Elizabeth: December 1583, 21-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

'Elizabeth: December 1583, 21-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914) pp. 278-295. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp278-295 [accessed 19 April 2024]

November 1583, 21–31



Dec. 22.	324. Stokes to Walsingham.
	Since the coming of the English companies to Maldeghem (Malinghem) “that serves the enemy,” divers of Col. Morgan's soldiers are stolen away, and feared that more will follow, wherefore it is thought that he and all his companies will be sent to Friesland.
	The Prince of Chimay is advertised that the Prince of Parma has made the Earl of Westmorland colonel of all the English who serve in his camp, with great promises that all who come shall be well used and have good entertainment.
	The Prince of Parma is at Tournay and has written to the Marquis of Risbourgh to make all things at Ecloo ready for his coming very shortly. It is feared they intend an enterprise against Damme, they have so many boats and scaling-ladders in readiness. They have not 2,000 foot and only 800 horse at Ecloo, the rest lying besides Ghent and beginning to creep nearer to it; for they are making two great bulwarks within half a dutch mile of the town.
	It is said in the enemy's camp, that in March next the Prince of Parma returns to Italy and a new governor, a Spaniard, comes in his place; that 3,000 Spaniards and Italians are coming overland from Italy, and 5,000 more Spaniards by sea, which news makes many of the Walloon gentlemen afraid.
	By report of some that came yesterday from Ghent, they there “care neither for Spaniard nor Frenchmen,” and seem to have some other hope, wherein it is thought they will be deceived; for the commons begin to murmur greatly against d'Embyze's government, and their victuals wax scant.
	Here in Flanders “they make no more resistance of any thing than if they had no enemies in the country” for it seems by our magistrates here that their only hope is of Monsieur's coming, and they give out that he is preparing a great army in France to send hither, which news is sent out of Holland, from the Prince of Orange's court.—Bruges, 22 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XX. 110.]
Dec. 24./Jan. 3.	325. Péna to Walsingham.
	Concerning a certain doctor [i.e. Dr. Dale], who alleges having made payments to Péna and Spinola, which Pena denies, and prays Walsingham to protect him from the frauds, annoyance and losses concocted (brassé) for him. Has had much delay and worry in soliciting Messrs. de Mansel to make the said doctor pay. His demand is very reasonable, and ought not to be refused, as he is advised by many learned friends, who declare that justice cannot take from him so obvious a right. Has communicated their opinion to the ambassador, who is writing to his honour on the subject.—Paris, 3 January.
	Add. Endd “1 (sic) Jan. 1583.” Fr. 2 pp. [France X.112.]
Dec. 25.	326. The Syndics and Council of Geneva to the Queen.
	Although they have hitherto deserved nothing from her Majesty, yet since it has pleased her, of her accustomed clemency, to show her good will towards them by allowing her people to send them pecuniary aid, they thank God who, in the midst of their afflictions, has given them this comfort, and desire to assure her Majesty how precious her benefits are to them.
	They also count it among the greatest of their obligations that she should have written commending the justice of their cause to Messieurs [the Estates] of the Cantons of Switzerland, (who have to take cognizance of their difference with the Duke of Savoy), the issue of which they now await. And they pray that they may be enabled to prove their gratitude to her Majesty, being assured that she will believe how great is their desire to do her humble service.—Geneva, 25 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Switzerland I. 8.]
Dec. 25	327. The Syndics and Council of Geneva to the Privy Council.
	Whenever we reflect upon the calamities which have troubled our state during the last year, we consider also the favour of God in granting us means to repair in part the breaches which the violent attacks of our enemy have made, amongst which means, the clemency and liberality of her Majesty hold the first place. And we are moreover led to reflect upon the goodness of your lordships, her prudent counsellors, as shown by the supply of money which has now reached us, and which will greatly aid us in making another effort, should necessity arise, as indeed we have much cause to suspect preparations made round about our city, both by the gathering of men of war, the creation of fresh garrisons in divers places, and the prohibition to bring corn into the town.
	Also the putting off of the Diet (appointed to decide our differences) by the Duke of Savoy, first from September to October, and now again until the Sunday after Epiphany (dimanche prochain des Rois) shows what his design is; viz. to lull us to sleep with hopes of Diets while he makes his preparations against us.
	But we trust to the protection of God, who has preserved us hitherto, and who in the future will continue his aid and put our enemies to confusion. Moreover we assure ourselves that your lordships will hold us in remembrance, and will not give ear to the calumnies of our enemies, which are contrary to right and reason, seeing that we are ready to submit to an impartial judgment, and that it is due to the Duke of Savoy alone that an end has not been made of our differences.—Geneva, 25 December, 1683.
	Add. Endd. Seal. Fr. 1½ pp. [Switzerland I. 9.]
Dec. 25.	328. The Syndics and Council of Geneva to Walsingham.
	We have learnt from our well-beloved counsellor, Seigneur Maillet, what you have done for us as regards the Queen, having not only, amongst your great affairs, given attention to M. Maillet and his business, but having greatly aided us to obtain what it has pleased her Majesty to grant us.
	And this kindness is held by us as so much the greater, that you have taken this occasion to show your accustomed kindness towards those who are persecuted for the religion which we profess.
	We praise God for granting us access to her Majesty, and also thank you very affectionately for using such diligence and kindness towards us, and for the willingness with which you have often allowed yourself to be troubled about our affairs. As to these, we do not see that our enemies have changed their intention towards us, they still intending to carry out their enterprises as we are told, and indeed see, by many signs, and especially by M. de Savoy's repeated deferring of our Diet, while he is making great warlike preparations around us; putting garrisons where none have been before, and even forbidding the bringing of corn from his countries into our town, as if we were at open war. He has managed to put off the Diet until the Sunday after Epiphany, which is the time for the passage of the Spaniards (to the number, it is said, of twelve thousand) through Savoy and Franche Comte, where they will probably make some stay before going on to the Low Countries. We hope that God will continue to us his aid and assure ourselves that those who have shown themselves kindly disposed to us in the past, will not cease to help us, amongst whom we acknowledge you to be one of the chief, praying you most earnestly to keep us in her Majesty's good graces; and that if our enemies (whose only aim is to render us odious to all) should endeavour to prejudice us with her, you will remain convinced that we have never refused to prove the justice of our cause before impartial judges, either amicably or legally, and will always justify our actions to those who doubt us, if they will take the trouble to hear us.—25 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd. Seal. Fr. 1½ pp. [Switzerland I. 10.]
Dec. 27.	329. Stafford to Walsingham.
	I received your letters yesterday by Sir Henry Cobham's man. [See p. 271 above.]
	“I am marvellous sorry to hear that more persons are still found hearkeners to any enterprise against their prince or state, that they have cause to be so chary of; and especially for those two, both whom I have loved and honoured, the one for himself and some alliance, the other for nearness of nature to me, and a great many of kind favours I have been beholding to him for. But I have ever known him so wise that I hope the best, and if the worst falleth out, in truth, as much as I have loved him, I wish him more punished than another, because he cannot excuse lack of wit, nor plead ignorance. . . . God preserve her Majesty and make them have grace that shall be tempted with any devilish temptation strong to resist; and send them more judgment than to think that in this wicked world we can have hope to think to change for the better, having had so many proofs of her goodness, and so sundry examples of our neighbours' miseries for lack of a prince filled with that good disposition she hath showed to us all.”
	For the Lord Paget and Arundel, I have as good an eye over them as I can. The first governs himself either wisely or extreme cunningly, for he has not yet been in any house since he came, no more truly hath the other. The difference between them is that “one is tongue-tied, the other hath it at liberty; the one cold and patient, the other choleric and impatient,” which may be at his own folly, finding no hopes of a better living abroad than he left assured at home. For their manner of living, “there neither cometh anybody to them nor they go whither, but for the most part I have one giveth me account of it.”
	They go to the Cordeliers to church (their devotion seeming colder than at their first coming) and to no houses but public places; but yesterday evening a Scottish physician came to see Lord Paget, and presently they two went into the street that goes to the Scottish ambassador's, where the watch lost sight of them, and suspecting their going into that house, watched a great while, but going home found that Lord Paget was come home a great whSe before. “God knoweth where he had been, for the watch assureth that at the Scottish ambassador's he was not.”
	But though he neither goes to any suspicious house, nor deals with any suspected person, yet all the fugitives here come to visit him; as [William] Tresham, Morgan of the Chapel, Owen, Wendooe [qy. Wendon], Reynolds; all but the Scottish ambassador's mignon, the other Morgan, who has never come.
	But Charles Paget and he are inseparable, “and they two continually haunt”; and Morgan has provided another lodging for one that lay with him before they came. Between which two, Morgan having continual access to the Bishop of Glasgow, Duke of Guise and others, they may practise a thousand things by Charles Paget's means and I never the wiser. I will use all means to gain intelligence, and beseech you for your advice.
	For any account made of their coming, at first sight the name of a “Milord” carried somewhat, but now there is no wonder made. “The last day, at the ceremony of the Saint Esprit, they stood hard by the King, who in my conscience knew not what they were nor enquired of them, though Arundel had a ruff (“roffe”) was worth a question.” The nuncio only rejoiced at their coming, and a great deal more when he heard there would be many more daily, which he hopes will bring a general discontentment and in the end a general broil, and that “there will be at length (as he terms them) Forusciti enough to make an army to offend England withal.”
	As to her Majesty's pleasure about the lady, “I am her servant, and therefore that which she liketh not, I will not do. I pray God she and I both have for our thousand angels as much and as good service for her as that would have done her, as the plat was laid,” but seeing she doth not like it, I must begin anew. As for the Jesuit, when he comes, “I will try whether a poor plain Englishman can find a way to serve his turn of an Italian.”
	I am fain to send this bearer away, having this four or five days had in my hand a letter of Monsieur's, which he desired me to send with all expedition. “If I should not have sent it I might perchance have heard of it for my negligence, and now I have sent it I may perchance be blamed for putting her to charge,” but that I may have a lesson, I have written to know her pleasure, which, I pray, let me have by the next, that I may do my best to offend in neither part. Meanwhile, be as good to this bearer as you can and send him back as soon as you may, he being necessary to me both for my own service and her Majesty's.
	My cousin Constable would needs persuade me yesterday that he met Lord William Howard disguised like a serving-man. I cannot believe it. Pray tell me if there be any talk of his coming over, or any cause, that I may have as good an eye to him as I can, “though I would be as sorry to have cause for him as for any.”
	I send you a letter of one Gourgon [Gordon], a Scot who desires a passport through England into Scotland. I think you know the man. I cannot answer for him. He says he will do much good there if he go. “If he can do as well as he can speak much and well enough, he may do a great deal of good. He saith much of well-wishing to our country; I can assure no further than his own speeches, for I take the Scots to be the only Italians a this side of the Alps.—Paris, 27 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd. 3½ pp. [France X. 113.]
	Enclosing:
	330. J. De Gordon to Walsingham.
	Having been eighteen years absent from my native country, I wished to make a journey to see the young Prince whom God has set over the people of my race, and by the same means to discharge the duty which I owe to my King and my country, of which I desire the peace and prosperity as much as anything in the world. I think it is their supreme good to keep at unity among themselves and in friendship with so powerful a neighbour as the Queen of England, and shall all my life regard as veré patriœ et reipublicœ hostes all who would trouble the peace of either realm.
	I could very well do without ever returning to Scotland, for I am, thank God, very comfortable in France, and cannot hope for so much pleasure, repose, honour and reputation there as here. Yet the zeal I have to endeavour to do some good service to my King urges me to make the journey, and I desire to pass through England, to kiss her Majesty's hands. Remembering the kind treatment I had in England in the years '69, '70 and '71, I wish her all happiness and prosperity, that under her rule, the church of God may be at rest. And thus I address myself to you, as one whom I have known to be a lover of virtue and piety και φιλομουσον και των φιλομουσων φιλον, and one that did me the office of a good friend when I was in England; praying you to be the means of obtaining for me a free passport to pass and repass through England to Scotland with my small train, and permission to pay my respects to her Majesty. And I shall ever be more and more bound to you, and will do you all lawful service, loving and honouring your virtues.
	I have many suits on hand in France, on behalf of my wife, and must be back in three months, which makes me ask for a passport before arriving in England that I may not have to stay to solicit it. Otherwise, relying on my past life, which has been employed only in a literary way (es bonnes lettres) and in the lawful affairs of my masters and mistresses, I should address myself to her Majesty without a passport, knowing her for a clement and just princess, who would not make me waste my limited time and lose oleum et operam.—Paris, 27 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 3 pp.[Ibid. X. 114.]
Dec. 29.	331. Stafford to the Queen.
	Mr. Parrie's return makes me bold to trouble your Majesty with these few lines, not to recommend him to you, for his dutiful good will towards you and his country has already done so, and I should be presumptuous to think that my recommendation should do more good than his service. But I may of knowledge assure you that his ability to serve you, and means to do it are very good, my testimony to which, being in the place that I am, has some show of credit. I think he has some matter of importance to deliver to you, and though all know your honourable mind to acknowledge men that deserve well, yet I pray leave to put you in remembrance that “the reward of virtue maketh men to continue and increase in well-doing” and if he may “feel of it, your Majesty will do me an especial favour.”
	Monsieur is still at Château-Thierry, and his mother with him, from whom has come but one ordinary courier since she went thither. What he brought I cannot tell you, but one sent me word from the Court that she was out of hope to do what she went for. “But I hear since the King saith the contrary, and that by his mother's means he hath no cause to stand in fear of his brother, and that she hath satisfied him. How I know not, but I hope I shall, or ere it be long.”
	Stalynge has not yet come back and writes that Monsieur has commanded him to stay there till his mother was come back, and that he would write by him to your Majesty.
	“This matter of enterprise against Monsieur is come to nothing, but the worst that can be made of it is against Fervaques and Aurilly, and the poor man that is taken, whom men in conscience think was 'tysed' unto it for the 'nonst,' was done by Fervaque's devices to further intents, and is condemned to be drawn in pieces with horses by Monsieur's provost. Generally it is thought the poor man was cunningly deceived, for he cannot tell by whom he was set on, but saith that he that set him on did tell him that an abbot dwelling not far from Château-Thierry should deliver him the money that was promised him for the doing of it.
	“What abbot he knoweth not, nor where certainly the abbey is, nor what the name of the abbey is, which methinks was the cunningest part of all, to make the man in naming of an abbot and an abbey near Château-Thierry to bring the Abbot d'Albene in suspicion, because he hath an abbey thereby, whom Fervaques and Aurilly hate deadly and Monsieur doth not greatly love, nor hath not done a great while. Betwixt God and their consciences be it.”
	Although men pity the man, because they think he has been cozened, yet they think it most fit he should die, “to make men to take heed how they hearken to be common killers. But to be pulled in pieces with horses, a punishment ordinary for enterprises upon the persons of the greatest princes, that men think a very undiscreet judgment for enterprising against two such as Fervaques and Aurilly, and not doing the deed neither.”—Paris, 29 December, 1583.
	Endd. “Copy of my letter to the Queen by Mr. Parry.” 2½ pp. [France X. 115.]
Dec. 29.	332. Stafford to Walsingham.
	The King's preparations for Twelfth night, reducing of officers, want of money &c. Edict against levies of men. The King of Navarre will take his wife again. Ships arrived with Lord Seton out of Scotland.—Paris, 29 December, 1583.
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France X. 116.]
	Calendared in Report on the Cecil Papers, iii, 22 (from copy sent to Burghley). Printed by Murdin. p. 387.
Dec. 29.	333. Stafford to Walsingham.
	This bearer, Mr. Parry, going home, I send you this private letter, and though I see by your thanks for my good usage of him that he needs no recommendation, yet I pray you to favour and help him in anything you can, as one that I ever had an opinion of to be an honest man to his Prince and country.
	I am told of a match between Montmorency's (Merancy's) eldest son and the Duke of Guise's eldest daughter, practised by them that seek either a “matter of worse intent, to keep his mind occupied,” or else for an alliance between those two houses, whereby Guise thinks to be strengthened; and this so cunningly done, that Guise hath found means to make the other's mother a seeker of it, under colour that it is the way to uphold her son and her house, which at this hour is ready to fall, and to draw him out of the hands of the King of Navarre and Conde, who are in danger to draw him from his religion, “which she, poor woman, only feareth.” Thus she is brought to it, but those who know him well assure themselves that he will never hearken to it.
	I have this from good parts, and especially from a hanger upon Guise, which makes me give the more credit to it.
	This day I hear that Duke Joyeuse “maketh a great embarkment of a voyage to the sea” of eight or nine ships of Normandy, besides some making ready in Provence. I have prayed this bearer to enquire of it in Normandy as he passes and “or ever it be long” I will have somebody there myself to look to it.—Paris, 29 December, 1583.
	Postscript—“I have even now news that the Lord of Easter Wemyss (Esterweemes) came hither yester night, and the Bishop of Ross the night before. I will do what I can to have an eye over him. I pray you, be not 'aknowen' to Parry that I have any conference with Boucer, for he desireth me for his safety to be 'aknowen' to nobody,” and I tell everybody that I think him “the rankest knave in the world.”
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France X. 117.]
Oct. 8/18. (fn. 1)	334. Norreys to Herle.
	“Our State yields no other news nowadays but that our men are often beaten, our towns surprised and our States not assembled. Those of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht and Guelderland are entering into league and begin to think to redress these affairs. They have written to the others that if they come not presently to the assembly, they will leave them to themselves and not take them for their confederates.” Their plan for the government is to form a Council of State, whereof the Prince shall be the chiefest, which Council shall have absolute authority to dispose of all payments appointed for the war, and shall see that all contributions are employed to the best profit of the service, “not to private men's gains, as they have been.“They will entertain 3,000 English under one colonel and as many French and Scottish in like order. Also 500 English lances and as many French; 500 lances of the country and 1,500 reiters. These shall serve for the field and be well paid. They are not yet agreed who shall command their army, but it is thought that in each province there shall be one appointed to command the men of war. The garrisons will be mostly of their own countrymen.
	“The surprising of Zutphen hath made the Gheldois to bethink themselves a little.“They are beginning a fort on the hither side of the river, to hinder the incursions of the enemy, who otherwise may come even to the gates of Utrecht. We hear that Duke Casimir is still about Bonn, but must wait for more forces before he ventures to pass the Rhine, all the passages of which are stopped, to the great distress of the Hollanders, who fear a dearth of their wine.
	Don Antonio writes that Terceira is still in his possession, and the Spaniard overthrown, with loss of 5,000 men. Let me know what you hear of it; also what M. de Segur has effected, and what Mr. Secretary has done in Scotland. We believe here that the King of Scotland is entered too far with the House of Guise and the King of Spain to retire.”—Dordrecht, 18 October, 1583, stilo corr.
	Add. Endd. Holl. and Fl. XX. 45 bis.]
	335. “Discours sur le droict pretendu par ceulx de Guise sur la Couronne de France.—Imprimé. 1583.”
	Endd. Fr. 12 pp. [France X. 118.]
[1583?]	336. [Sir Henry Cobham] to the French King.
	Memorial on behalf of John Nicolls, who some days ago, coming with letters from Duke Casimir to certain counsellors of the Queen of England, arrived in this town and was taken under the Ambassador's protection, who recommended him to the care of one of the Queen's messengers. On their way to England, Nicolls was arrested at Rouen by the judge of that place, and his letters and goods seized, at the instigation of certain rebels and fugitives of the said Queen, and particularly at the instance of one named Thomas Covert. Prays order for Nicolls' release and the restitution of his letters and goods; or, if his Majesty desires more clearly to understand the malevolence of Covert and his accomplices, that he may be enlarged upon reasonable bail, and that Covert may be also arrested and punished as his fault deserves. The said Covert declares that he arrested Nicolls by order of the Pope's nuncio, having received letters from the Cardinal of Bourbon to carry out the design.
	Copy. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [France X. 119.]
	[Probably the memorial mentioned by Cobham in his letter of Feb. 11. See previous volume of Calendar, p. 122.]
[1583.]	337. Paper endorsed “A note of the depredations wherein those of Poole are touched.”
	A ship whose master was one Thomasin of Vatteville, taken by an English ship returning from Terra Florida. The ship taken and spoiled; the men used with great inhumanity and carried into Poole, where the master was constrained to buy his ship again. To this end, they sent him with a letter to Mr. Francis Hall [Hawley], vice-admiral of [Dorset and] Somerset, who carried 120l. sterling to the ship, for interest of which for one month he was paid 120 crowns. So that the owners have lost 2,000 crowns.
	A ship whose master was Ambrose Pouchel of Vatteville, taken by Capt. Poyntz (Poins); the master killed in fight, the ship spoiled and the master's mate constrained to redeem it for 100l. sterling, “which sum was paid by the said Vice-Admiral in respect of 30l. sterling paid unto him for three weeks.” Owner's loss between 1,200 and 1,500 crowns, besides the death of the men.
	Gilbert Hebert, master of a ship of Dieppe, returning from Newfoundland, taken by a ship of Poole, which kept both ship and merchandise, making it a ship of war and using great inhumanity to the men.
	After they were taken, met another English pirate, which had taken a ship of Nantes, laden with wines, whereof also they had made a ship of war. And the Frenchmen being set over at Cherbourg (Cherebout), found a barque there out of which an English ship had taken a ton of wine and 14 bales of feathers, according to a report made Sept. 15, 1582.
	A ship whose master was Jaques Roy of Quillebœuf (Killebeuf) returning from the Canaries with sugar and canary wine, taken by two English pinnaces, carried to a place called [blank] by Poole and made a ship of war. Value of ship and merchandise 7,000 or 8,000 crowns.
	A ship of Treport, laden with wine, carried “to the said place of Honfar” [sic], the wines sold and the ship, being left empty, seized by the Vice-Admiral, from whom the master redeemed it. “The like whereof is done by all good ships that are not fit to make ships of war.”
	A ship of Cales [here means Calais, not, as usually, Cadiz], laden with salt, taken into Poole, the salt sold, the ship left empty and seized by the Vice-Admiral.
	Endd. 1¼ pp. [France X. 120.]
	[See previous volume of Calendar, p. 378.]
	338. Statement of the Receipts of Monseigneur, the only brother of the King, for the present year, 1583, with the ordinary expenses of his household and certain things which his Highness desires to be paid from the said receipts for the said year.
	Giving receipts from his territories, pensions, appanages &c. and expences for household, ordinary charges, arrearages, purchase of horses, alms and other expences.
	Endd. Monsieur. Fr. 13 pp. [France X. 121.]
	339. An abridged statement of the receipts and expences “fait en extraordinaire de la guerre” by the Duke of Anjou from May 1, 1581, when his Highness raised his army for the relief of Cambrai, until the last day of October, 1583.
	Endd. by Lord Burghley, “1583. Books of the accounts of Monsieur the Duke of Anjou.” Fr. 55 pp. [Ibid. X. 122.]
	340. “A brief of the Duke of Anjou's receipts from the 1st of May, 1581, to the last of October, 1583. [Probably taken from the above, although the figures do not always agree.]
	1581. Of her Majesty, 278,340l. Of the French King, 240,000l. Otherwise, 336,000l.
	1582. Of her Majesty, 353,731l. The King, 493,500l. The Estates, 32,528l. Otherwise, 7,840l.
	1583. The King, 279,000l. The States, 128,451l. Otherwise 363,532l.
	Total, 2,583,283l.[sic].
	His expences for the three years. Total, 2,683,905l., 16s. 10d.
	And so his expences exceeds his receipts by 100,622l. 16s. 10d.
	Endd. “William Sampell. 3,” but cancelled. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 123.]
	341. Another copy of the same. [Ibid. X. 124.] Endd. by Burghley. 1 p.
	342. Rough notes by Burghley of the value of foreign money; as that 10 sous equal I2d.; 60 sous 6s.; a crown pistolet 58 sous, and that a mark of gold is 8oz. With notes of payments in 1581 by Lord Henry [Seymour] at Cambray and du Bex at St. Valery and in 1582 by Palavicino, La Fougere and du Bex, and a pension to the Queen of Navarre of 200l.
	Endd. by Burghley, “Money received by the D. of Anjou.” 1½ pp. [Ibid. X. 125.]
[1583?]	343. One of the Seminary at Rheims to the Cardinal de Guise.
	If every good nature (most holy Prince) should abhor the foul fault of unthankfulness, truly the English nation, “which doth joyfully possess this your house or rather nursery of all noble studies, the only comfort of so long banishment,” are bound to detest the same, whom you have defended, cherished and rewarded with benefits, whereby, through you, the pillar of the French Church, we may hope that in time to come “our England, which now through grievous torments lieth oppressed with the heavy burden of heresy, may, as it were, being called out of the ugly jaws of Satan and restored again to the bosom of the Catholic Church, make account of the receiving of their old and ancient religion” at your hands.
	“Our Lord God hath provided that the English men which the cruel storm of heresy hath bereaved of their goods, banished their country, and driven from their parents and houses they were born and brought up in, should have that noble city of Rheims for their dwelling place, excellent church for their devotions and a famous university for their institution and training up in virtue”; and such humanity, charity and liberality is extended towards us by the clergy, secular people and even the bishops and governors of the cities of the province, as no greater could be shown to their own citizens, brethren and children; the which thing we have obtained, “next unto God,” by the benefit of the most Christian King, and immediately by your aid and favour. This most holy benefit being already bestowed, there has been no small increase of his dignity and your honour's protection, for you have not only received men driven out of their country for the profession of their faith, but have “most gently set upon a house of blessed refuge for the British Church cast out of doors, afflicted, and banished”; in which he doth most resemble King Ludovic his predecessor, who “did gently receive Thomas of Canterbury, the martyr and most sacred bishop, expelled his country for the defence of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and liberty,” and you (most gracious Cardinal) do happily imitate your uncle, the most shining pillar of all piety, mercy and Christian liberality, being heir not only of his high estate but of his virtues, that so “the immortal fame of that noble family of Guise . . . should be blown and spread in the Christian world for ever.” No man ought to marvel why I, an Englishman, under the good guard of your happy governance, have entered these lists, now but for a taste and trial, but in time to come, God willing, in earnest to fight with the enemies of the Church, which I trust to do the more willingly if in this sportful and gentle exercise I may have your countenance and aid.
	Endd. “The copy of a letter written by one of the Seminary men at Rheims to the Cardinal of Guise.” 2 pp. [France X. 126.]
[Undated.]	344. Memorandum that Pilloran [qy. Puylaurens] is said to have kept hidden in his house in Paris and in Orleans that Veupont who was excepted from the pardon granted by the King to Monseigneur his brother, because he had several times made attempts against the person of the King, or at least practiced for it; and moreover that Pilloran had several times given him money, and held strict correspondence with him in Brussels, whither he had sent many couriers, and sometimes Montpensier his confident.
[Undated.]	Italian. ½ p. [France X. 127.]
[1583?]	345. Memorial of Gaspar Barbose Cabesse to—
	Being a Portuguese, but naturalized Frenchman, a merchant and burger of Rochelle, he appeals to his ”Grandeur“ against the calumnies alleged against him to the Admiral and other lords of this country by [Antonio] the King of Portugal, to render him odious to the Council of his Majesty and thus to deprive him of the small means which he has for the recovery of his ship and which alone remain of his property in consequence of his services to the said King of Portugal, which though they be small and should not be spoken of by him, yet he mentions in order to justify himself in regard to what has been told of him by the said King.
	Which, to state briefly, he will begin from the accession of the said King to the Crown of Portugal in 1581, for whose service he travelled from France into Portugal with arms and ammunition [details given] at his own expense and risk.
	On his arrival, finding the kingdom in the hands of the Spaniards, he managed to escape and to bring the said arms into the island of Terceira for the service of the said King, having never received any profit or interest from his last employment.
	The said King having come to England when he escaped from Portugal, and afterwards retired into France, being assured of the good will of the said Cabesse, discovered to him his secrets and gave him charge to execute them.
	The first was to save his two children, who were secretly left in Portugal, for which the memoires given him by the said King will bear witness.
	The second was to bring out of the said kingdom more than 100,000 crowns, which the said Cabesse faithfully accomplished, to the satisfaction of the said King.
	Moreover, the said Cabesse, in ever greater affection to the said King, lent his ship, equipped and under the charge of his brother, to carry to Terceira the Conte de Silva, lieutenant of the said King.
	Also, when the King embarked for Terceira, he equipped his ship with sixty men, under the charge of his said brother to escort him, entirely at his own charges.
	The King, finding himself short of money for the voyage, employed Cabesse to assist him, both for his person and to supply his army, securing him under his seal and upon other things which he dares not to mention for the respect which he owes to all royalty.
	Trusting in which, Cabesse stripped himself of his property and employed his credit, for which he is even yet bound, having lent him 35,000 livres and more, the restitution of which sum, thus freely lent, he praying for, can get no reply either from the King or his officers, so that finally and against his wish, he is obliged in justice to demand his own.
	By reason whereof the said King has conceived the enmity which he now bears against the said Cabesse, as guerdon and recompense for all the losses which he has suffered in his service.
	Which acts freely done without any obligation, he does not consider to be treasonable and evil as the King wishes it to be believed, but remits the judgment thereof to his “Grandeur,” who will know better how to judge the matter from this veracious writing.
	Endd. The justification of Gasper Barbose, a Frenchman. Fr. 2½ pp. [France X. 128.]
1583.	346. Acerbo Vellutelli to Walsingham.
	It being known to all the world how much your worship is a lover and true upholder of justice, I the more confidently apply to you, praying you with all humility and reverence not to allow me to be wronged as to the bonds given last year for the currants, which in the month of September of that year came to strangers; and that the bonds may not be dishonoured, as I understand to be sought by Niccolo de Gozzi Pangeo, bound with Innocentio LucateUi, who has failed, which would not be right, and so much the less that it is to be believed that the said Gozziis secure enough by the proprietors of the said currants, who, as appears by the bond, are Santofonti and Michele Sommacchi, in great part the authors of the great imposts of the Venetian Signoria. I understand also that they of the new privilege lay claim to the said bonds, to which they cannot with any reason pretend, as may be seen by the bonds themselves, where there is no mention of them whatever, nor can be, seeing that the said merchandise arrived long before the concession of the said privilege. Of right I ought to obtain the payment without any contradiction, for my licence was not revoked (as is shown by the letter of the Illustrious Council) until the 21st of December last, and indeed [the revocation] not presented to me before the 24th April in this present year 1583 (a thing which has turned to my very great prejudice and harm) and the merchandise arrived, as is said, in the month of September previous, when the Venetian Signoria not only had not taken off their imposts, but made the English pay with all severity. I humbly pray your Honour that I may be paid the said bonds, as you said to me at Windsor, in these formal words:-If the Venetian Signoria will not take them off you shall be paid. I pray you most humbly that it may be shortly, and the whole sum contained in the said bonds, as a partial recompense for my licence having been withdrawn from me before the time expired, and for the great damage received by this, which is more than 2,000l. sterling, as I shall be able to prove to your Honour and the Illustrious Council.
	Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Venice I. 8.]
	347. Summary of a relation concerning the city of Lucca; its position, government &c. Italian. 2 pp. [Italy I. 8.]
	348. A like summary in relation to the city of Genoa, with an account of the noble houses there, and the strife between them and the popular faction.
	Italian. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 8a.]
	349. “The Vice-reys and Governors which the Spanish King hath in his kingdoms for the present”—1583.
	Portugal, Governor General the Empress his sister.
	Catalonia, the Duke of Cardona.
	Aragon, the Count of Sastago.
	Navarre, the Marquis of Almassan.
	Peru, the Count d'Oropesa.
	New Spain, Don Martin Enriques.
	Milan, the Duke of Terra Nova.
	Naples, the Duke of Ossuna.
	Sicily, Marco Antonio Colonna.
	Sardinia, Don Miguel de Moncada.
	Massora, Don Pedro Cerbellone.
	Flanders, the Prince of Parma.
	The Duke d'Urbino general of the Italian footmen throughout all Italy, save the footmen in the Duchy of Milan.
	Jacomo Boncompagno, Duke of Sora, son to the Pope, general of the light horsemen in the said Duchy.
	In Naples, no light horsemen, but 1,200 men of arms of the realm.
	Always in garrison, between two and three thousand Spaniards.
	In the Duchy of Milan, 2,000 Spaniards in garrison.
	Ambassadors for King Philip.
	Protector of the Spaniards in Rome, Cardinal de Medicis.
	In Rome, Count of Olivares.
	With the Emperor, Don Guilielmo di San Clemente.
	Agent in France, Tassis.
	At Constantinople, Sieur Mariano Milanese.
	In Genoa, Don Pedro de Mendoza.
	In Venice, a Spanish secretary.
	Endd. 1 p. [Spain II. 11.]
	350. Notes on “Matters concerning Sweden.”
	1561–2. Delivered to Sir Nich. Guldenstern, ambassador of King Eric, 12,167l., by the following merchants:-Sir Lionel Duckett, Sir William Huitt, Edw. Osborn, Richard Springham, John Dymock.
	1579. John, King of Sweden, granted to her Majesty passport for two ships to pass freely to the Narva, yet the said ships were taken, with loss to Thomas Allen, the Queen's merchant, of above 1,000l.
	1582. The Queen demanded payment of 12,000l. lent to King Eric and delivered to Sir N. Guldenstern, then ambassador, by Sir L. Duckett, John Dymock and Richard Springham. To which King John replied that he was not bound to pay King Eric's debts, for he was a tyrant, and King John came to the throne by conquest. And Mr. Dymock being sent to Sweden to demand the money and 1,000l. more due by the Lady Cecilia, was committed to prison, where he continued five and a half years.
	1583. John, King of Sweden, sent to the Queen in embassage Eric, Earl of “Wissingburg” and Sir Andrew Keith. They make answer concerning the debt that King John is not bound to pay it “because he came to the kingdom by the tyranny of King Eric;” and that Dymock was committed to prison for exhibiting some malicious letters to the King. Yet they offer, that if the King have peace with the Muscovite, he will take order to satisfy the Queen's subjects.
	At the same time they made request that her Majesty would write letters or send an embassage to the Muscovite, whereunto her Majesty consented, and sent her ambassador [Sir Jerome Bowes], who obtained his consent to a peace with Sweden.
	Endd. 1 p. [Sweden I. 9.] [In hand of early 17th century.]
	351. Further notes concerning Sweden, in the same hand. Mr. Thomas Gorge's negotiation with the King of Sweden. 1582. List of papers said to be in Bundle A.
	1. Memorial delivered to Mr. Gorge at his leaving Sweden.
	2. Speeches delivered to him at the same time, in the name of the King.
	3. Griefs of the King against her Majesty.
	4. Copy of a confession that the King wished to force Mr. Dymock to subscribe.
	5. Divers letters from Mr. Gorge and the King and Queen of Sweden to her Majesty.
	The Count of “Winsenberg” and Sir Andrew Keith's negotiation from the King of Sweden. 1583. Papers in Bundle B.
	1. Injuries to the Queen's subjects by the King of Sweden.
	2. Complaints of merchants.
	3. Mr. Thos. Allen's account.
	4. Note of moneys due by the King to her Majesty's subjects.
	5. The answers of the Swedish Ambassadors to the merchants' complaints.
	6. The Ambassadors' requests, Englished, with the postiles.
	7. The postiles, in Latin.
	8. The Ambassadors' requests, with their answers.
	9. Requests of Count Eric, ambassador.
	10. The procuration of John Hase to transport clothes permitted by her Majesty to the King of Sweden.
	11. Divers letters from the King and Queen of Sweden to her Majesty in 1583.
	Endd. l¼ pp. [Ibid. I. 10.]
	352. “News from France.” Notes by Burghley, apparently on Cobham's letter of Sept. 10.
	½ p.[Newsletters.]
	352. bis. Notes (in Sir Joseph Williamson's hand) on the instructions given to Sir E. Stafford at his going into France.
	Endd. 1 p. [France X. 129.]
	353. Batista Servigi to Walsingham.
	If I had as much power as good-will, you would soon know how much I wish to serve you, and to repay all the kindnesses I have received from you. As it is, all that I am, I offer to you, as your most faithful and affectionate servant. I know what good offices you have done for me with the Queen, for whom I would willingly risk my estate and my life.
	I cannot tell you how much I regret the death of M. Cappon [Piero Capponi], as a man of honour and my singular good friend, but we must accept patiently the will of God.
	The English gentlemen who carry this will tell you the news.
	I am extremely glad that the Queen intends, together with their most Christian Majesties, to assist the King of Portugal in his just cause, assuring myself that we shall this year see some good issues thereof.—Angra.
	Add. Endd. March 6, 1583. Signor Battista Servigi at Tercera. Fr. 1 p. [Portugal II. 3 bis.]
	[Found amongst the papers of 1584, but Servigi had then returned to Europe, and Capponi died in 1583.]
A. D. 1583 or 1584.	354. Additional Clause for Sir Jerome Bowes' Instructions.
	Her Majesty being given to understand that the King of Denmark has lately set forth ships to impeach the passage of her subjects to Russia, it is thought meet, if he meet the said fleet in the strait “between the wardhouse and Isleland” [qy. Isle of Zeeland], where the said King pretends to be master of the sea, as lord on both shores, that he should vail his bonnet to the admiral and then “advance it up again.”
	And if they be not satisfied therewith, but demand payment of toll or tribute, he is to let them understand that her Majesty has of late sent a minister [Herbert] to the King to treat with him on this point, requiring them not to press the matter further until some resolution is taken between the King and the said minister, who, it is not doubted, will satisfy his Majesty in the matter.
	If they still press the payment, and upon refusal offer violence, then he shall (finding himself strong enough) stand upon his defence; seeking to avoid them and pass the strait as soon as he can; but if they are too powerful, the merchants, as of themselves, shall offer a bill for the payment of the said tribute hereafter, according to the order taken between the King and her Majesty's minister.
	Endd. “A clause to be added to Sir Hierome Bowes' instructions,” and in another hand “1584”; but almost certainly part of his instructions before he started in June, 1583. Cf. previous volume of Calendar, pp. 406, 410. 1¼ pp. [Russia I. 7.]