Elizabeth
March 1583-4, 26-31

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor)

Year published

1914

Pages

432-444

Annotate

Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Elizabeth: March 1583-4, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583-July 1584 (1914), pp. 432-444. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79018 Date accessed: 29 November 2014.


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

March 1583–4, 26–31

A. D. 1584.
March [27?].
505. The Queen to Stafford.
Finding that overtures have lately been made to you by certain of that realm to show how necessary it were that the King there and we should concur to abate the King of Spain's greatness, which you thought was not done without the King and Queen Mother's privity,”whereof we should have been the better able to judge if you had set down in cipher the name of the party that made the first overture"; we have thought meet-seeing the declining state of the Low Countries, especially upon the late treaty between the Prince of Parma and the Four Members of Flanders, who may be forced to yield to a perilous composition unless put in hope of relief-"that the King's mind should be felt, how he standeth disposed, either of himself (which we chiefly desire) or joining with others, to do something for the relief of the said countries,” We therefore desire you to procure audience, and let him understand that it is commonly given out that the King of Spain has of late had secret intelligence with some principal person in his realm, tending to the interruption of its quietness, which we see no reason to believe, for we do not hear (notwithstanding the hard case of the Low Countries) that any preparation is made to assist his brother in aiding the said States, and therefore know not what to conceive.
For even if there were no such intelligence between Spain and certain of his subjects, “yet when we consider how the King himself not long before the death of the old King of Portugal as also sundry other times, as well unto our ministers there as by his ambassador here, hath laid before us the danger that might ensue unto us both by the greatness that the King of Spain was like to grow unto by the access of the crown of Portugal unto the rest of his kingdoms and dominions, and so [sic] nothing hath been sithence done to any great effect for the impeaching of the same, we cannot but find it strange,” and the rather when we call to mind the offer we made to have furnished Don Antonio with ships, men and munition, if the King would but have assured us that if the King of Spain attempted anything, he would join with us in common defence against him. As also, how coldly he furthered the Duke his brother's attempts in the Low Countries, which, if well backed by him, might have served to great purpose to abate the Spanish greatness. Which considerations give us great reason to think that the King, for some secret causes, has ho disposition to do anything that might offend the King of Spain.
And if upon this, the King shall show a willingness to do something for the bridling of the King of Spain, and shall inquire how we stand disposed, and whether you have any commission to enter into further treaty in that behalf, you shall answer, you conceive that we having noted such coldness in him, there was no reason we should give such commission to you unless we found that he took the matter more to heart; but that if we saw any cause so to think, you are assured that if he liked to propound any such matter, he should receive answer to his contentment.
And for that we understand that the treaty between the Prince of Parma and the Four Members of Flanders is in very great forwardness and likely to take place, which falling out, it is to be “doubted,” those of Holland and Zeeland and the rest of the provinces would follow their example, “whereby the King of Spain may in short time become quiet possessor of the whole Low Countries,” you shall, as of yourself, let the King understand that you fear this matter of the Low Countries has been too long neglected, “for that,” the treaty is in great forwardness, and the other provinces, weakened thereby, without means of their own to oppose the power of Spain, nor hope of foreign support, will be drawn to provide for their safety by the like reconciliation with Spain while they may do it with some advantage.
And that therefore you cannot but wish that the King and other princes whom it nearly concerneth would grow to some resolution what were fit to be done before the time be too far spent and the means of preventing the danger taken away. And you may also, as of yourself, say that you think there would be more facility in such an enterprise if his brother and he would embrace it with a purpose only to maintain the people in their privileges and liberties under the King of Spain's obedience “without any intent to impatronize themselves of the country,” for men of judgment believe that the Malcontents, fearing the hard measure they might receive at the King of Spain's hands if he once obtained his purpose, will be willing to fall away from him, and “lean,” to the assistance of some foreign Prince of whose honourable disposition they might be assured, in the doing of which, besides the already united provinces, many noblemen and towns would put forth their hands to such Prince as would offer them liberty. And that by what you can gather of our disposition, you think we should best like of such a course, as both the easiest and most agreeable to honour and justice.
And if upon these speeches of your own you find him inclined to embrace the action, you may further let him understand that the first thing to be done would be the restraining of the carriage of victuals out of his realm to the Malcontents, which would comfort those of Flanders and encourage them to stand upon better terms in the treaty, to the prolonging if not the breaking of the same.
The like speeches you shall also use with the Queen Mother at her return, and if upon these conferences there shall be any apt occasion given, you may say that we hear the King has been persuaded that if he attempted anything against Spain, we should make our profit by growing into accord with them; but that the authors of this report are more malicious than wise, for it is easily seen that no Prince has more cause to mislike the King of Spain's greatness than ourself; and “to remove that impediment we will be content to give such assurance to the contrary as the King in honour and reason may require, for the due performance whereof we doubt not but the Duke his brother will become cautionary,” But you may say that we have more reason to doubt lest we should be abandoned in the action, as, by the mediation of the Pope and other Catholic Princes, there may at any time be an accord made between Spain and the King, whereby the whole burden of the war would fall upon us.
Lastly, we would have you acquaint Marchaumont with the substance of these our letters, and deliver him our letters for the Duke; and if he be not in the town, to write to him that you have somewhat to communicate to him-to be imparted to his master -which you would be glad to deliver by word of mouth; at which time you may sound him how the King stands affected towards Spain, what he thinks would be done for the assistance of the Low Countries, and whether his master (as is reported) has given over the further proceeding for their defence and protection, and for what cause.
Copy. 4 pp. [France XI. 62.]
506. Rough draft, much corrected by Walsingham, of the first part of the Queen's letter, above.
Endd. 7 pp. [France XI. 63.]
507. Draft, with many corrections, of the second part of the Queen's letter.
Endd. 5 pp. [Ibid. XI. 64.]
With a general covering sheet, endorsed “March, 1584. Copies of her Majesty's letters to Sir Edward Stafford,” &c.
March 27.508. Walsingham to Stafford.
You may see by her Majesty's letter that we are not very warm for the concurrency between the two Princes, and I would have you deal circumspectly in the matter, for though the King might yield to make the first motion and the Queen be well assured of his “sound concurrency,” yet if she should thereby be thrown into a war, I fear much she would not like or accept of the matter. Therefore you will do well to keep within the compass of your instructions, whatever overtures are made to you.
I am sorry the commissioners so far forgot themselves as to open any of your letters. You will do well to put all your private letters in a packet directed to me and subscribe it with your hand, and I will do the same with private letters sent to you from hence, if your men may be directed to bring them to me for that purpose.
Copy. Endd. with date. 1p. [Ibid. XI. 65.]
March 27.509. Walsingham to Stafford.
“The matter wherewith her Majesty was offended (as appeareth by the lines written with her own hand) was for that you went to visit the Lord Seaton, being notoriously known to be a man ill-affected towards her and that the cause of his repair thither, as it is greatly to be presumed, is to do some bad offices, and there fore doth judge that in discretion you ought to have forborne your going to visit him. In your defence I did let her Majesty understand that it was the common use of all ambassadors to visit one another at their first coming unless there were actual hostility between their Princes, and remembered unto her besides the particular cause, contained in your letters, that moved you the rather to take occasion to go visit him, wherein for my part I do not see but that you had reason to do as you did, but yet we may not plead not guilty when our superiors will have us faulty.”
I am further willed by her Majesty to tell you-touching the speeches you are to deliver to the King as from yourself, to show how the enterprise of the Low Countries would be accompanied both with more honour and greater facility, if it tended only “to the defence of the people in their ancient privileges and liberties under the King of Spain's obedience”—that her Majesty, fearing this may be misliked by the Duke, as tending to his prejudice in respect of the title he pretends to the Low Countries, thinks meet you should accompany the same with the qualification that since (as it appears) the King is not disposed to assist his brother in the enterprise, and that any foil he may receive therein cannot but turn to his own dishonour, it is therefore thought that his best course were to enter into the action with intent only to defend the country in their ancient privileges &c. and so go forward with the rest of the reasons contained in her Majesty's letter.
“Lastly, for that her Majesty doth conceive by your report of the manner of the King's answer to the matter of his ambassador's intermeddling to convey secret letters to the Queen of Scots, requiring to see the proofs how he is to be charged withal, that you did not deal so particularly therein with the said King as you were directed, her pleasure therefore is that if you have not so done, you should let him understand that you have again received special commandment to signify unto him... that the parties themselves whom the ambassador did use as instruments for the conveying of the said letters have plainly confessed the same, which may seem to be proof sufficient enough to convict the said ambassador therein.”
The following passage is cancelled:
[Adding besides, that this very day one of the said parties has confessed that the ambassador has had secret conference with him touching means how the Queen of Scots might be set at liberty, and inquired particularly of the state of the country, conveniency of landing places, strength of the forts and disposition of the subjects; and that her Majesty thinks no Prince “can like or allow,” that their ministers should enter into conference with other Princes' subjects for delivery of prisoners in their realm, or make enquiries in such suspicious sort, which cannot proceed from any good meaning.]
Copy. Endd. with date. 3 pp. [France XI. 66.]
510. Fair copy of the second paragraph of the above letter.
Endd. with date. ½ p. [France XI. 67.]
March 28.511. Dr. Henry Vam Holtz to Walsingham.
Stating that whereas the reply of her Majesty to the letters of his master, Count Edzard, and the necessities of the business demand that someone should be sent in advance to the'Emperor, he must not omit, before his departure, to inform his honour thereof.
He is sent to the Imperial Court in order that her Majesty's embassy, the worshipful George Gilpin and the learned lawyer and eloquent orator William Moller, Chancellor of East Friesland, with letters from her Majesty to the Emperor, Electors and Princes of the Empire, may follow as soon as possible, and this to the end that money may at the same time be brought for the Imperial Vice-Chancellor, the Referendarius, and Secretary Erstenberger, and that what is necessary for himself may not be lacking.
As he cannot, on his journey, write at more length, he can only say that he is the most devoted servant of her Majesty and his honour, whom he hopes very shortly to see. Letters and other things may be sent to him, by Henry Parvis of Nuremberg, at Prague, where he will be to be found at the house of Erhard Wolff.—Aurick, 28 March, 1584.
He sets out this day, that the royal embassy may follow as quickly as possible.
Add. Endd. Latin. 1 p. [Germany, States, III. 8 bis.]
March 28./April 7.512. Bizarri to Walsingham.
By letters lately come from Wesel (Vesalia), a city on the Rhine some twelve German leagues from Cologne, we learn that the people of the new Elector, being about a league and a half from the said city, engaged in battle on Easter Day (ilgiorno di Pasqua) the last day of last month, (fn. 1) with Truchsess' men, and remained victors; Eitel Heinrich (Endel Henrico) of Brunswick being wounded and taken prisoner with many other persons of importance. The letters which came last Thursday from Cologne, however, say little or nothing of such a battle, but state that the camps of the two parties were very near together and it was held for certain that they would shortly come to blows. If the news be true, Truchsess, whom they say is besieged in one of his castles, to which he retired after the defeat of his army, will have to say adieu to his principality and Electoral dignity, unless fortune is more favourable to him than it has been hitherto.
Two couriers lately arrived at Augsburg, one after the other, sent from Spain to M. Mark Foccher, whereupon he went hurriedly to the Imperial Court. No particulars are yet known of this great expedition, but there are many and varied conjectures on the subject.
There is talk here of the very grave and dangerous illness of the Duke d'Alençon, he having fallen into the mat di punta, called by the Greeks pleurisy, from which few recover, and that he cannot be cured except by the special providence of God.
It is said that Ypres will be surrendered without having to receive any garrison, with liberty to bear arms and have freedom for the Religion. If this be so, many others will do the same, on obtaining the like conditions. Every hour we expect to hear the result of matters in Flanders, which we pray may be for the glory of God and the safety of the country.—Antwerp, 7 April, 1584.
Add. Endd. Italian. l¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 58.]
March 28.513. Harborne to Walsingham.
Since our last of March 15, the under-written hath ensued. The Grand Signor, needing the continuance of the Tartar's assistance under his banner and at his pay in Persia, from whence eight months past, he with his men retired, for that the promised stipend had not been according to promise liberally paid him by the council of the vice-rey and mufti, in degree like to the Pope for ecclesiastical causes; at that time in two galliots by the way of Capha [qy. Khiva] sent him to the sum of 100,000 ducats in treasure, cloth and light furniture for the field, part to satisfy the demands, but the greater part for a reward, termed of these a present, requiring him, with all his, forthwith to return, which although he promised, notwithstanding, did nought else but delay the time, whereupon the Grand Signor crediting himself deluded, gave order as now here is secretly affirmed, to Osmond bassa, president of the army in Durbent, with 3,000 horsemen at Capha to procure his death and in his place invest one of two brethren with his, but in such secret manner as to the end this device might not be revealed it should be bruited that Osmond, sent for to Constantinople to resolve with his master of the affairs of Persia, should have in like case order for conference with him upon those proceedings, the which was the only occasion of his coming that way, who executing his commission, being safely arrived there feigned himself sick unto death, requiring the Tarter, being in the field three days' journey distant, to come to him, for that finding himself in that extremity before his decease, being assured of his great good will and faithful affection toward his master, determined both to utter to him things of very great importance, and also leave with him much treasure both of his master's and his own, which he knew assured[ly] should be in more safety than with any other of his own.
But this siren's song not liked of the Tartar, who would not be led to the bucherie like a buffalo by the nose, caused him environed with eight or six thousand of his to come within a day's journey and thence to send one to Osmond for good assurance for his entry, whom while as he caused to be retarded with delays, in the mean time with two thousand Turks, most harquebusiers in very good order, thought to have surprised his master unbewares, but by a more multitude of Tartars which in the mean lime resorted to their Prince, Osmond, over matched, in retiring back again to the city, was and is therein besieged of the Tartar with all his forces so as with Terence, fallacia alia alias trudit, and as hitherto appeareth, mala consilia pares eventus sequuntur.
Hereof the Grand Signor advertised, hath sent in Osmond's aid by sea five thousand janissaries, the most part newly created, and therefore unexperienced in martial affairs, with sundry others to the number of eight thousand and two other brothers of the Tartar, whereof the eldest is called Sultan Islam, left here as pledge according to custom by his brother when he was admitted to the kingdom, whom for the other subdued he now mindeth to place.
The conduct of this army was committed to the charge of the admiral, who is departed four days past with thirty gallies and many small field pieces of brass, like falconets (fawcknets). The most part of them sent be harquebusiers, whose service is very commodious, the Tartars [not] using in field of any firework, but only a naked people on horseback, expert in the bow and sword, who as some give it out hath required help of the Muscovite, which with the “Mengealience” [qy. Mongolians] do in like case use small shot, wherewith if in due time he be supplied, before the arrival of these, it may be he may give these the foil, trusting too much to them selves and to the revolting of the Tartar his army in their favour, whereof the most part as here the Turks give it out, malgre themselves are forced by their Prince against these, being touching their superstitious religion all one and not in any point whatsoever different as the Persians and others be.
The enclosed is the report of a renegate Florentine in service of the vice-rey, specifying the magnifical entertaining here of the two Tartar brethren licenced. What the event will be, resting only in the divine disposition, time affirming we as then will certify, notwithstanding, unless before the arrival of the admiral Capha be subdued, the old Tartar supported and mightily assisted of the Muscovite and the Grand Tartar, he is otherwise, as the wisest affirm and generally all men do judge, so far unable to resist the Turkish forces as a lamb the wolf or a sheep the lion, and no other account doth this make of him, who nevertheless continueth and augmenteth the army of Persia with daily new supplies sent hence in such sort as if this late disturb had never happened.
It is most credibly reported to us of many Christians who have had great traffic and been very long conversant with these Tartars that they be born blind, opening their eyelids on the third day, peculiar to these only, a barbarous brutish people open under the air with out covert other than in carts covered with hides, living upon the increase and nourishment of bestial, which the women, children and over aged men do in their said four wheeled houses drive from place to place, nourished partly of their milk and sustained otherwise with the butter made thereof, which unsalted in ox hides they sell at Capha and is brought hither, being yearly about a thousand hides. The men of ripe years, thieves and robbers altogether given to invade the confines of other adjoining upon them, namely the Muscovite, Pole, Wallack, Bogdan, whose people with their goods they violently carry away and sell these captives at Capha, their staple, where the Turkish, Armenians and Greek merchants dwelling do traffic with them, not permitted to inhabit the same. They be said to be very patient of hunger, prevailing in their military exploits with sudden “surprince,” of their contraries unexpected, all horsemen, unarmed, using the cutlass with a short bow and arrows.
Their provision of diet at what time they invade their neighbours' territories is every one his bag of meal, whereof in his journey taking his handful moisteneth the same with warm blood of his horse's leg pricked with a needle to that intent and therewith satisfying him self. With them is no use of bread; of all flesh the best they account a wild colt, being young, and the principal part the head; their proverb is, fish is water, bread is grass, but flesh is blood, and therefore they eat it without bread.
So tender over their robbed Christian captives as being delicate, young or weak, they will not only set them upon their own beast, but also nourish them with their own sustenance and hunger them selves which proceedeth not of any compassion, but to enjoy that hoped gain in their vent at Capha, whence cometh at the least yearly for this place above two thousand christened souls and often a far greater number, whereof the most part, yea, and in manner altogether, be Muscovites, so base minded and slothful generation, subject to drink, as here in price not accounted worth half of that to be given for any other Christian, notwithstanding that in bodily proportion they be equal with or superior to others, especially the maids and young women, which be of comely form, goodly personages, but notwithstanding, like the men, of heavy spirit and most servile condition, savouring of their vile education. In those is nought else of a Christian but only the name and therefore they all, for the most part, presently reneg[ade] and become Turks, notwithstanding that during the lives of their masters who bought them, they still remain captives, whereat they sorrow nought, affirming it so good to be the Turk his bond captive as the Muscovite his free subject, of whom it may rightly be said triste I'uccello che nasce en cattiva valle, woe worth that Prince, and most miserable those subjects where the famine of the soul and slavish servitude of the body continually occupy the corrupted head and putrified members, and blessed be the Almighty by [whom] we only enjoy the contrary, who in mercy I beseech according to bounden duty prosper, bless and continue the chief member of his visible church on earth, her sacred Majesty our most gracious mistress, in his faith, fear and love, and we in the same first unto him and next unto her, yielding fruits of good Christians and true subjects, in all humility to his glory, her Majesty's content and good discharge of our vocation.
We neither presently do, or of late have heard any thing out of Persia. This year they pretend to build fortresses in the ruined city of Cervan, being years past abandoned of the Persian and not formerly inhabited of these, since the spoil made of the garrison left per Mustafa after the expulse of the ancient inhabiters, according as heretofore our formers mentioned. The Grand Signor doth so greedily affect that Persian kingdom as if he persist in the self same mind, the end will verify that heroical Roman adage, aut Coesar aut nullus. Out of Spain or other part of Christendom no advice, which cometh by means the Venetian straightly forbiddeth all particulars in no sort as before they did to write their respondents here of any occurrence whatsoever from thence, a policy to give these to understand thence what they please and only of their Bailo to curry the greater favour, notwithstanding it is bruited Spain pretendeth with armed hand to invade Fez in Barbary, or at least occupy Alarach, the place of Santa Crux and all other port towns on the sea coast, which, if he do, these, pacifying the Tartar and prevailing against the Persian, will assist the King of that country both by land and sea. But others say those preparations is only for embarking of soldiers out of all parts, Spain and Portugal (Portingale) to Genoa and thence overland by Milan to augment and increase his army at Cologne (Collyn) and in the Low Countries.
In like manner it is given out that here cometh in lieu of Du Germigny for ambassador a noble man of Poitou who formerly hath had the like honour at Rome and is not de robe longue; we cannot yet understand his name, of whom touching our selves what better can we hope than of the other, for that having tasted the deadly poison of that strumpet's cup, far worse than that of Circe, we and our like are to commit our selves to God's preservation, whereby we may eschew the company of his and all other infected with that contagious pestilence, of whom with his proceedings what we shall understand our next shall largely certify.
In the mean time and ever commending your honour to God his merciful direction and holy tuition, I cease from further troubling the same, craving pardon of my tedious prolixity in the premises and humbly recommending to your honour's safe protection my poor and aged parents, their week worldly estate, who with my self and others theirs, shall during life dutifully acknowledge in most serviceable manner the same your singular favour and all other your most honourable, bountiful and charitable beneficence which the Almighty in mercy graciously accept and in manifold manner recompense.—From Rapamat nigh Pera, this 28 March, (fn. 2) 1584.
Add. Endd. with date “July,” probably time of receipt.
Cipher, undeciphered. 3 pp. [Turkey I. 18.]
Enclosing:
514. An account of the entertainment, “on Thursday,” of the two Tartar Princes at the Sultan's Court, the honours paid to them, their reception by the Sultan, the presents offered to and given by them, and their departure.
Endd. “The entry of the Tartar in Constantinople before his departure for Capha, 1584,” Italian. 2½ pp. [Ibid. 18a.]
At the top is written in the same hand as the text of Harborne's letter “This Thursday was the 16th of April, 1584,” but this cannot be correct if Harborne's letter was rightly dated.
March 29.515. Segur-pardeilhan to Walsingham.
Arriving here on my return from visiting the Princes of Germany, I have found this honest man going into England, by whom I am very glad to let you know what I have done. I have seen the King of Denmark and the Electors of Saxe and Brandenburg; the Dukes of Brunswick, of Luneburg, of Mecklenburg and of Holstein; the Landgrave of Hessen and the Prince of Anhalt, and from all have received much honour and very good replies, they showing themselves extremely well affected to what I have proposed to them. There will be delay, as they can come to no resolution until they have conferred together, but I hope for a good end to the business. I will shortly send you full particulars.
I thank God that the Queen has discovered the conspiracy against her; may God protect her from all others.—Bremen, 29 March, 1584.
Postscript, in his own hand.—I have just arrived here from a long journey in very bad weather, where I have had much trouble and have incurred many dangers. The Emperor wrote to all parts to have me taken, but God has preserved me, and with whatever ills they may pursue me I shall not fail to finish what I have begun. The beginning thereof has been good; may God complete his work.
I have just learnt that a German gentleman whom I sent to the King of Navarre has been taken near Metz and carried to the King. By him I wrote very particularly to the King of Navarre, and wrote to you also. This matter troubles me more than what I hear from France, that the King and Monsieur hate me. The Emperor, too, bears me nothing but ill-will. I hear from France that everything there tends to trouble. This country also, which has hitherto been exempt, is about to taste much sorrow. I think that the devil means to make his last attempt, for everywhere there are happening strange things.
Amongst other things, it is certainly believed here that the King of Poland, pretending that the Turk wishes to make war against him, has an understanding with him, and has let pass 40,000 Turks in order with them to attack Germany.
Add. Endd. 1 p. Fr. [Germany, States, III. 9.]
516. Copy of the postscript of the preceding letter.
Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. 9a.]
March 29.517. Harborne to Walsingham.
In our last, right honourable, of the second of February enlarged by copy with addition of the 15 dicto, we certified your honour such occurrences then extant, which order as we formerly have, so still mean to observe duly every month, occasion serving, although we rather account it intercepted by our contrary [i.e. the Venetians], a vain travail, for that we have been certified your honour of many our former overland to have had but one only. Yet either to comply with our duty escaping our contrary or else to minister more matter to occupy their malitious heads, we mind to persevere.
Since our last the patriarch of Constantinople, aged more than sixty years, being accused of many crimes of lese majesty to the Grand Signor, and in especial that he should have concealed for his own private gain twenty thousand ducats which the Greeks had presented him towards the charge of the late circumcision, removed from his siege and in chains, was feared with sundry torments presently to him, to which in justification of his innocence he offered him self willingly, wherefore after fifteen days hard usage in close prison he was committed to the keeping of the Aga de gli janissary, who moved with ”piety,” at the humble intercession of all the Greeks procured that he might be restored, in augmenting treble the sum of the wonted four thousand ducats tribute (offered now by another Greek bishop) formerly paid, which, for that he refused, accounting it simony to impoverish the congregation committed to his charge, the same place was forth with given for the said sum of twelve thousand ducats paid “wune” (sic) to a Greek friar, so unlearned as he cannot either write or read, and moreover publicly known for his corrupt and licentious life to have been a forçado in the gallies; which gift of pre-eminence he hath obtained by means of a young boy his son or nephew, Safen, heretofore and now residing in the seraglio, in such sort as their church, free in the time of Suleman's entry to this empire, then taxed at a thousand ducats by Mahumed bassa, vice-rey, and in his son Selim his time mounted by the said bassa to four thousand ducats, is now of this Ciass bassa, vice-rey for his master Morad, increased to the yearly sum of twelve thousand ducats. And although the whole multitude of Greekish foxes. aggrieved with this ass their metropolitan, deny to answer the same, yet he, assisted by commandment of the lion, aided of the Thracian wolves, shall make vain their subtilties and force this to change their present natural thorough submission, according to the old proverb, the head must be served if the body conserved.
The admiral, as it is thought of the wisest, more minding his own private gain than his master's good service, hath procured by all means to go for Fez and Morocco, in Barbary, promising not only to remove from that King all counsellors and others affectioning the Spanish, which as he saith be the most part, but also to induce him voluntarily to make a far greater present to the Grand Signor than either now or heretofore he hath done. But as secretly the captains of the navy under him do report, he rather mindeth to spoil and utterly destroy a number of very rich Jews which in the said two places have engrossed the King's customs and rents in deposita, whose attempt though favoured of the vice-rey, yet hath not taken place with the Grand Signor, counselled by Roba longa, whereby against his will he doth for this summer remain here. The Spahis and others licenced to come away this late winter out of Persia are commanded in this and the next month with a far greater number to return thither, for that it is bruited the Persian and his son, reconciled and assisted with part of the great Tartarian's forces, do pretend to encounter with Ferat, the general in the field, whom either God grant victos et victores saepissimo certare praelio quoad ambo nullus fiat.
We understand not out of the Christened parts of any thing pretended against these, neither ought against them here, we are needily enforced both by foreign letters and secret advice, those of Venice to have given in commission to their Bailo to procure our expulse hence with the sum of thirty thousand ducats, which although we know will be of force with the vice-rey and bassas, yet God nourishing the mind of their master in his wonted being, they shall not prevail, if ours be not too close fisted towards them, for here rather than in any other place, that adage is confirmed, Clauditur oranti sed panditur aula ferenti; notwithstanding, God doth rule the heart of all men, making vain the subtle attempts of the envious, whose shot anchor as we hope, is this last, with which with these they have often prevailed, for that quod neque vi prudentia aut amore, hoc tandem istis auro nanciscitur et fit.—Pera, this 29 March, 1584.
Add. Endd. with date June 29; perhaps that of receipt. Cipher, undeciphered. 1 p. [Turkey I. 19.]
518. Notes, in a hand probably of the time of Charles II, on the expulsion of Mendoza and the refusal to grant Waad audience, stated to be taken from Baker and Camden (ed. 1635).
Endd. 1 p. [Spain II. 16.]

Footnotes

1 But Easter Day, n. s., was on April 1. According to R. Williams' somewhat confused dates (p. 431 above), Eitel Heinrich's defeat was a day or two later.
2 Harborne's dates are very perplexing. This is spelt out, letter by letter, in cipher, yet the enclosure is dated April 16. And in the next letter, dated with equal clearness, March 29, his last letters are stated to be of Feb. 2 and 15. Also he certainly would not send two long cipher despatches on consecutive days. It seems probable therefore that he here means April 28, but this date would entail other discrepancies, therefore the letter is left in its place, as dated.