Elizabeth: August 1584, 1-10

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

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'Elizabeth: August 1584, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585, (London, 1916) pp. 1-19. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol19/pp1-19 [accessed 25 April 2024]

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August 1584, 1–10

Aug. 1. Stafford to Burghley.
“Your son, Mr. Robert, is safe come hither, and very welcome to me, and welcomer should be a great deal if he would take in my house a bad lodging, which it seemeth he refuseth, to be somewhat the more in French company and out of hearing of English, which is barred utterly when he is present in my house.”
I will not fail to show him anything worth seeing when we are together, and when I lack leisure he shall not want the best company I can give him, nor anything else where I have any credit, even if it pass your lordship's sum, which he is so wise that he will not do “but upon occasion that I am sure you will not mislike of.”
I feared, when he told me that, missing his horses at Boulogne, he was fain to come post, that some hurt might have grown to him, but, thank God, he is safe, well and likely to do well.
If we go to Blois (Bleez) I mean to pass by Marchaumont's house, hard by Fontainebleau, that he may see it, and when the King comes he shall see him and as much as may be. “For his government of himself, he is so well that way that he shall not need of my counsel, but that or anything else he shall have need of, he shall not want.”
I have written to Mr. Secretary of one that has passed in great haste into Spain, “who, by the marks that I made be taken of him, should be Tempest. Truly, as hard order as is given at the ports, I see both suspected letters and men pass, for this man landed at Calais, and came directly out of England.” I sent for the King of Navarre's agent, but he was away, or I might have found means to meet with him, his letters or both. He was belike afraid of something, for he arrived at nine in the morning, went straight to the Spanish ambassador's and was a-horseback again before twelve.—Paris, 1 August, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 2 pp. [France XII. 28.]
Aug. 1. Stafford to Walsingham.
Here passed one yesterday that went into Spain. He landed at Calais, and by all the marks I can have of him, it should be Tempest, for he is an elderly man, and himself said he was kin to my lord of Westmorland. Hearing of his coming, I sent one to take marks of his person and apparel, and also sent for the King of Navarre's agent, who by evil fortune was gone with Madame de la Noue to Amiens to meet the Countess of Egmont, to treat of her husband's causes.
My man found him at the post house, with one of the Spanish ambassador's servants, ready to go to horse. If Navarre's agent had been in town, perchance before his journey's end we might have found means to meet with him or his letters or both. He suspected something, for he came but at nine in the morning, and was gone before twelve. I tell you of it, though he be passed, that there may be better heed had to the ports, for you see that for all the strait orders given, things of importance pass; also that you may see “there is still relics of Spanish practice,” for it is certain that he came straight out of England and that he carried a great many letters into Spain.
Lord Seton sends often to me to ask about his passport. “I lay all the fault that we have it not upon you and your great business,” as you commanded me.
The lord of Weemys “thinketh long” to hear from you, having heard nothing of his packet which I sent you.
The merchants are still calling upon me for answer to their complaints; I pray you, tell me what answer to make them. Don Antonio is amended, and past danger.
The Queen Mother is stayed here by the gout, though “she will not yet confess the gout, but a pain in her knee.”
There is some bruit that the King will come here again and not to Blois (Bleez), but we have had no warning not to go there.—Paris, 1 August, 1584.
I pray you be as good to this bearer as you may.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XII. 29.]
Aug. 2. Claude Paulmyer to Walsingham.
I humbly pray you to inform us what hope we can have in the business of the demoiselle de la Bretonnera, my cousin, for the Lord Treasurer has referred us to your honour, without otherwise informing us what is her Majesty's will. Mr. Wouad [qy. Waad] knows our lodging very well, where (if you think well) you may notify this by word of mouth. And meanwhile I hope that you will do me so much kindness and honour as to give me, at my departure, letters to deliver on that side to Mr. ambassador Stafford.—London, [blank] August, 1584.
Add. Endd. with date. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XII. 30.]
Garrisons of the United Provinces.
Aug. 3/13 A summary of the state of the garrisons of the United Provinces and their cost (per month) made after the death of his Excellency.
Brabant, 19 garrisons and forts (named) per month [Brussels included, but not Antwerp] 54,800l.
Gueldres, 32 garrisons and forts (named) 44,293l. 5s. 8d.
Flanders, Ghent, Terneuse, Sluys, Ostend, Fort St. Marguerite, the fort upon Flanders and other forts 28,533l. 6s. 8d.
Holland, 19 garrisons (named) and some forts
Zeeland, 7 garrisons
Utrecht, 3 garrisons
Total for the above three together 75,600l.
Malines 8,166l. 13s. 4d.
Friesland, 15 garrisons 24,700l.
Overyssel, 9 garrisons 10233l. 6s8d
Forts on the Veluwe 21,666l. 13s. 4d.
Sum total 267,993l. 6s. 8d.
Flying camp 84,360l.
Entertainments of chief officers 19,392l.
Other entertainments 7,000l.
Sum total of all 375,745l. 6s. 8d
Agreed to in the Assembly of the States General at Delft on Aug. 13, 1584, stilo novo, and signed by me, C. Aerssens.
Endd. Fr. 11 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 63.]
Aug. 3. Duke Casimir to Walsingham.
Since your last letter, of the 28th of May, the affairs of the Low Countries have wholly changed, in consequence of the unexpected murder of the Prince of Orange, a thing which truly ought to arouse all who are separated from the delusions of the Pope, and especially the neighbouring States professing the reformed religion, but also all who have the seeds of troubles and seditions either in their entrails or upon their skirts; as indeed it seems that the affairs of Scotland are evilly enough disposed for the welfare and repose of England if God of his grace and the Queen by her accustomed prudence do not foresee and provide for them.
Our affairs here are not as could be wished, yet I see no present occasion to be greatly alarmed either for the public or for my own private matters, so that if I can do anything for the good and safety of other States, more nearly threatened, I offer it with all my power, and especially in what concerns England, hoping that time will give me opportunity to show how much I feel myself obliged to employ myself on her behalf. Whereof I pray you to assure her Majesty, beseeching you to give me frequent advertisement of what passes in England, and assuring you that my only care is for the advancement of God's glory and the public peace.—Heidelberg, 3 August, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States, III. 37.]
Aug. 4. J. Herbert to Walsingham.
The city of Elbing being served, about May 5, by the Danskers with a mandate prohibiting all strangers from any “free handling” in village, town or city, contrary to the constitutions, privileges and customs of Prussia, and tending only to bar our nation of their trade here, I conferred with the citizens and Senate thereupon, and determined to send with speed to the King [of Poland], to understand the meaning of that edict; and if nothing prejudicial were meant to what we had in hand for placing her Majesty's subjects at Elbing, to crave further authority from his Majesty, that notwithstanding the absence of the Treasurer, whom the Chancellor appointed to be of the quorum, and whom we understood could not attend, the rest of the commissioners might have full authority to determine thereof.
The messenger, one of the lords of this town, came back about the midst of June; for so far distant is this place from any of the King's abodes, that under a month we cannot send and have word back again.'
He declared in the Senate that the King did not mean to inhibit any merchants trading in towns and cities where free markets were appointed, nor any that traded by sea to any port, but only to forbid common pedlars and namely certain Scots, who wandered from village to village and made private sale, “to the derogation of his and of his nobility's tolls levied in the ordinary markets.”
And to the other request the King most willingly consented, as by the copy of his letter, annexed to our acts and proceedings, your honour may perceive.
Immediately on receipt of this letter we sent three messengers to the commissioners, i.e. on behalf of the Society, in the name of the town, and from myself, as her Majesty's agent. The nobility here delighting in pomp and ceremonies, we are enforced to no small charges or they would think themselves “contempned.”
Upon our request, the commissioners appointed to sit at Elbing, whither they came on July 19, and remained ten days, to the great charges of the town and Society. I entertained them at my lodgings and “at seaboard” much to their contentment, “and I trust all was bestowed to good purpose, for they were all such as have authority with the King, peers of the land, of rare learning, great experience and judgment.”
On July 20 (according to this new account, which I am forced to observe in my writing to avoid difference between the public instruments and my setting down of things), I sent to them for audience. They replied that, according to their private instructions, they had to confer with others whom the matter touched before they might communicate with me, but asked me to accompany them to dine at the Bishop's, that he might renew his old acquaintance with me, and also have familiar speeches with the rest of the commissioners. The morning was bestowed in reading their commission and mandate, and giving audience to the deputies for the town, and the rest of the day in compliments between them and me.
The 21st, the deputies for Dantzig were admitted to speak touching the settling of the English trade at Elbing. They are great enemies to this and care not what charges they are at to hinder it. Besides having conferences of five hours, they gave in a general information against it, and next day, in another pamphlet, set down their minds touching every article that the town and I agreed of, “wherein they showed themselves very indifferent, for they approved not one.” The first I answered, the second I refused to answer, “for that there were many opprobrious terms used in it, whereof I had some cause to misdoubt some ill event if I had answered them with the like,” wherefore I caused the town, after conference with me, to answer it, and delivered it on the 24th.
The 25th, the commissioners sent for me to the Rodehouse and delivered me their minds touching each article, according to their private instructions from the King. And as they gave me to understand that “that writing should be the conclusion of all the conference,” and that if I had anything to reply, I might do it at my access to the King, I craved to hear the same read, that if anything were mistaken by them, I might satisfy them of her Majesty's good meaning towards the King and Poland. Thereupon they caused their register to read it, and I perceiving many things therein to touch her Majesty in honour, and the Society and myself in credit, I requested liberty to reply. After some speech among themselves, they permitted me to speak to each point, asking many questions, which I satisfied as well as I could.” At length the Bishop, having given good ear and willing as it seemed to gratify the town, said he mused not a little that the town had not imparted divers points touching their privileges that I alleged, and many things that had passed between both their Majesties, seeing the same did much import the good success of their cause.” I craved liberty to put what I had said in writing, and that they would admit the deputies of the town “to allege the charters of their liberties,” both which they at length granted. That afternoon I feasted them on board the ships.
The 27th, the deputies were admitted to allege their privileges, “the which they have caused to be inserted in the public instrument sent to the King, and so in like manner the declaration I delivered upon their opinions, and so we concluded all our proceedings at Elbing.”
I have sent you all the Acts of our doings, that you may judge of the whole, and see, so far as our capacity serves (“which I must confess not to be equal to such as I am by the King matched with”) that I omit neither speech or expence that may further the cause, it may be far above what I shall ever recover, for besides the charges of the Society, I have spent of mine own private four hundred pounds, for here is nothing to be done without excessive charge.
By the writing offered by the commissioners, it may be easily gathered, that the chief points the King is like to make stay on will be these:—
First, “The particular pacts and privileges of Prusland, not to permit the King to tie any nation that tradeth to this country to any one port and residence in the same. Next, a certain pretended custom, not to suffer any stranger to buy or sell or trade any way with any but with the citizens of each town where they remain, unless it be with noblemen who sell corn, pitch, tar and ashes [i.e. potashes], or in time of fairs, with other. Lastly, a certain reservation in all privileges granted of a custom due in all ports, and lately yielded unto by the Danskers. Touching these three points, after the conclusion, I conferred with the Bishop and each of the commissioners apart. All their speech tended to this end:—That the Queen might bind her subjects to what town or place she would. That the free handling with all men in the same town or port would be assented unto, for that it was to the good of all the nobility, citizens and inhabitants of Poland, if the same came ever to be debated in the general assembly of States. The immunity of tolls to rest only in the King, and seeing the Danskers had yielded, that it would be hard for them of Elbing to obtain exemption.”
I long since gave my own opinion to the deputy here, to be imparted to the Governor and Assistants in London, but as yet he has no answer from them. The sum of it was this:—“That if, by granting of the like acknowledgment here at Elbing (the which amounteth not to one in the hundred) as the Danskers have yielded unto, the Elbingers might have authority from the King to grant our nation free handling with all men, I saw no reason why the Elbingers should stand with the King for exemption a portorio quod regium est, seeing it is held in this age, not juris controversi, but juris explorati, omnia illa quœ sunt juris regii, non esse in commercio, sed coronœ annexa, ita ut ab ex separari non possint, et qucœ de facto alienata sunt, ad jus pristinum revocari posse, nee reges successores ex hoc contractu obligari.
“And as for the tribute that is paid to the Duke of Prusland, that seemeth to be demanded ex alio titulo, viz. quia tenetur ad resarciendum ostium flabi and here at Elbing the Bang de-mandeth his exaction pro invectis et evectis mercibus, for the which portorium is due by law. Nor it is not in this age new or strange de eisdem mercibus, in eodem portu, ex diversis titulis, diversa etiam vectigalia exigi. So that myself, judging, according to the common usage of princes, that the like reasons will be alleged to me at court, and the Society as yet not having given authority to me nor the deputy what to yield therein, do doubt that this journey of mine to court will be to little effect.” Yet as Baranovius, the chief secretary has written that the King expects my repair to him at Lublin, and will only abide there about ten days, the deputies of this town, having received their letters but yesterday, take their journey to-morrow and I by God's help with them.
So I must request you to excuse this rash writing, for between appointing the Acts &c. to be set down orderly and preparing for my journey, I have little slept these two nights. I have caused the copy of the commissioners' letter to the King to be annexed to our proceedings, which copy the Bishop sent me since his departure.
“Truly I was beholding to the Bishop, the Vaivode of Briescem and the rest of the commissioners. In public place they used me with great honour and reverence, in private conference they entertained me with great familiarity, and have promised to further this action at the assembly of States to the uttermost they may, and excused themselves that it lay not in them to make any other relation, for that it was so prescribed unto them by the private instructions sent from the Chancellor in the King's name.”
I hear you mean to send me to Denmark, and so prolong my repair home. Truly, if so, I fear I shall never see you again, for I shall hardly be able to brook the extremity of the winter, therefore, though this action do not take place at Lublin, and may be referred to the general States at Christmas, I pray you let me return home before the winter, for besides that I distrust my health and have not ability to bear the charges, “it is not convenient that so mean a personage, so meanly accompanied as I am like to be, should represent the place I do in so great an assembly.”—Elbing, 4 August [o.s.].
Add. Endd. 7 pp. [Poland I. 29.]
Aug. 5. Geoffrey Le Brumen to Walsingham.
They write from France that the King of Spain has sent by Andrea Doria (André Dori) two million, five hundred thousand pistoles to Milan; one million for the affairs of the Low Countries and the rest for other enterprises. He has sent for the Cardinal of Austria, who was governing Portugal, to initiate him in affairs. They think he will give him his daughter. M. d' Espernon has returned very well satisfied from the King of Navarre. There is some war in Languedoc by the Marshal de Montmorency. The King of Navarre has gone thither to pacify them. The chamber of Anjou is open, and the treasurers and receivers in great fear. Already some of them are imprisoned. The Council is going to Blois. The bearer of this is the man for whom you wrote so favourably to Messieurs Quilgraec [qy. Killigrew] and Rokeby, who have done great things for him, so that he is greatly obliged both to you and them, as are his kinsmen and friends.
I feared that I offended you when I wrote to you of it so boldly, but the scandal which I saw brought upon those of our church, and the ruin of this poor man, carried me beyond bounds, and truly, if you had not acted as you did, he would have rotted in a prison.
You may see by the report made to you by Messieurs “Kilgraec” and Rokeby that this poor man did not complain without reason, and that he had to do with a scoundrel, who they say has been at Rome (Romme) these three years. The said gentlemen have not only taken the trouble to hear both parties and witnesses, but also give you information of what must be done for the poor man, which is why he comes to you to learn your pleasure. His opponent tries to justify himself upon 20l. which he says he lent him, and that if he had not sued him for this 20l., he would never have demanded anything. I believe he speaks truly, for the poor man is so simple that he let him carry away his property and entertain his wife. Finally, when he demanded this money from him, wishing to imprison and ruin him, he was forced by his friends to seek aid, and in the end to have recourse, by my means, to your kindness and justice, whom I cannot sufficiently thank for all the favours which you show me daily.
The money he demands of him, he says he sent to his wife by another woman named Eglestone (Eguelstone) and this is she who serves de Caquerelle, who has carried off the goods and is in hiding with the wife of the poor man.
You will give what orders you think good when you have had time to read the report which these gentlemen have sent you.—London, 5 August, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XII. 31.]
Aug. 5. J. Herbert to Walsingham.
Touching the public cause, I refer you to the Acts of my proceedings with the commissioners, sent by this bearer. I see little cause to hope that I can bring the matter to any good end, unless the King may receive as great commodity by the residence of the Society at Elbing as if they remained at Dantzig. Therefore, seeing that I must repair to him at Lublin, where he will be on the 20th, only for ten days, “if I be enforced, by the consent of the deputy, to enter into some indifferent way, honourable to both princes and not burdensome to the Society, I think it more convenient than to break off, to the discontentment of both princes and the great hindrance of the Society; and especially seeing the demand to be vallable in law, whatsoever pretence is made of exemption, and not above one per cento.”
As for my own state, what with Mr. Dr. Lewes' unjust dealings, the extraordinary charges of this journey through my sickness, and the pomp which custom here enforces me to use, in apparel, retinue and gifts, for the maintenance of her Majesty's honour and the credit of our nation, I am brought to a very low ebb.
“But God hath enough for such as serve him.”
[Some lines are here cut off.]
In respect of my dutiful service and poor state, I pray you to further me to obtain somewhat from her Majesty for my better maintenance. You may divers ways do me good. I see daily many succour themselves under your wing, and myself “only almost to remain succourless and open to all storms and tempests.” I have borne the brunt of them as long as my shoulders were able; if by your means I find no remedy, I must try other ways, which I would be loth to do.
“The waggons are ready, and I must travel thirty English miles this afternoon,” and so I take my leave.—Elbing, 5 August according to the English account.
Add. Endd. 2 pp., the top portion of the paper cut away. [Poland I. 30.]
Aug. 6/16. Instructions from the Duchess Of Bouillon to the Sieur De Jolitemps.
To go to the Sieur de Civille at Rouen, to accompany him to England, and there to receive the letters, memoires &c. which the Queen will send, and to proceed into Flanders to the States General and others.
To whom, with the said despatches, he shall present those from the Duchess, asking for the performance of what she wrote and especially that they would continue towards the demoiselles her nieces, daughters of the late Prince of Orange, the friendship which they had borne to their father and mother. Which despatches he shall also presently communicate to the Council of the late Prince, that they too may give their favour and assistance. And the said lords—having heard the intentions of the Queen of England, and that she desires to have, to bring up near her person, the two eldest daughters of the late Prince of Orange and of the Duchess's sister; and that Mademoiselle Brabantine is to be sent to the Duchess for the same purpose—shall be required diligently to proceed to the carrying out of the matter and at once to make ready their equipage, that they might depart before winter and the bad weather, accompanied by such suite as they consider proper to remain with them; of whom, for the two eldest, the Duchess, having knowledge of their governess, the demoiselle de la Montaigne, desires that she may remain with them, and that the said Jolitemps shall also be employed in their service while they are in England, assuring herself that the Queen will provide for the others; as on her part she means to do in all that is needful for the welfare of the niece who will live with her, and who is to be escorted from England to Dieppe or some other port, where she will have her received and provide further for her as her kind aunt.
And in regard to the three others, of whom the Duchess has heard that the Countess of Schwarzenbourg desires to have her niece and godchild, and the Electress Palatine her godchild, she prays the Council to take in hand all that shall be required both for their conducting thither and their persons, that they shall see to be pleasing to the said ladies, to whom she is writing to thank them for their kind and praiseworthy goodwill and to pray them to continue it in memory of the late Prince; desiring the said Council also by their letters to strengthen them in their good intentions. As also to Madame du Paraclet, her cousin, for that niece who is with her, of whom she takes great care, acquitting herself altogether as one might desire.
And above all, that the said Council shall diligently require from the States General the performance of their promises for the gifts and pensions which, since the birth of her said nieces, they have granted for their maintenance as their good godfathers, recalling to their minds from day to day the great services and friendship which they received from the late Prince of Orange, that they may neglect nothing in this respect, and that there may be no lack of what may be required to be provided by them.
And the said Sieur de Jolitemps shall assure the said States, Council and all others that the said Duchess of Bouillon will employ herself for their maintenance, as their good aunt, as she gives them to understand more particularly in her letters.—Sedan, 16 August, 1584. Signed Francoise de Bourbon.
Copy. Endd. Fr. 3 pp. [France XII. 32.]
[About Aug. 6/16.] Instructions from the Duchess Of Bouillon to M. De Civille.
The Duchess being assured that her Majesty grieves over the unhappy and wicked murder of the late Prince of Orange; seeing his house desolate and afflicted, and hearing the cries of his family, so happily brought up in the love and fear of God; urged on by natural love to her nieces and fearing that some may endeavour to withdraw them from this good training:—
She has thought there could be no better means to prevent this evil than to humbly pray her Majesty to take them into her protection, in order to distribute them to such persons as she pleases, professing the true religion, as if it had been requested of her by the late Prince during his life.
She therefore prays her Majesty to take, to be brought up by her, the two eldest, and to honour Madame de Bouillon by granting her the next one, named Brabantine, by which means her doubts and fears will be removed; for she has been informed that the Countess of Schwarzenbourg, sister of the late Prince, has asked for her godchild, Katherine Belgique, and the Electress Palatine for her godchild Amelyne. The sixth, Flandrine, is with Madame de Paraclet, her cousin, having been given to her in the lifetime of the Prince, who acquits herself as faithfully and carefully of her charge as can possibly be desired; therefore Madame de Bouillon is sure that her Majesty will be pleased for her to continue in her hands.
And that the Duke of Montpensier, brother of Madame deBouillon, may not know that she is meddling in this affair (which would make him vexed and irritated with her), seeing that he desires to take two or three of them himself (as she has heard), one to be brought up by Madame de Mezières, his mother-in-law, and the two others by Mesdames de Ste. Croix and de Joüarre, his sisters, abbesses and religeuses, who would be very pleased to have them, and where truly they would be most happy if these ladies were of the Religion, they being very discreet and virtuous princesses, but they would never bring them up in any religion but their own: therefore Madame de Bouillon beseeches her Majesty to write to M. de Montpensier that upon request made to her by the Prince of Orange long before his death (from his fear lest his daughters should be drawn away from the Religion), her Majesty had willingly agreed to take the charge of his said daughters, the two eldest of whom she had reserved to be brought up near herself; that for the next one, she had already written to Madame de Bouillon in order that she might be brought up with Mademoiselle de Bouillon, her daughter; and that the two others were already given to the Countess of Schwarzenbourg and the Electress Palatine, their godmothers. And that having been informed that the sixth had for long and during her father's lifetime been with Madame du Paraclet, her cousin, her Majesty had already written to the said lady, desiring her to keep her.
And seeing that M. de Montpensier, who is their uncle and nearest relative on their mother's side, having great authority in France, namely, with the King, as being a prince of the blood, may very greatly aid in the preservation of their property, that it will please her Majesty to add an article to her letter, praying him to accept the guardianship of his said nieces and make himself the protector and preserver of their property in France; so that they may be supplied for their maintenance, and that, for this purpose, he will ask the King to be favourable to them in all things where his authority and orders are needed.
And also that as, in consideration of the great services, pains, labours and charges of the late Prince for the welfare and preservation of the Low Countries, the States General, and the provinces of Holland and Zeeland, Flanders and Brabant, being godfathers of the said daughters, had freely granted them certain gifts and pensions; her Majesty shall be prayed to write to them to give speedy order for the fulfilment of their promise.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XII. 32 bis.]
Aug. 7/17. Mauvissière to Walsingham.
This bearer, the Sieur Feron, begs me to recommend him in regard to an affair which he has before you as his judge, in the cause of certain persons of Portsmouth (Porsemue), praying you to favour him so far as you judge his case reasonable and just, as is your kind custom towards all French who have implored your aid, whereby you have gained many friends, the great ones to love and honour you and the rest to serve you.
For myself, I will yield to no man when it shall please you to employ me, according to my very small power—every day more weak and feeble—in this kingdom, where I am a voluntary prisoner in the house in which I have dwelt for nine years, and concerning which you have had so many complaints from my lady Marquess and her neighbours. Of whom I have so many reasons myself to complain that I have begged Mr. Waad to represent them to you as I have put them before his eyes, in the presence of the said Feron, whom also I have charged to speak with you of them. He has been my interpreter in the replies I have made and in my just complaints, where I have said that I am answerable to the laws of this country, by which, many times, if I had wished to aid myself I should not only have gained my just cause, but be the accuser instead of the accused. All the affairs of the world, even the best, are subject to changes, to which I can and will accommodate myself, except that I shall remain constant ever to wish you all honour and prosperity wherever I may be.
My wife begs me to thank you humbly for the she-ass which you have lent her, for which and for your other favours she will go to thank you and your wife and to wait on Madame de “Esedenay,” your daughter.—London, 17 August, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XII. 33.]
Aug. 7/17. M. D'estrees, Governor of Boulogne, to Burghley.
I doubt not that you know that Mr. Sidney's majordomo, being here awaiting his master, was recalled to England, who, the day before his departure came to pray me to take a mare (hacquenée) that Mr. Sidney had desired him to give me, which I by no means wished to do. But he pressed me so much that, fearing his master would think me discourteous, I accepted it, hoping to requite it by some other thing which might be pleasing to him.
I inform you of this that you may not imagine that I had demanded it or needed it. The said majordomo begged me to let some one go with him to fetch her, and my gentleman took the one which he gave him. Since then, your son, passing this way to go to Paris, sent a gentleman to my house, who told me that the mare was yours. I was exceedingly grieved at what had happened, and immediately sent her back to him, praying him to take her again. This he would not do, but sent her back again by an express, who informed me that they had told your son that the gentleman who had fetched her for me had insisted on having that one or none. Believe me, Sir, if he did this thing it was very improperly and without my knowledge or orders I have learnt also by a courier from London, that you had been vexed by what has passed, and that Mr. Sidney wished to send me two others, in order to have this one back. I would rather have lost a hundred times as much as the mare is worth than have annoyed you, and I send her to you, praying you humbly to take her back; and if she were mine, or I thought I had anything which would be pleasing to you, believe me, it would be at your service. I should not have waited so long before sending her, but when they gave her to me she was lame, from fright on the ship, and I waited until she was cured.—Boulogne, 17 August, 1584.
Add. Endd. “M. d'Etrée, governor of Boulogne. Pro Robert Cecil's hobby.” Fr. 1½ pp. [Ibid. XII. 34.]
Aug. 7/17. M. Du Bex to Walsingham.
I have asked this bearer to buy me in England two or three of the best geldings he can find at St. Bartholomew's Fair, desiring, on my new advancement in this Court, to present them to some of my friends. I know that he cannot send them out of the kingdom without passport, and beg that you will give orders for one to be made out for him. Forgive me if I take too much advantage of your former kindness, in troubling you with what is not in your office, but not wishing to be under obligation to any other, I apply to you to show how I desire to receive your orders and render you humble service.
I hope to repair to the court at the end of this month, in order at the beginning of October to serve my quarter in the office of Grand Audiencer, which I have taken since the death of my master [Monsieur], in order not to remain useless, but to have means to serve my friends. I wish I might have the happiness to do something for someone belonging to you.—Paris, 17 August, 1584.
Add. Endd. “M. du Baix.” Fr. 1 p. [France XII. 35.]
Aug. 8. John III, King Of Sweden, to the Queen.
Received some few days ago her Majesty's letters of March 20, praying him to cause restitution to be made of the goods which, in the year 1579, were taken by his ships from a merchant of hers, one Thomas Allen, and afterwards, as her Majesty informs him, diverted to his own use. However that might be, that her Majesty may see his desire to continue in her good graces, he sends the bearer, the said Allen's messenger, to settle the business, that the whole sum may be repaid, which the said messenger has willingly agreed to undertake.—Upsala, 8 August, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. ½ p. [Sweden I. 11.]
Aug. 8/18. Notes of Answers by the States to articles propounded by Mr. Dier.
3 March [n.s.]. In answer to Mr. Dier, they say that besides those small vessels which they are constrained to arm for defence of the channels and entries of those countries, they will arm twenty good ships; ten of at least 400 tons, five of between 300 and 350, and the other five between 200 and 250. Also five other flyboats of 100 or 150 tons apiece.
They also say that Holland and Utrecht may entertain 10,000 foot, 1,000 horse and 1,000 pioneers, for defence of those countries and assistance of the rest.
18 Aug. In answer to the demand what means they have to make war it is said they may defray monthly 330,000 florins, as follows:—Brabant, 60,000; Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht, 200,000; Friesland, 36,000; Gueldres and Overyssel, 30,000, for the war by land; reserving besides other means appointed for the sea service, esteemed at 60,000 monthly.
To the question what they suppose the forces of the enemy to be in the Low Countries, they say that besides garrisons, he has:—In Gueldres and Zutphen, 3,000 footmen and 24 cornets of horse; about Lillo, 5,000 horse and foot; about Ghent, 3,000, and at the siege of Dermond 1,000, being all the forces he has in the field.
To the article what forces they have, they say that besides their garrisons, which are great, they have in the field only 3,000 foot and 2,500 horse about Zutphen, but these may be augmented out of the garrisons and by the 3,000 foot and 300 horse levied in Germany.
In answer to the article what men and money may serve to supply their necessity, and what assurances they can give her Majesty if she takes they into her protection, “they beseech her Majesty to esteem thereof as they shall have need, and therein to be satisfied according to their charge and instruction.”
Endd. by Burghley. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 64.]
On the covering page are notes in Burghley's hand of the lineage of the Counts of “Hollock”; and the four wives of the late Prince of Orange with their children. At the bottom of the page, notes of the relative value of certain sums in gulden and in English money, beginning “1,000 gulden is about 100l.”
Aug. 9. Gilpin to Walsingham.
Since my last, I have been ill with a burning ague, my grief for which was not so great as the thought that I was unable to employ myself in her Majesty's service. But now beginning to recover, I hope to make requital for what has been neglected.
On Friday was sevenight, I received your letters with the enclosures, which for five days I could not look at, nor will my memory yet serve to answer, especially that set down in cipher, which seems to differ from the cipher sent me, wherefore I pray to be more particularly informed thereof.
I sent the letters to St. Aldegonde, Calvart and Villiers, and herewith return M. Calvart's answer, with another to M. de Grise. To Mr. Villiers I sent a few lines from myself, certifying your honour's “further pleasure of stay.”
So far as I could learn during my sickness, “it seemeth the French hath further thought upon this estate,” and whereas M. Caron brought news that the King would not meddle in their causes, M. de Pre has since brought letters saying that by the good offices of des Pruneaux (Desprineux) his Majesty and the Queen Mother had not only given him large audience, but would despatch him forthwith, with “full and so good resolution as hitherto there came no better”; so now all waits for des Pruneaux's arrival. For my own part, I doubt this is only a device to keep these poor people amused, to compass further intents. Ortell has arrived in Holland, but I hear nothing of any commissioners to England as yet. The state of the country and poor people is lamentable, yet I find from experience that whatever proceeds from our country is supposed to be for our own good, and “not of love we bear to their aid.”
The States continue at Delft, where their greffier, Hennyn, has been apprehended, examined and found to have given intelligence to the enemy. Zutphen remains at one stay, Antwerp daily more distressed, those of Lillo not yet contented.
“Montdragon took a boors'sconce from our folks on the Brabant coast, whereby the river is greatly annoyed,” and, it is feared, will be closed up ere long, there being already come masts, cables chains &c. “The Prince of Parma, not idle all this while, had so beset a ditch at Dermonde and cut off a sluice” that I hear the place is surrendered by composition.—Middelburg, 9 August, 1584.
Postscript.—Since writing the above, I hear that the enemy's forces towards Zutphen are so great, that it is doubted the States will have to leave the siege, of two evils to choose the less.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 65.]
Aug. 10/20. Mauvissière to Walsingham.
I have, as I suppose, entirely satisfied the Lords of the Council as to what they sent me by Mr. Wade touching my lodgings, in regard to my Lady Marquess, my landlady, who has every reason to be satisfied with me, both for having paid her well, and for the reparations, greater than what I am responsible for, in her old and decayed house. As to Dr. Baillif, he demands, without any show of reason, part of a stable which M. de la Mothe, my predecessor, enjoyed for seven years and myself for eight, as it is comprised in the lease of my house. And touching William Grise, clerk of her Majesty's stables, instead of his complaining of me, I have every cause, not only to complain of him, but to demand justice from her Majesty and you, the Lords of the Council, first because, while building, he has broken the ancient channel and sewer of my kitchen and other places, making such a stench in my said lodgings that it is not possible to abide there. And not content with that, he has blocked up my windows with dung and filth, enough to poison us, and taken away all the light from my house, uttering a thousand insults, calling us French dogs, villains, cowards; calling us to come out to fight, that we had no spirit, that he was coming to kill and pillage us, and has oftentimes gathered people together and encouraged them to set upon us, saying that he had authority to do it, as a servant of the Queen. No longer ago than yesterday he gathered divers people and ten armed men, throwing stones and shooting arrows from crossbows, and with swords and other weapons broke all my windows, wounded two boys, and thrust out one of the eyes of a little boy whom I am bringing up for the honour of God; chased Courcelles from his chamber and my daughter's tutor also, and broke the windows of my parlour; with so many other insolences that they would take too long to enumerate, as this bearer, my daughter's tutor, will tell you, who was eye-witness of the whole. Whereof I thought good to advertise you, in order, if this be done by the consent and authority of anyone, I may withdraw as soon as possible into France, to the King my master, by the favour of the Queen his good sister, to whom, and to all her realm, I have ever endeavoured to make my actions pleasing and to do right in all things, and so have forborne to make complaint of the indignities put upon me and mine. My wife being upon a sick bed, timorous and full of fear, it has redoubled her malady; and fearing that worse may follow, she is resolved to be carried into the country. For my part, I shall await the resolution that will be taken in the matter before informing my master, for I believe the Queen will be very grieved that I should be so unworthily treated.—London, 20 August, 1584.
Postscript in his own hand.—I refer myself to the bearer, who is English, to show you whether I am wrong or right. They threaten to kill my people, and to beat them about the streets. I am not here for war but for peace, which I have always maintained and always shall do, esteeming it to be for the good of both their Majesties and their realms.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XII. 36.]
On the covering sheet, Burghley has written:—“Lionel Kyng, John Dallynder, 2 labouring men, bricklayer and cutler's man.”
English translation of the above. Endd. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. XII. 37.]
Aug. 10. Stafford to Walsingham.
The Queen Mother having gone to Chenonceau two days before the coming of your servant Burnam, I delivered to Pinard what was contained in your letters, “as things which, I told him, I thought he had already received by their ambassador”.
He answered that as Mr. Sidney's stay was upon the necessity of the king's journey, and in order to receive him with due honour which could not then be done, so he was sure the King expected him at his return, and that the Queen would honour his Majesty so much as to send him, the cause of the Low Countries being of great necessity, though “the other, which was the chief cause of his coming, had been already so much done for the honour of the dead,” that though her Majesty did no more, they would never forget it.
“For the overture made by the French ambassador . . . comprehending by necessity Scotland, he greatly stormed at the ambassador's folly, and used to me very hard words of his lack of discretion, being a thing (as he protested) that it was quite without the bounds of his instruction; the two despatches, as he said, having nothing common the one with the other.”
For there were two causes commanded by the King to be treated by him at several times; the one, to declare to her Majesty from the Queen Mother the necessity she saw in this cause, and that if her Majesty would make some proposition she was sure the King would hearken to it and concur with it, as she said to me at my last audience.
The other, which pertained to Scotland, he assured me was grounded upon “the speeches that afore had been had of treating of the Queen of Scots' deliverance and of Mauvissière's journey into Scotland,” for the furthering of which the King had determined that young Pinard should accompany Mauvissière, his instructions having been signed and orders left by the King that if news came from Mauvissière that her Majesty liked it he should be sent, but if not, he should remain, Mauvissière's commission being only to know her liking of that, and not to mix one with the other. He offered to show me his son's instructions, signed by the King, but I refused, not to seem too curious or mistrustful; “for if they meant deceit, the showing of the instructions would little assure me, young Pinard's head being big enough to carry what secret instructions soever it should please them to bestow upon him.” But the effect of them (as I wrote in my last) was to do all the King could to make a steadfast “atonement” between England and Scotland and between the King and Queen of Scots and her Majesty, so that she being assured against trouble on the “firm land” any enterprise for relieving the Low Countries would be the easier, and also that France and England, having reconciled Scotland, would not be so afraid of the King of Spain's practices there.
In truth I think that Mauvissière, from his good will to the Queen of Scots, intermingled his commission, and that the King “is nothing so much assotted nor so hot in matters of Scotland as Mauvissière would have him.”
Upon speech with Burnam, I found that Mauvissière, upon his audience with the Queen, had “used those strict terms to him of the necessity of comprehending Scotland that he might report them to you, being sick.”
I mean, at Pinard's return, to take some occasion to speak with him, and to take Burnam with me, that he may tell Pinard the words Mauvissière used to him; and, if I can, to persuade them that by offering her Majesty some good proposition, “they may make whole again the evil opinion that she had conceived of the King's meaning. . . .
“To her Majesty's conceit of the likelihood of the King's unwillingness to deal in this action, seeing upon so urgent a cause he retired himself so far,” he answered that the necessity of the King's journey was great, yet before going, he had heard the deputies, commanded the despatch of des Pruneaux and given the Queen Mother ample order to treat of all things belonging thereunto, assuring himself that before anything could come to perfection, he would be back again, with a good will to put into execution anything that had been consulted upon.
I replied that if the King had this meaning, he should not have stayed Mr. Sidney's coming, but should have let him treat with the Queen Mother, instead of having “sent him back quite, as not willing to hear him.”
I think we should keep them “still at that bay . . . You must pardon me, Sir, though I am glad when I have gotten them at any advantage, to hold them there, having more ado in my negotiations in all things to sharpen my wits to find some vantage in their dealings to save our honours cleanly, if we chance to alter our minds, than in anything else I have to do.”
In my poor judgment, her Majesty's purpose to concur with the King to help the poor Low Countries should not be let to sleep, for if they be not helped, either the King of Spain will have his will, “or else, despairing of our help, for fear of falling into Spain's hands, they will wholly give themselves to be French, which if they do . . . we may say that incidit in Sillam qui vult vitare Charibdim”—Paris, 10 August, 1584.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XII. 38.]
Aug. 10/20. Edmund Yorke to Walsingham.
“In Holland my success was not as I wished, yet not so ill but I hope well.” I have yet had no help from M. St. Aldegonde, to whom you directed me, but I wrote yesterday offering him my service, and to come to Antwerp. My dealing is only for my brother, but I have not yet any assurance for his well-doing but by your means. I beseech you once again to write to the States General for him. Unless great expedition be used, I fear it will be too. late. You know him to be your servant, and if bound to you by former favours, how much more shall he and his be so now, to do you all dutiful service. [Here three or four lines are rotted away, apparently by damp.]
I would be glad to hear how affairs pasa in France, “for here we look for wonders, and by the mouse the removing of mountains. I pray God they be not molehills.” M. des Pruneaux told me he hoped his coming would be for the good of these countries and that he would pursue it with all expedition, for, as he said, il faut battre le fer tandis qu'il est chaud (shaut); and truly the States here require no less good help than expedition. He told me he hoped to have found some here from her Majesty with whom he could have conferred, and that her Majesty had determined to despatch some honourable person [into France?] and that Sir Philip Sydney was [chosen?]. [Again, three or four lines lost.]
Since the King's going to Lyons, the Queen Mother thought to have gone to Blois, but “the speedy despatch for the affairs of these parts have broken that journey.”
It seems that full resolution is taken in France for performance of these actions, and the agents, Messrs. de Mouillerie (Malrey) and Asseliers have returned with him and are embarked for Holland.
Dermonde is certainly yielded to the enemy, though victualled for two years. Its loss will greatly hazard Ghent and Brussels. Antwerp is very sufficiently able to defend itself, wanting neither means nor victuals, “and for men they have enough, such as their townsmen are.” Two hundred burghers were slain at the defence of the Boors' sconce, where also a Scottish company was cut in pieces; “so as the enemy is somewhat too near.”
M. St. Aldegonde takes great pains, and last Saturday they held a Council, where they made provision of money to entertain 13,000 foot and 3, 000 horse, to which the other towns of Brabant and Flanders are contributors; the army to consist of Germans, English and Scots.
The enemy have made six sconces between Lillo and Antwerp, from which they beat the river, yet the boats have passed without any great hurt; but now they have got some scuts and other great boats which will be very dangerous for the passage, and have prepared cables, chains, masts and old boats (through which the cables and chains shall pass) to stop the river. The Prince of Pinois [d'Epinoy] is looked for here. The fort of Lillo is still in mutiny and demands twelve months' pay, but it is thought eight months will be granted them. They make “good wars upon the enemy notwithstanding. [Two or three lines lost.]
A fort has been devised of straw, to float on the water and carry twenty-five pieces of ordnance and 600 soldiers. There will be a hundred scuts with soldiers defended by this fort, and (by God's grace) it shall take all the sconces on the river. It is bruited that the siege of Zutphen is raised. If so, it will too much encourage the enemy.
The government of Holland and Zeeland is not yet settled. Some think the County Maurice shall have it; others, the Bishop of Cologne. Six days ago Count William of Nassau went for his government into Friesland and Count Hollock was upon his despatch to the army before Zutphen, where I can hardly believe the siege to be ended, as there are 2,500 horse in the States' camp and 5,000 foot.
Don Diego di Botelho is in good hope that his master shall come into these parts with the charge of the French army, but I cannot find any likelihood of it from M. des Pruneaux or any other. [Two or three lines lost.]
I stay for letters from M. St. Aldegonde, and hope you will write with all possible speed to the States-General, the Council of War and lords of Brussels, to M. St. Aldegonde and M. van Tempell, otherwise my abode here will be to little effect. M. des Pruneaux has departed.—20 August, 1584, new style.
Postscript.—For the death and order of burial of the Prince this gentleman “hath all to inform your honour of,” with copies of the King and Queen Mother's letters to the States. “I spake with Mr. Ortell, who had not audience till Tuesday last. I required his furtherance, which he did, and made him acquainted with my dealing. . . It was thought he should presently depart with Paulus Buys (Bus), Dr. Francis and M. Daspre [qy. de Pré],” with whom I pray you to deal effectually for my poor brother.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Roll, and Fl. XXII. 66.]
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