Elizabeth
March 1583-4, 21-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor)

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1914

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422-432

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'Elizabeth: March 1583-4, 21-25', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583-July 1584 (1914), pp. 422-432. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79017 Date accessed: 21 September 2014.


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March 1583–4, 21–25

March 21.497. Stafford to Walsingham.
Even as I set my hand to paper to write to you such news as is come from Spain, I have received letters from Mr. Waad to you and the Lord Treasurer, which I send enclosed.
The advertisement I had, which comes from the Duke of Guise's mouth, is that a man sent by Mendoza into Spain is returned to his master with news that the King of Spain will show by his reward how well he takes Mendoza's service in England and will avow him in all he has done, and that he desires him to go into the Low Countries, to be the nearer to follow affairs in England.
That Mendoza in reply has prayed that he may first “make a turn,” into Spain. That Mr. Waad “hath not nor shall not have,” audience of the King, and if he will not declare his charge to the Secretary, may come back as he came.
The Duke of Guise and the King of Spain's agent have very good intelligence together, therefore “coming from his mouth it may be very like to be true,” especially as one of Mendoza's men has certainly returned here with letters from the King.
Although he and the agent, for a good face to the world lie in one house, “they be at such jars and Spanish pontillios,” that they communicate nothing to each other unless expressly commanded by the King.
You may see that they dally with Mr. Waad in Spain when they make show (as he wrote) that they know not what is become of Mendoza.
I wrote to you that I had sent Monsieur word of Mendoza's departure, to see if he would intercept him. He answers that the Queen Mother does not counsel him to do it. I have given M. la Noue's son warning of it also, who came to me, “and seemeth he will enterprise it, with great thanks to me for my advertisement,” At his request I have had drawn “a very live extract of him,” from which he will have other drafts drawn and send them to his friends in the “places of his passage,” to have warning of him one from another.
There is no great news this holy time save devotion; but Monsieur means to be a mediator between the King and Montmorency, and probably all things will be appeased in Languedoc. He has sent for Thore, (fn. 1) Montmorency's brother, who is to be an instrument to Montmorency, to make him agree to reasonable offers, and to assure him that Monsieur and the Queen Mother will help him in all things.
Many companies are laid in garrison along the Somme, and no town or village is to be exempt. Madame Piquiny is here, purposely to seek exemption for Piquiny, her town, but Duke Epernon refused it, saying plainly he would not exempt his own brother.
They are said to be laid there against the Prince of Parma, who is reported to be preparing a great army, either against some place on the frontiers or Cambray, “which they mean not to lose,” Monsieur has sent into it all his guards and three companies of light horsemen.
Tresham, going to the Prince of Parma's camp, was taken by the garrison of Cambray, but is released again, I hear.
Don Antonio's folk defer their departure from day to day. Richelieu is gone towards Rochelle, where the rest of the ships are. “I cannot tell what may change their minds, if the journey for Don Antonio should be broken.”—Paris, 21 March, 1583.
Add. Endd.pp. [France XI. 58.]
March 21/31.498. Bizarri to Walslngblam.
I had hardly sealed my last letter to you when I found that I had made a mistake in the day, having written the 25th instead of the 28th. I must pray you to impute it to the removal which I was then making to a new dwelling, with a very pretty garden, and in excellent air, the house being towards the east, and in a very cheerful situation.
Coming to public affairs, in Ghent, after the taking of Embise with his accomplices and the keeping of M. Champagny (Schiampigni) in more strict custody, they made M. Charles Utenhove (Utinovio) chief burgomaster, cousin of the other who was formerly there in company with M. de Foix (Foys), now French ambassador to the Pope. Some say that the new burgomaster is of the same mind as to the peace, but with another way of proceeding.
The cities of Sluys and Ostend are said to have taken garrisons from his Excellency.,
At Dermonde there has been discovered a great plot by some Scottish soldiers of the garrison, their captain or colonel, Seton (Sethone), having agreed with the Prince of Parma to open a gate, and his men being all ready prepared.
But the divine providence disposed otherwise of what to their great dishonour that nation had plotted for the harm of these poor countries. He is a prisoner with his confederates, as, would to God, he was who betrayed Lierre (Lira) to the enemy. But he also will one day feel the justice of God.
Of Prince Chimay divers things are here said; some will have it that he had intelligence with the opposite party and likewise that he was privy to the misfortune which happened lately in the succouring of Ypres, and they say that in Bruges, he has put in new magistrates, to the small satisfaction of those who love the good cause. In fine, one must say with the Scriptures, “Many are called, and few chosen,” or, with the Mantuan poet, Pauci quos aequus amavit Jupiter, aut ardens evexit ad ethera virtus rem.
I greatly desire to have four lines by the kindness of your honour and pray you to do me that grace, as you have deigned to do in past years.—Antwerp; on the vigil of the holy resurrection of the only begotten son of God, triumphant conqueror of his enemies and defender of those who put their hope in him [i.e. March 31 n.s.].
Endd. Italian. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXL. 55.]
March 23.499. Edw. Burnham to Walsingham.
The boor whom I sent to Rowland Yorke has returned, having delivered the letters. The next day I sent the articles you delivered to me at my departure, all which he received three days before Hembise and he were apprehended.
My messenger says he was minded to have written at large but deferred it, and now nobody can come to speech with him. His horses and such things as he had have been sold. There is also imprisoned one Seyton, a Scottish captain of horse. Hembise's purpose was to have helped the Malcontents to take Dermonde, and he made Yorke and Seyton privy to it. Seyton's cornet, a young man of his name, had been divers times there, was familiarly acquainted with M. de Rihove, the governor, and had underhand corrupted 150 Scots in the garrison, who were to have opened a gate and kept it till Montigny and other Malcontents had entered. Yorke and the elder Seyton were to have gone also. The plot was discovered by Rihove, and young Seyton being put to the rack, confessed all and was hanged. “This is come only by envy which is between Hembise and Rihove.”
Yorke was minded to have procured a passport and trumpet from the Marquis of Richebourg for me to come to Ghent, being very desirous to speak with me.
The obstinacy of Hembise, “who would proceed in the treaty all in all of himself,” has brought him and the others to this. It is thought that now he is imprisoned they will treat better with the Malcontents, and do for all Flanders what he would have done for Ghent alone.
Deputies sent from this town to Ghent have returned, but within two days will go again. The matter will hang long, and "when all cometh to all,” it is thought the enemy will work some mischief by means of it.
On the 17th it was proclaimed here that the husbandmen and boors might go to their farms and follow their husbandry. The Prince of Parma has given his permission to them of Flanders, and has forbidden his soldiers to rob or misuse the boors on pain of death. He ordered the Marquis of Richebourg to proclaim the like at Eccloo, and upon this most of the countrymen here and in Ghent have gone to their houses.
After that [Sluys] had agreed to receive such as were sent from [P. of Orange], disuniting from [Bruges], at which time [the governor of Zeeland]being there, did mean by intelligence that he had, to have and. a.. t (fn. 2) this town, and for that brought with him 1,500 from [Holland (?), Chimay] had been in danger and such as are affected to this treaty, [but it] was discovered by one that was privy to it.
The burgomaster and other magistrates here have been changed, and some put in prison, “of whom this Prince and the commons will have an account, laying divers things to their charge,” It is thought that the real reason is their affection to the Prince of Orange, but the commons say they have consumed a great treasure, and enriched themselves without paying the soldiers. The 44,000 guilders which they paid to the mutineers of Sluys without making the Prince and College privy to it they must now pay again out of their own purses. seeing that Sluys has now received forces out of Zeeland, and has stopped up the river, that no victuals or other things may come to this town.
Ostend was of late in a mutiny, but they of this town have “sent money to please them and have renewed their oath,” so such provisions as we have must come from thence.
I send you a copy of the new magistrates made here by the advice of those of Ghent [wanting].
I understand that those of that town are “not so heinously bent against Yorke nor nothing like,” as against Hembise. A letter to them from her Majesty would help him very much. As you have always been his good master and friend, your help in this extremity would bind him to you more and more. He is here lamented of many and greatly commended for his good “direction,” in martial matters and bis valour.
The Prince of Parma has offered very hard articles to Ypres, viz. to deliver him “fifteen such as he would choose out of the town at the Spanish King's devotion [sic] to do with them as he for him shall think good; the soldiers to depart with a white stick, the burgers, as many as will stay, may, living papistically"; and the rest to have six months' time to sell their goods and depart.
“This town's gates are sometimes shut two and three days together; here is nothing but mortality and misery, so much that it would pity any man's heart to see it,” By Mr. Stokes' advice I have delivered the Prince a copy of the articles you gave me at my departure, only that excepted concerning the Prince of Orange and himself, that he may the better instruct the gentleman he means to send over.
As I write, one comes to tell me that the Duke of Aerschot, Marquis of Richebourg, Montigny, Capres and the Baron d'Aubigny have written to the Prince and the magistrates of this town, not to treat separately with the Prince of Parma as he would have them, but to confer with those of Ghent and comprehend in their treaty as many other towns and provinces as they can, “and to stand stiff in that the Spaniards shall avoid [the country]. This is kept here as close as may be, in respect of those noblemen.”
If the enemy had not been victualled out of England, Holland and Zeeland, they would have been brought to an easy composition.
Those of Ypres, seeing the hard points the Duke of Parma stood upon, have broken the truce and last Friday made a sally and drove the enemy with loss to his fort. They have victuals for six weeks, and mean to put such as are unnecessary out of the town, and with their own forces and some that shall go from hence, to conduct them out of danger.—Bruges, 23 March, English style, 1583.
Postscript.—The Prince of Parma has yielded that the deputies shall confer together, and this day those of this town go to Ghent, and from thence “with them,” to Tournay.
Covering sheet wanting. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 56.]
March 24.500. Stafford to Walsingham.
The deputies of the Low Countries were on Easter day despatched by Monsieur, upon the stay (as they say) of the further commission the States should have sent them. But the chief cause is that he, seeing them more affected to him than the rest of that country, “what for,” his good usage of them and “what for,” his gifts to them, is sending them back “to remedy two inconvenients that have happened there,” the one by des Pruneaux his agent, who has greatly offended the States, especially those of Flanders, by his extreme demands on Monsieur's behalf, and the other to keep, if possible, those of Ghent and all Flanders from making a composition with the Malcontents, which he hears those of Ghent “practise all the ways that may be,” As far as I can hear, he and the Queen Mother have promised to make the King enter further in for them than heretofore. Within this week fresh news is come that the King of Spain's forces in Italy do not yet advance, but that he is making a new levy there, and that the Duke of Savoy, “for all his signing and seeming to agree with the order that the Swissers have set down,” keeps his forces together and is levying more. Upon this, the King has sent “to have haste made of,” 6,000 of the 10,000 Swissers he had commanded to be in readiness.
There came news yesterday from his ambassador there (upon his last orders for their stay) “that the King should have them ready whensoever he would, and not only them, but as many more as he would,” so long as they were to go into the King of Spain's country, but the cantons of the Religion demanded to be assured that nothing was intended against the Protestants. On the ambassador's assurance to the contrary, they remained satisfied. Marchaumont's brother is ambassador there, “very well thought of among the honestest here and of them also, and esteemed to be nothing at all Spanish.”
One of the King's Council here tells me they have advertisement of “some beginning of treaty,” between the Pope and the King of Spain to deliver Avignon into the King of Spain's hands, taking some recompense in the kingdom of Naples. I asked if the King would not “impeach,” it. He answered he doubted whether he could, especially if Montmorency had intelligence with Spain; “and that thereupon the King had sent to Montmorency to content him better than he had done,” In my opinion they had need to do so, for lately the King sent him a threatening message that (if he took not another course) he would deal with him not as a subject but as a rebel, would ruin all his houses and give away his lands. He answered mildly that he deserved no such thing at the King's hands and was sure that he would not use him in that manner. “But when he came to his last threatening article, which was that he would put his mother in prison, and take all she had from her, and utterly destroy and ruinate all his house, he grew in a choler, and answered plainly that if the King would by his evil usage needs make him desperate, they would bring him to do that which, though it were to his own undoing and might cost him his life, yet the King perchance would repent it,” Upon this report the King “remained astonied,” and since is determined, as he says, to content him, and thereupon old Joyeuse would come hither.
The King for all this leaves not his devotions, and has been these three days at the Jeronomists, where none may come to him.
Mendoza sent yesterday to Monsieur to “require him,” to give him a passport out of France, but as he told not which way he would take, Monsieur plainly refused it. I do not find that he is ready to go, but that he does it rather to sound them, whether he might go safely, and if not would steal away if he can.
Duke Joyeuse means to go this week into his government of Normandy, and so along the sea coast. If so, I will send one to wait upon him.
M. Clermont [qy. Clervant. Cf. p. 419] is to-day come from the King of Navarre, and has sent me word that that King and Queen are to meet either to-day or to-morrow; that the King is come to Nerac, and the Queen stayed at Agent “but to receive [the Sacrament, on Easter Day] after their manner,” and so to go as yesterday towards Nerac.—Paris, 24 March, 1583.
Signed. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XI. 59.]
March 24.501. Stafford to Walsingham.
After writing the other letter, my servant Harvey brought me yours of the 9th and 10th of March. I will follow all your directions For making known to the King the advertisement the Queen had from the Low Countries, I will wait until I return from Monsieur three or four days hence, when I shall have better opportunity to mention it among other things, but if that journey gives me no other cause, I will not fail to pick some occasion presently.
The men who had the familiar conference with me were M. la Chapelle des Ursins, Mazin d'Abene [or del Bene], the Abbot of Abene and the Abbot of “Guadanie,” Since then La Mothe Fénélon, Marshal Biron and others have used the like speeches, and within these two days Mazin d'Albene and Marchaumont (who was here but three days) have said the same again, coming from Villeroy's house. I am told that Mazin d'Albene has written both to the Queen and you to that effect. If so it is by Villeroy's means and with the Queen Mother's consent.
I send you enclosed a letter to me from the Lord of Ester-Wemyss (Weemes) and one from Hamilton of the guard here, a very honest man, to Lord Hamilton. “The other was sent me by the same Hamilton,” but he gave me warning either to open it or to write to you to do so. It comes from another Hamilton, lately arrived here out of the Low Countries. I was told it was he that killed the Regent [Murray], but I think it was his brother. I also send you a letter received from Dr. Lobetius.—Paris, 24 March, 1583.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XI. 60.]
Enclosing:
502. Lobetius to Stafford.
We hear that the ambassadors of the King of Navarre have been very well received by the Protestant Princes of Germany. The last they visited were the Electors of Saxe and Brandenburg. They were expected at Heidelberg, where they have not yet been. I do not know what they have been doing. Since the surrender of Bonn the Bavarians have not done much. They are before a castle of the Count de Neuenaar, called “Betburch,” and have lately taken their cannon there. The old archbishop has not yet lost courage, but is gathering fresh people and prepares for the defensive if he is assailed, as does also the Count of Neuenaar or Mceurs.
The town of Aix, being between unfriendly neighbours, is in great peril. The above-mentioned two Electors have sent their ambassadors thither to try to reconcile their differences and the imperial cities are also sending deputies. The Spaniards in Italy (who are fewer in number than was reported) have not yet begun their journey. Some say that the Turk wished to trouble the King of Spain from the side of Africa this spring, but I know not if it is true, or whether the King of Persia will leave him leisure to do so. The Bernois do not say a word, and I know not whether they will submit to their arbitrary sentence; those of Geneva diligently guard their town. The Swiss are about to assemble again at Baden to deliberate upon the new demands of the Bishop of Basel, by which he seems to all men to seek a cause of quarrel.
They write from Antwerp that the Duke of Alençon is reconciled with the States of the Low Countries, and it is inferred that there will be open war between France and Spain, but some doubt thereof. The Emperor has commanded certain of the Princes of Germany to assemble at Rotenburg in Franconia to treat of the affairs of Cologne and put an end to the troubles in those parts. His commissioners will be the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order and the Count of Solern. There will be six Princes; three of the Religion, viz. the Electors of Saxe and Brandenburg and the Duke of Würtemberg, and three Catholics, the Electors of Mayence and Treves and the Archduke of Austria. I know not what will be the issue or what we should hope for.
The wedding of the daughter of the Elector of Saxe with the son of Duke Julius of Brunswick was to be celebrated on the 1st of this month at Dresden.—Strasburg, 8 March, our style, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 61.]
March 24.503. Capt. Roger Williams to Walsingham.
The 19th of March, old style, we met the Elector within three leagues of Wesel, with 1,800 horse, all reiters saving 100 lancers, 1,000 pikes, 500 harquebusiers, six field pieces. Count de Meurs lieutenant general, Ludovick camp marshal, Eitel Heinrich colonel of the horse, the Baron of Krichingen (Cryken) colonel of the foot. There was also with him the young Counts of Solms, of Overstein, and a number of brave young gentlemen. Count Hollack had with him 400 lancers, 200 argouleters [i.e. mounted arquebusiers].
“The 20th we marched to 'Cronnyngburch,' on a river side, a place that a hundred will keep from twenty thousand. Our vanguard was not sooner arrived, but Nicola Basta was there with four cornets of lancers, three of argouleters. The river was betwixt us, nevertheless he gave a brave (prave) charge for the passage. The Duke Ferdinando, Don John de Manrique followed with the rest. It was three long hours afore they came, we had the passage. The Count Hollack put me afoot with his argouleters to keep the bridge. The argouleters played on the other to the loss of the enemy. The enemy was driven to keep all on horseback by reason 1,000 horse of ours was arrived who stood on a hill in sight of the enemy. If every man had his will, Basta had been basted long afore the rest came, but a company of cowards persuaded the Count not to pass.
I told the Count if all were arrived, they were not 800 horsemen and after the truth was known there was not, for three hours, but 500 horse without foot. In the meantime all our forces arrived, made a great thundering of shock, but few slain. Every man was valiant by reason the river was betwixt us. Both encamped hard by. At night ours went to Council. The Elector referred to Count Hollack, because he was no soldier. At last resolution was taken to rise presently and to march to the fauxbourgs of Wesel, because the Count had no commission to fight. These were my words unto them. I spake something boldly by reason they gave me leave:—
“ Masters, methinks any lieutenant may give battle without leave of his master if the enemy does procure (prokur) him. If we retire, we have no place of safety until we pass the Rhine or march under one of the States' towns. To pass the Rhine, it will be two days afore we can do it. The next town of ours is three days' march; the enemy is hard by us. Although we neglected to fight yesterday with their vanguard, if it will please you to do thus, methinks we will put them in hazard. You must think no wars can be made without hazard. We are 2,300 horse or better; the enemy is but 800. Within five days he will be as many as we, for Verdugo will join with him. If you will mount all a horseback, every man put his shirt on his armour, leave the footmen here with the artillery saving 300 which the horsemen shall carry behind them, we will pass the river a league hence where there is a passage. Your honours shall stand with 1,600 horsemen within a quarter of a league of the enemy's camp. We will go with the rest and 'faye the convisado.' When we come to the first 'cordigard' [qy. corps de guard] we will put afoot the shot; if God gives us good fortune you may follow, if we be driven to retire we cannot lose many, we will pass by you, where you may charge them at pleasure or retire if you will; their footmen cannot follow us. When we give the 'larum, our footmen by the bridge may give a hot 'larum also, for their chief of their watch is towards the bridge. Told them of divers 'convisadoes' and how few failed; told them how the Count Egmont defeated M. de Thermes at Gravelines, notwithstanding the Duke of Savoy had written to him not to hazard to fight, and how Princes gave direction afar off, but the captains that leads the armies are forced divers times to fight without leave and does their masters sometimes good service to fight without commandment and how the wars was executed with the sight of the eyes.
“All would not serve. The Count de Meurs was willing; so was the Baron of Krichingen. The next day we were at the diane (fn. 3) under Wesel, the enemy lodged in our last quarter. The third day the enemy came too near us with 300 horse, gave us a great 'larum. We advanced half a league, all in battle and willing to fight but for our footmen, which mutinied and would not march, being within a little league of the enemy.
“If the Elector had followed the Count's counsel we would a played Duke de Alba with them; forced them to march or run through them. I told the Elector and Count Meurs who some ever had forces and not money to maintain them, their only way was to fight presently; for as good to put in hazard to fight as to defeat himself within few days for want of means.
“The Count de Meurs I think will be shortly in England; he will bear witness that I told them all this. I would a had them to pass the river and to return by Nimeguen by reason of their motion (?), then had they retired safely.
“The fourth night we marched towards Dotechem (Dottigam), lodged in a great village by 'Wllse' Castle; the next morning the Count went with all his troops into the Velou. The Elector went with a number of gentlemen into Dotechem, the marshal and the serjeant-major with him passed with the artillery and half the horse through the town. That night the enemy took ten horsemen of Eitel Heinrich, which he had sent to beat the way towards Anholt (Hanolt). The news came to the Elector, the Count left me with him to serve him, because I had acquaintance with these country people. I told him to send presently to cause Eitel Heinrich to pass through the town to join with the rest, marvelling that the enemy did not march to him, for Verdugo was with ten ensigns of foot, six cornets of horse, within two leagues of him and was to join with the Bavarian (Bavier). That night Eitel Heinrich lay still in the village with 700 reiters, 400 footmen. The next morning at nine of the clock the enemy was with six cornets afore Eitel Heinrich's quarter and all the rest following as fast as they could. The enemy had taken divers of the reiters a-foraging; forty or fifty wore their yellow scarfs, which came and took Eitel Heinrich's guard afore his quarter; notwithstanding the 'larum was given and the most part of the reiters on horseback. Eitel Heinrich issued out very valiantly, charged and gave the retreat to three cornets. The village was strong, not to be entered with horsemen; Eitel Heinrich thought they had no footmen, but their foot was in sight. Eitel Heinrich retired into the village, the enemy pell-mell with him. His foot a ran away, shot never a shot; Eitel Heinrich taken prisoner, two young barons slain, divers gentlemen of a Count, 400 horsemen taken and slain, the rest in rout.
“Surely I do think had Mr. Norrys been with the troop as some was, we would have followed them to the gates of Cologne. I had no time to write to him, wherefore I desire your honour to show him this letter.
“Now the Elector and all his train are come to this town; repents very much that they stayed not at Bonn; truly it had been their best way, for betwixt him and Count Meurs they have yet five or six strong places, which now will be in danger, for they know succours (suckers) there is none. Although they had no money, if their troops had victuals and some spoils here, within four months their [sic] troops will come to nothing.
“The Elector goes to-morrow towards the Prince of Orange. I have been at Nimeguen and passed through three or four of these Guelder towns. I find the people hearkening after the contract of Ghent, and willing to give ear to any that speaks of the peace. I hear all their talks, it is not to be written. Some overshot themselves with their French delays so far that all knows it. and too late to be recovered in most places without a present army.
“ I stay here for a kinsman of mine which I send to your honour. What some ever he brings, I fear me I must dislodge from this service, for I perceive the watch-word is given not to countenance any that seemed to contrary their last humours. I am driven to endure many a disgrace. I do bear it in respect of the service I owe to my country, else I do assure your honour I know a means to be quit with them. Necessity has no law, and hungry dogs must follow such that gives them bread.
“ I remember a tale of a captain that did his best service to the Emperor Charles. The captain being old, sick, like to die, the Emperor sent him a patent for a good pension. Says the captain, if now he gives me to live, give it him again. For my part, in twenty years hence, I had as lief twenty crowns as a million, if God should keep me in health and liberty.—Harnam [Arnhem], 24 March, “stilo vecho.”
Endd.pp.[Holl. and Fl. XXI. 57.]
March 25.504. The King of Denmark to the Queen.
Recommending John and George itidem Petri, his faithful subjects and merchants, who have prayed him to intercede for them that they may have licence to purchase, either themselves or by their commissioner, 500 pieces of English cloth, either prepared or raw. long or short, in her kingdom and to export them out of England, paying only the same customs or tolls as do her own subjects, or as the merchants of the Hanse Societies used to do. Which favour he asks, not so much for the private benefit of these men as for the common good of all his subjects.—Hadersleben. the day of the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, 25 March, 1584.Signed, Fredericus Rex.
Add. Endd.pp. Latin. [Denmark I. 42.]

Footnotes

1 Guillaume de Montmorency, Seigneur de Thoré, youngest son of the Constable' Anne de Montmorency.
2 There is so little of this cipher that the editor has not been able to get out the whole alphabet. This word contains three symbols not used elsewhere. Interpretation of the word symbols (given in brackets) must have been guesswork, but for a statement in Burnham's “Relation,” See p. 474, below (Cf. Meteren,bk. 12, f. 234). The key, so far as discovered, will be found at the end of the Preface.
3 drum-beating at daybreak; reveillé.