is for the present resolved, as I am informed, that the young Count of Brissac shall go for admiral of the fleet, who will be accompanied by good captains for that purpose, if the preparations proceed.
The Duke of Mercæur is departed towards Lorraine, but I do not understand to what purpose. Duke Montpensier is now, they say, contented to let him have the government of Britanny, on the conditions first accorded, and upon the King's late requiring it.
The king has sent throughout his realm, into every province, one of his Privy Council, with a Master of Bequests and a treasurer, to understand the disorder used in the levying of the impositions and to know what remedy might be given therein. He has done this to give some satisfaction to his people.
It is certified me for a truth that the couriers and merchants pass as safely and ordinarily from Calais to the Prince of Parma as they did in time of peace: whereon men judge that he has very good intelligence with M. de Gourdan.
Great store of money is passing by way of Lyons hither, and from hence it is conveyed in packs of merchandize directed to John 'Chuelchier,' a Spanish merchant at Calais, who sends it to Gravelines. I have not informed Monsieur's agent of this as I have done heretofore-through which advertisements of mine they have taken both men and sundry sums of money, which have served them to great effect-finding little acknowledgement from his Highness since my coming to this service. But I rather hear tell of his indisposition towards me.
The king has assigned to Monsieur of late, for the better furnishing of his army, 250,000 crowns: having commanded that all assignations and payments shall be stayed until this sum be disbursed to the Queen Mother. It may be that part of it will be employed for setting forth the 'army by sea' to aid Don Antonio.
The secretary of M. Strozzi who came 'now' from the 'Tarzeres' declares that there were but four ships that fought with the enemy, and six in all, taken He left at Tercera 30 ships with 2,500 French soldiers. Since the fight, M. de Sainte-Soleine, after retiring to Tercera, would have stolen away from thence, but that Don Antonio, by shooting two cannons against his vessels, stayed him. Such has been the disorderly dealing of the French in Don Antonio's cause hitherto.
I hear that the 'practice' of marriage for the Duke of Savoy to the Duke of Lorraine's daughter is renewed again, and that the duke will send hither a person of quality to deal in that and other causes with their Majesties.
The agent of Spain delivered to Mr Fentley (Fentre), the Bishop of Glasgow's nephew, the other day 2,500 crowns, which is to serve in part payment of two Scottish gentlemen's pensions from King Philip. One of them I understand to be 'Fanhurst,' but the other's name I have not yet learned. The abovesaid Fentley gives out that her Majesty has been the cause of the 'late succeeded alteration' in Scotland, 'pretending' thereby to get the Scottish king into her hands; and says further, he trusted those noblemen who have shown themselves enemies to d'Aubigny will have the like payment that Morton had, which will happen to them sooner than they look for.—Paris, 18 September 1582.
Add. and Endt. gone. 3½ pp. [France VIII.47.]
Sep. 18344. Cobham to Walsingham
I have used all the means I could towards their Majesties on behalf of this bearer, Walter Cassye, and finding no present relief for his case, nor restitution to be had, I wished him to prove what further favour he may procure in England through your means. Notwithstanding, I have again got him the king's letters to d'Armeville and to M. de 'Sinagonia' [qy. Sigoigne], which I wish may in any sort 'prevail' him. Thus I 'betake' into your consideration this poor man's afflictions.—Paris, 18 Sep. 1582.
Holograph. Add. Endd. ¾ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 48.]