Elizabeth
October 1582, 1-5

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Institute of Historical Research

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Arthur John Butler (editor)

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1909

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364-372

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'Elizabeth: October 1582, 1-5', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 16: May-December 1582 (1909), pp. 364-372. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=78877 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


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October 1582, 1–5

Oct. 2366. Daniel Rogers to—
Forasmuch as I was taken in the Duke of Cleves's country against all right, as I was sent to the Emperor and Diet of the Empire, and because I am not free from the King of Spain's detention, he having commanded that I should be set at liberty, and seeing the Emperor has written to the Duke of Cleves for the order for my liberty, it stands with all right that the duke so do, and that effectually. Now forasmuch as my only stay here is the lack of payment for the charges made at 'Bredford', which are unreasonable, and the greatest part of them appertain to the Baron on 'Anhault, who is dead, and to Schenck and his company, it is agreeable to all right that the Duke of Cleves follow that way. First you must consider that 'Brederode' [sic] appertains to the old Baron of 'Anhault' and his heirs until the King of Spain repay the sum of 50,000 florins for which 'Brederode' and all the jurisdiction of it was mortgaged to the old Baron; so that he of his own authority has to place there such officers as he may think good. So that the late death of the Baron of Anholt does not hinder me at all; so it may please her Majesty for the last time to require the Duke of Cleves that he by his own letters command the old Baron to deliver me absolutely, since the old Baron was born at 'Meauland' (?) in the duke's country, within half a mile of which place I was 'invaded.' Besides this, the old Baron has land under the duke, so the duke can compel him; as also 'for that' the Baron lives in 'Retz.' Now, because of the injury committed in taking me, spoiling and detaining me for tow years, the Duke of Cleves may pay my charges, such as shall be found to agree with right, out of the Baron of Anholt's lands, which the duke has already laid hands upon, two years past, because of the ships the Baron had stayed, coming from Cologne. By this you see how the Duke of Cleves is to compel the old Baron. He can take such order here as he lists, and this Baron, both by reason of his birth and lands, and also since he lives in 'Retz,' a town appertaining to the duke, may easily be ruled by him. Further, because the Drost of 'Brederode', and the 'reutmaster' here, both officers of the Baron of Anholt, are most barbarous, and have 'jugled' with Schenck to hold me here, I give you to understand that the Drost has his only son at school at 'Retz,' in the 'Vraw' Plouren's house, and the 'reutmaster' has his three eldest sons at 'Embrick' at school likewise; both which towns are the Duck of Cleves's. So that seeing the King of Spain has commanded that the Baron of Anholt should set me at liberty, the Duke of Cleves may stay those men's children to compel them to set me at liberty. In all these things the Duke must employ his own letters and not his Councillors, because of certain quarrels between them and the Baron. But to the intent that the Duke and his Councillors may be 'lively stirred' to follow this matter, as is for the Duke's own honour, and her Majesty requires, I humbly desire Mr. Secretary to write to Mr. John Norris, at the same time while the Duke is thus dealt with, to apprehend two or three of his subjects, and keep them till the duke has effectuated our liberty, which will be as much for his own honour as for her Majesty's dignity. Furthermore it may please Mr. Secretary to desire the Prince of Orange to write to the Baron of 'Hoghsare' [? Hooghstraet] to stay Schenk until he repay that which his reiters took from me.
In hand of R. Beale and endd. by him: 1582, 2 October Daniel Rogers deciphered. 2½ pp. [Germany II. 44]
Oct. 2367. Lansac to Walsingham
I received yours of July 27 last, and continue from it to recognize your good will towards me, for which I thank you heartily, and beg you to be sure I shall not fail to reciprocate it, as you shall perceive in any matter wherein I may serve you. Kindly kiss the Queen of England's hands for me, and assure her there is no one in the world who more honours her, or is more willing to serve her. Commend me also to the lord Treasurer, the Admiral, the Earls of Sussex and Leicester, and to Lord Howard, and keep a part for yourself.—Saint Maur-des-Fosses, 20 Oct. 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France VIII. 58.]
Oct. 4368. Cobham to Walsingham
After I had access to the Queen Mother, I moved her, according to the directions sent me in your letter, in her Majesty's name, to have letters written to the king's ambassador at Constantinople, whereby he might be moved to favour the agent for the English merchants trading into the Levant, whom the Queen intended to send thither about those merchants' causes. I besought her further that since the king was not here I might deliver her the Queen's letter directed to him to the same effect, trusting she would send it to him, and request him to direct his especial letters, whereby the English agent might on all occasions be recommended by his ambassador resident in the great Turk's Court, so that the good amity between their Majesties and the Queen might the clearer appear to the Turk as to other princes; which kind of princely offices would greatly increase the amity.
The Queen Mother answered that she thought the like motion had some time heretofore been made, assuring me the king would not 'leave' to accomplish this or any matter which might be to her Majesty's contentment. She added that she intended to write to the king forthwith, understanding he was about Orleans on his return to these parts, whereby I should the sooner have answer. Therewith I gave her the Queen's letters addressed to the king. There was no secretary at that instant in Court, and M. Pinart being gone to his house, five and twenty leagues hence, is not yet returned.
Afterwards I signified to her how many of her good servants were right sorry the overthrow and death of M. Strozzi had been confirmed to her. She said the overthrow was not great, seeing the Spaniards had only taken Strozzi's ship and one or two more. But she added that if it might have pleased the Queen my sovereign to have lent them some of her good ships, the Spaniards could not have obtained this victory, and if she will yet aid her with ships, she hoped to be revenged. I told her I understood there were over a dozen or ten ships prepared in England, which might have done her and Don Antonio good service; but 'whereas' the treaty of the 'lyege' was propounded and had in consideration, the king broke it off, leaving many doubts 'in' the amity, which having been concluded, it could not but marvellously have profited their Majesties and advanced their designs. Howbeit, it was esteemed they intended to make those enterprises upset; wherein perhaps the Queen's assistance could not have prejudiced their greatness, but rather I trusted would have brought good fortune to it.
While I spoke thus much, she holding down her head cast her eyes 'of' each side 'on' her, to see if any were within hearing; wherewith she answered that the king would shortly be here, and then further resolutions should be made. Meantime she told me that the king had sent me ample satisfaction to the Queen for the effecting of the marriage. With that she 'uttered' how she hoped her Majesty would enter into the consideration of the Scottish King's subjects who had taken him prisoner, a matter to move all princes to bend themselves to help him, and which imported the Queen and being a prince, considering how dangerous those examples are.
On this I was moved to deliver to her how it was well known that M. d'Aubigny had entered into many violent actions since he had possessed the young king's especial favour, which presumptuous manner of proceeding had moved the people of Scotland to disdain him greatly, and had caused the nobility to withdraw their good will and service from their king. This the young king so plainly perceived that he appointed d'Aubigny to keep Courts and deal in other affairs while he took occasion to pass two or three days journey from Edinburgh, their chief town, withdrawing himself, under colour of hunting, from d'Aubigny: when there drew unto him, either by his own procurement, or 'on' their own free will, certain lords of Scotland, by whom ever since he has been accompanied.
With this she said. the king was with them against his will. I replied that while d'Aubigny had the rule of the young king, the other lords and the people said that he was d'Aubigny's prisoner, and now d'Aubigny complains that the lords keep the king prisoner. Therefore I showed her how there were but ordinary 'Garbogli scotsesi,' which in another month, they being let alone, might turn to another change. I assured her that the Queen had with great care sent two principal gentlemen to understand the causes, and offer all assurance and assistance to the young king, being her nigh kinsman, nourished and protected by her hitherto. With this the queen said she doubted not but her Majesty would 'do for' him for those respects; confessing that d'Aubigny had acted too violently, which could have no long continuance.
Lastly I became a suitor to her that those six English prisoners, brought hither to be sent to the galleys, might be employed in the Duke of Brabant's wars. Whereon if I find no grace, I will deal no further hereon, finding by your last letters what you think good concerning them. And herewith I left the Queen Mother.
They have since informed me that the Bishop of Glasgow has twice or thrice had access to the queen; whereon it is supposed his 'courting' imported the delivery of some sinister information against the lords of Scotland who are of the Religion, and now about the king.
It is understood the Queen Mother does not move in the matter of Scotland, but upon the provocations of those of the House of Guise; for otherwise she 'apprehends' not those matters much at her heart.
I have since solicited to have some answers touching my above-said request for the king and queen's letters, but as yet they defer me; which proceeds, as I understand, because the king has not his good health, so that the dispatches of officers are the more prolonged.—Paris, 4 October 1582.
Add. & endt. gone. 3¼ pp. [France VIII. 59.]
Oct. 4369. Cobham to Walsingham
Since writing my last to you, I am informed the king is come down by water near to Orleans, whence he passed to Notre Dame de Cléry and Chartres, and is about this time arrived at Dolenville, continuing in a feeble state of health.
They have informed me that the Pope's nuncio has consented that the Princess of Conti's kinsman should be invested Bishop of Bayeux, with the condition that he would take for his suffragan John Chassey, as Irish Franciscan friar, who has had the title of bishopric bestowed now on him at Rome which one 'Partrick' Gerardine had, who is lately deceased in Ireland, and this much has passed at the request of this nuncio. The said bishopric of Bayeux is within 5 leagues of the seacoast, in Normandy. So thus the Pope's ministers seek to plant his 'practitioners' along the seaside; as at Rouen the Bishop of Ross and now at Bayeux this Irish wandering bishop.
Hannibal Milano, agent to the Duke of Ferrara, of whom I signified in my last letter, is departed for Italy, to get order from his Duke for the loan of the 200,000 crowns which are to be lent to the Duke of Brabant and paid at Antwerp upon caution of certain rents and lands in Touraine and Alencon; which mortgage will be confirmed by this king in Parlement.
This other day the nuncio sent a thick packet of letters to the Bishop of Glasgow, directed to him from the Cardinal of Como, which the bishop 'pretends' to send by a Scotchman, one of middle stature, yellow-bearded, with a fat round face. He passes by way of Havre de Grace, directed to M. Charlevoix by the Scotch ambassador.
They assure me Marshal de Biron is to go hence towards the Duke of Montpensier's army this week. Some are of opinion that if this army could be transported by sea, it would in that sort do more service to the Duke of Brabant.
The king has given express order that all strangers whatsoever shall depart out of the frontier towns; whereupon the Spanish agent understands this order to be intended against the Spanish king's subjects fled out of Flanders, who must now 'avoid' as men suspected 'unto' this state.
It is understood a courier of the Prince of Parma's has been taken this last week. His letters are sent to Monsieur, and himself to Cambray.
The Duke of Bouillon did not go into Germany, but comes to this Court shortly. His younger brother is gone to M. Montpensier's camp.
The king continues his building of his chapel and cell at the Louvre for his thirteen Cordeliers, who will there sing, and wear on their habits the cross with the Saint-Esprit. So he cannot come to the Louvre, but is to be lodged, at the Duke of Longueville's house as it is now determined.
I shall not fail to perform what you have directed me in yours of the 26th Sept.
Lord Percy is come to me, giving me to understand that my lord his father has sent for his return. I would be glad my commendations would stand him in stead in any sort ; assuring you (whereof also you may if you please assure her Majesty) that he has so well spent his time that he has obtained the French tongue very perfectly and has given himself to very good studies. So I hope thereby her Majesty will have of him an especially well-qualified nobleman, and truly one of a good nature. I might take just cause to enlarge further the praise of this young noble earl ; but I know upon the sight of his person, and on his gracious manner, her Majesty will safely judge of his value, and all this is, I understand, sufficiently known to you, perceiving at your last being here how much you liked him,-Paris, 4 October 1582.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VIII. 60.]
Oct 4 (?)370. Cobham to Walsingham
After I had made up the packet, I was informed how now they have agreed that upon the coming of the commissioners from Scotland hither, and that certain articles may be agreed on, the Duke of Guise will procure the king to be content that the young king shall be accepted as sovereign in the same degree as his mother is, and consequently all accustomed compliments shall follow.
It is believed here that Sir James Balfour has been restored to the Scottish king's favour at the intercession of her Majesty, 'which' I cannot tell whether I may acknowledge it to be true.
All means are 'tempted' to draw Monsieur to Court, which will perhaps be brought to pass—to his grief, I fear, and others'.
The Duke Lennox' wife passes not as yet from these parts. I hear the king has bestowed some clothes of gold and silver stuff on the Scottish king; but if a fly-boat of Flanders should cross the seas and speak with George Douglas and his merchandise it would profit somebody. There will be letters worth the sight.—Paris, 3 [sic] Oct.
P.S.—Please let her Majesty understand that his Highness seeks to be restored to the king's favour. The Duke of Lorraine is made a means, at the motion of Queen Mother.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson, with year. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 61.]
Oct 4371. Fr. Nedham to Walsingham
I had not so long been unmindful either of the duty wherein I am bound to you or so slack in satisfying your expectation, if either these matters here, as touching Schomberg, had taken effect, or 'found' any sure determination in his proceedings. For although there were divers suspicions and doubts both before and since his examination, as in my last letter I certified to you, there were no evident proofs or sure ground thereof. Since which, though by sundry means I have sought to 'quit myself' from him, I could never bring it to shielded me from their injuries, but also to do me good so far debased himself as personally to go to those who might any way further my cause, commending the equity and uprightness thereof; and in the mean time ceased not by all courteous means to bring us to some reasonable composition, that for my goodwill I might not sustain loss, and he avoid the discredit that might come to him and his name, the ground of things being ripped up in the open Court, and hearing of all men. In which his honour dealt so earnestly, and so effectually followed, that at length Schomberg was content to give me 200 crowns ready money, and his cousin the Count of 'Nanthevill' an obligation, binding all his goods for the payment of the rest a year hence, allowing for interest and forbearance on every hundred, eight and a 'tiers'. Which so favourable dealing of the ambassador in my so great extremity I cannot gather from whence it might proceed but from your favourable consideration, or the readiness of my lord to manifest in effect the honour he bears to your name. Either of which although for my part I neither have nor can any way deserve, yet if he may understand that his help has been agreeable to you, I shall not only think myself most beholden to you, but your other accumulated benefits being augmented by this favour, will perpetually bind me to your command.—Paris, 4 October.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham: From young Nedam, with year. The hand is that in which most of the Paris embassy dispatches are written. 1 ½ pp. [France VIII. 62.]
Oct 4372. Clervant to Walsingham
Different reasons have led the King of Navarre to think of a foreign war. The first is that in Dauphin, Languedoc, and Guyenne there are many men who have been brought up among our civil wars, soldiers' lads, and afterwards have become smart soldiers, without learning any trade but to bear arms and be fed and well clothed without doing any other work. These, unable, ignorant, nay, unwilling to learn any other means of living, keep us always in trouble by surprising places and committing other acts of hostility; and I may say that since I had the fortune to see you I have been seven months in Languedoc to remedy these evils, of which I have made an end, with the exception of one man, who with some desperate fellows to the number of 230 holds a place called Menerbe, which is strong. They are now being besieged by those of one and the other religion. I can say with truth that in 10 months there have died 'by hand' at least 500 good soldiers professing the religion of the good men of the world; nevertheless so lawless (desbauchis) that the assemblies of the Churches of the country are constrained to tolerate it, even to say, it is well done, seeing that they had withdrawn themselves from all obedience with the intention of doing so much harm that civil war would have revived.
We do not know if the King of Spain has any honest men, not making a profession of arms, who are kindling the fire under hand, trying also by evil speakings and impostures to render odious those who are labouring to establish and confirm our peace, rather than recognise that war without cause offends God; also that no one among us is disposed that way except the few people whom they are driving into it.
Now the remedy is to give those people some exercise in their trade outside of France. They will not go with Monsieur, because it is far off, and they are afraid of being chastised there. But with the King of Navarre they will go anywhere. Further the [king] sees the Spaniard assailed by land and sea, and it seems as if God would stir up all those in whose feathers he is clad, to retake them in order to chastise and humble him. You know that he is holding nearly all ours [i.e. the territory of Navarre]; also that if we had the means of attacking him by land and sea in Spain, we should touch him at the heart and make him recall all of his nation wherever it is spread (espanche); for we hope to enter in such strength that that and more will be necessary for him. Thus we shall set his Highness free from a part of that which can harm him, and the Portuguese at the same time. We will try if it shall please God to bless our just quarrel; we will hinder the Spanish designs against your state and others; and being armed, we will make the Catholics in France afraid of making any movement, for fear lest we come to terms with the Spaniard and return, with the resources which would be his price for peace, to make war in France.
M. de Ségur has been sent by the King of Navarre to this Court to make this proposal, and it has been well received. I am here to follow it up, and to see with what and to what extent they are willing to help us. Meanwhile the king is sending to the Queen your sovereign the present bearer, M. de Senegas, an honourable and loyal gentleman who has commanded a regiment of infantry in our wars, to communicate his desire to her, and beg her to be willing to aid him therein, as he has instructions to let you understand, and to guide himself by your advice; inasmuch as he [qy. the king] knows that you love him as well as our Churches; and have also much prudence and acquaintance with the affairs of the world to judge of this matter and aid therein by your credit with the Queen, letting her understand how for a trifle she can secure her state from so great a foe of God and men. Your good affection, tested in our need assures us of your good will, therefore I will say no more.—'Fontaine belleau,' 4 October 1582.
Add. Endd. ('4 Aug.'). Fr. 1 ½ pp. [France VIII. 63.]
Oct 5373. The Muscovy Merchants to Burghley
“It may please your lordship on behalf of the company of merchants for discovery of new trades to be advertised” that whereas heretofore our composition for the service of her Majesty of wax is not above 6,000 weight for the year, and sometimes we have served with 4,000 and less, we have this year delivered for that service 6,000, and we stay 6,000 more to remain in our hands and not to be transported, that if necessity be, we may have so much in readiness; notwithstanding this, and that there is a great deal owing us by her Majesty, there is a stay made by the household of all our wax, that we may not sell it nor employ it to our profit. This year our shipping, “for defence upon doubt of some force, have been extraordinarily very chargeable” to us ; the ships are returned, for lack of flax and other commodities in that country, with a great deal of dead freight ; the receiving and entertaining at our cost is and will daily be a very great burden to us ; we must presently pay, for freight and custom and other things, very much money ; was is the chief thing to make money of. We beseech that by you means with the officers of the household, we may have a reasonable price, were the value allowed to us ; and that we may have speedy payment both for the average of the last year, and for the wax delivered this year. And that you will give order for the release of the stay of our wax, except of 6,000 that we keep in store, if need be, and direct your letters of warrant to the officers of the customhouse for passage of our wax to our best benefit, as heretofore. The unusual burdens of the company enforce us with more importunity to 'make our refuge' to you.—London, 5 October 1582.
Copy. Endd. by R. Beale. 1 p. [Russia I. 1.]