Elizabeth
November 1584, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor)

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1916

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134-146

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'Elizabeth: November 1584, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 19: August 1584-August 1585 (1916), pp. 134-146. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79066 Date accessed: 01 September 2014.


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November 1584, 1–10

Nov. 1/11.Rasse Des Noeux to Walsingham.
My delay in writing has been because I was waiting to send you the Latin poems of the late Chancellor de l'Hopital, which are not yet ready owing to the death of the President de Pibrac, his close friend, who had undertaken to collect them and have them printed. As soon as they are out, I will send them to you and my Lord Treasurer. You will enjoy them, for they are excellent. Meanwhile, I send you some new things of this country, the reading of which may serve as a relaxation from your serious occupations.
I have been very glad to hear from Maitre Pierre le Sueur of the good health of her Majesty and of yourself and your family. There is nothing said or done here worth writing to you about.—From your house in Paris, 11 November.
Add. Endd. “1584, 1 Nov.” Fr. I p. [France XII. 108.]
Nov. 1/11.The States-General to the Queen.
Your Majesty's letters of Sept. 15 have plainly shown us your sorrow for the unhappy and execrable murder of the late Prince of Orange, knowing well that you have been the more grieved to see such a thing happen to one to whom your Majesty has been so singularly attached, as also that you will continue your kindness to his posterity. We could not but thank you for these things and declare to you the great comfort which they have brought to the grievous wound which we have received; praising God that a tyrant King, although he has laid his cruel hand upon the person of his Excellency, will never be able to efface from the minds of God-fearing men the holy and heroic actions of him who at all times, with entire affection and fidelity, has employed himself for the defence of his holy religion and the liberty of our native land. The evident tokens which we have of the kindness and goodwill of your Majesty towards him and his offspring makes us confident that you will be pleased always to maintain his family in your favour without our asking it, and we only pray you to believe that this will ever increase the obligations which we owe you and that on our part nothing will be nearer our hearts than to use all zeal in what concerns their honour, welfare and advancement; as also that we should not have delayed at all to satisfy you as to what you gave us in charge, viz. as soon as possible to make ready the equipage of the three eldest daughters of his Excellency, in order to send them to you, if the relatives, guardians and tutors, who are daily expected, had arrived. But as those who still have the said daughters in their power can do nothing until the arrival of their guardians, we pray you to excuse our delay in replying to your letters.—The Hague, 11 November, 1584.
Signed, Meetkerke, and below C. Aerssens.
Add. Endd. Fr.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 46.]
Nov. 1.Segur-Pardeilhan to Walsingham.
Would heartily desire to be detained by an opportunity to serve her Majesty, but not by her indisposition, as nothing ought to be more precious to honest men than her health. There is no need to trouble her about him, for he will willingly await her convenience and would regret extremely to leave until he was sure of her recovery, and had seen Mr. Davison set out with what she has been pleased to grant for the Elector of Cologne. Undated.
Add. Endd. with above date. Fr. ½ p. [Germany, States III. 48.]
Nov. 1/11.Brief relation of the oath taken to Prince Philip in Madrid at the church of St. Jerome, 11 November, 1584.
On Saturday, Nov. 10, the King sent the Prince in a litter, accompanied by the guard of Spanish and German halbardiers and by the Condé de Barajas, president of the council and his tutor, to lie in S. Jerome, where the Empress had lain for some days before, and where was made preparation of tables for the oath. His Majesty went there afterwards secretly.
The following morning, S. Martin's day, at eight o'clock in the morning, by Spanish account, there started the Cardinals of Granvelle and Toledo, the archbishops and bishops, the grandees, prelates and knights, who that day appeared apparelled superbly with much silk and many jewels, their horses richly caparisoned. At half-past nine, the two Infantas went in a great coach, covered with black velvet, with a gold lace. Six other coaches followed, richly ornamented, full of ladies magnificently attired. The Infantas were apparelled in yellow satin covered with silver, with many jewels. The Cardinal of Toledo celebrated the mass with great solemnity. The Cardinal of Granvelle had his seat apart, adorned with crimson velvet with gold fringe, and a footstool in front with the same garniture. A seat, with another in front covered with black velvet, for the nuncio and the ambassadors of the Emperor and Venice; a seat apart with rayed cloth, where sat fifteen grandees, the first of whom was Don Amadeo Filliberto; the archbishops and bishops in their places according to their rank. Below was the place where sat all the men of quality and procurators of the lords and of the cities of the kingdom who had to swear.
In the mass, the Cardinal of Granvelle said the confession and the creed and gave the gospels and the pax to be kissed by the King, who was in his seat, and knelt down under his baldachino without a curtain. The mass being ended, the King went to bring down the Empress, the Prince, who was apparelled in yellow, and the Infantas. Cardinal Granvelle took the Prince and held him at the anointing (cresma), which was given by him of Toledo. This done, one of the four Kings at arms intoned these words “Oyd, Oyd, Oyd, the oath which the Donna Maria, infanta of Castile, and the infantas Donna Isabel and Donna Cattalina and other knights have to make to the most serene Prince, Don Filippo.” Which done, Juan Tomas, of the privy Council of the King, in a loud voice read the form of the oath:—That after the long and happy years of the King, Don Filippo, they would have for their King the Prince Don Felippo, &c. In front of the Cardinal of Toledo was placed a “sitrale “with a cross, whither the Empress went and swore as had been read. After the two Infantas, the bishop of Piacenza swore, then followed the archbishops and bishops, then the grandees of Spain, beginning with the Admiral of Castile. As soon as the grandees began to swear, the procurators of the kingdom had sent two knights to pray his Majesty that since they represented the whole kingdom, he would be pleased that they should swear like [?] the rest, to which the King replied that they should be satisfied. When the procurators of the cities had to swear there went first he of Toledo, mounting the steps with haste, and when he was near the place, his Majesty sent orders to him to stop, and said, “Swear Burgos; as to Toledo, he will swear when I shall order him “; who returned to his seat and swore the last of all.
The act of the oath was written by Juan Vasquez de Salazan, secretary of the chamber, and he gave the placito of homage into the hand of the Marques de “Anquilar.” The Empress wished to kiss the hand of the Prince, but he would not allow her. The Infantas knelt down to do so, but he forbidding it and lifting them up, the King and all of them smiled. The others kissed his hand and Te Deum was sung. It was fine to see so much Majesty and such ceremonies, so many lords and gallants, thus finely dressed and adorned. But what is more remarkable is, that having begun to rain on Saturday, Nov. 3, with the new moon, the whole of that week it was rainy, snowy and foggy. But the following Saturday, the 10th, the heavens began to clear, and on Sunday morning, the day of the oath, the sun appeared, and the day was like the most lovely day in spring and thus it continued all the time; whereby God wished to show his consent to that oath-taking and to put an end to the past darkness of sorrow and of death, and that henceforward there may be joy and content. I do not write the names of those who swore. Enough to know [repeats the names already given].
Endd. “Oath to [altered from of] King Philip III.” Italian. 2½ pp. [Spain II. 21.]
Nov. 2/12.Another account of the same ceremony, written on the day following and ending as follows.
At the last, there swore first those of Burgos, and those [sic] of Toledo returned, without swearing, to their place, until the last of all. Then de Aguilar swore, by whom the homage had been taken, and de Oropesa, who in this solemnity bore the sword; and at this point the Cardinal de Toledo, who had received the oath also swore, the Bishop of Piacenza taking the cope and mitre for it; with which the ceremony came to an end.
After all this was over, there came to kiss the hands of his Majesty and the Empress, the four Japanese Indians, amongst whom are the two sons of the King of Japan, come by the last ships from the Indies bringing presents to his Majesty, who were already converted to our Christian faith, and every day the fathers with whom they are lodged instruct them further. They are white and of very good intelligence, and when they return to their own land it is hoped they will be of much benefit to Christianity, because being Christians and such great men, they may easily convert all those Indies by the respect and authority they have amongst them. His Majesty at this same time made the Condé Jeronimo de Lodron captain of the guard, who served him in the wars of Portugal. This office of captain has been vacant since the death of Count Gunther de Schwarzenburg; a very honourable charge and of great profit.
The German captains, de Polveiler and Fronsbergen (Frondts-perg), as well as Schonberg are about to be despatched; it is said they have each had 4,000 crowns for their services.
Those of the grandees of Spain who could not be present have sent their oath in writing.
Endd. The oath taken in Spain to the Prince Don Philip, the third of that name. Spanish. 2¾ pp. [Spain II. 22.]
Another copy of the same. [Ibid. II. 23.]
Nov. 3.Stafford to Walsingham.
After long pressing for audience, commandment is given me to be at St. Germains on Thursday next, where I will seek to satisfy her Majesty's will, and to draw as much as I can from the King to make her certain of his meaning.
But as he may, after hearing me, take a day or two to think of the matter, I thought fit to dispatch this bearer to tell you that Lord Paget has departed from hence so suddenly that all the rest here are, or at least seem, greatly offended, except his brother and Throgmorton; the others giving out that they knew of it only the night before he went, “whereat they stomach at Charles Paget, and seem to grow in a great dislike of him, and call him a glorious fool.” He says his brother is going to Milan to avoid charge and live more privately; but I can assure you that before the third post towards Lyons a man met him with horses for himself and his man, which makes me suspect that he has taken another course, and has some disguised matter in hand, “as his brother did under the name of Mope, when he came privately into England.”
It is a great grief to me that her Majesty should take offence at my sending Lord Paget's letters to you, for truly I could devise no better course to take, they having been received by my wife in my absence, and by sending them back, I should “have showed myself to have so little credit in England that I durst not take a letter from any man directed to the Council and send them to your honour to do your pleasure with them, which maketh me to live here with no joy to serve . . . by these hard dealings conceived of me, who, if I gave any cause of it, I were fitter for the gallows than for this place.”
As for my not dealing with any fugitives here, I will leave her Majesty's service undone rather than do it to her misliking, but may then sit still and do nothing, for I never yet found so good a way to be acquainted with their doings as by themselves. Yet it is reason she should be served according to her will, and so I shall live with much more ease, less charge, and less danger of her hard opinion.
I learn that there is a book new printed, very secretly kept and only given out by the doer of it, whom I guess to be Throgmorton, because it contains at large what in substance was found in that Throgmorton's hand that was executed; viz. the names of the noblemen, gentlemen and men of any account in all shires of England, with their dispositions, &c. and the depths of the havens in England at all tides. I hope I shall come by it, as secret as it is kept. They say it is bigger “almost once again” than the answer to the Execution of Justice, and is dedicated to the Pope's son.
The Queen Mother storms much at Bernardin's coming, and has told the King of his dangerous disposition. Both would fain get rid of him, but I think he will remain, and that when it comes to the point, they will not refuse him the King of Spain sends. Yesternight, I am told, his full despatch came to remain and Tassis to prepare to go either into Flanders or Spain as he shall have orders.
The association you sent I have communicated to some here, who will do what they can to make the King have it followed in this realm, in which case, they that be our best friends in France will give the first example, and so “divert any conceits that any evil-disposed people will conceive of our good meaning.”
I know not whether it will be thought presumption in so poor a man as I to offer to enter into so good a society, but no man should spend his life and blood with a better will than myself, therefore I beseech you to tell me if I may be accepted among the least of so honourable a company.
Des Pruneaux arrived on Saturday, and on Monday had a whole afternoon's conference, first with the King and then with him and the Queen Mother together. Its effect I hope you shall know by the next.
The House of Guise's meetings and assemblies make many suspect trouble.
I send you a thing presented to me, and as they ask nothing till it be done, I think it were well to prove it. I pray you, let me know whether I shall give them any courage to make trial of it.—Paris, 3 November, late at night, 1584.
In his own hand.—I even now hear that the Duke of Guise has agreed to come to the Court, but none of the rest, having fully resolved never all to come together.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XII. 109.]
Nov. 3.Stafford to Walsingham.
My other letter touching general causes, I beseech you to give me leave “to take a particular quarrel with you, as far as poor gentleman may do to a man called to your honourable estate,” and to beg you to be as bold to use me as any other man here, for there was never any man in this place more at your command than myself.
First, for horses: John Welles has not better skill to choose any than I, nor so good credit or friends to get such as will serve your turn; therefore send me word what country horses you like best, and I will find means to fit you; and for wines likewise of the best to be had.—Paris, 3 November, 1584.
Postscript.—I pray you, let these letters which M. Busenval gave me for your good son be delivered to him, and these others to M. de la Fontaine.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XII. 110.]
Nov. 3/13.Des Pruneaux to the States-General.
Has presented their letters to his Majesty, who wishes them to be told that he will give favourable audience to their deputies, his Court being open to all who wish to come to it; after which he will reply to what they write.
Has informed his Majesty of their good inclinations towards him, for which he thanks them, but as their deputies are to arrive very shortly, all is remitted until then. It will be best for them to land at Dieppe, as the King may be in those parts, and from Calais they would have a long way to go and difficulty in finding horses.—Paris, 13 November, 1584.
Signed, de Sorbier.
Copy. Fr. ¾ p. [Holl. and Fl XXIII. 47.]
Nov 5/15.The concluding portion of Instructions to the Deputies from the Hanse towns.
In regard to the third apostile, containing a method of arranging the matters at issue by friendly treaty, they are to point out that the associated cities have always desired to maintain friendly relations with her Majesty, and have repeatedly offered to submit their cause to fair arbitrators, but that she refuses confirmation of the old arrangements, save on conditions proposed in 1560, but not accepted by the associated cities; and if she still insists on these terms, the envoys must declare to her that, owing to the long duration of the controversy and fresh complaints arising from the residency at Hamburg, the cities will have to lay the matter before the Emperor, the King of Spain and the King of Poland, all of whom are interested therein; and as it is very doubtful whether these Princes would send deputies to England, to settle the business there, her Majesty must be asked to consent to the negotiations being carried on at a place agreeable to all parties, as was previously done at Utrecht, Antwerp and Bruges. The envoys shall conform to this instruction, and to that given in 1579.
Confirmed by the signet of the city of Lubeck, 15 November, 1584. Subscribed, John Schulte; George Lyseman.
Latin. 1¾ pp. [Hanse Towns I. 77.]
Nov. 6.Stafford to Walsingham.
Recommending the bearer, who is going to England on a matter which is rather a “colour,” that he may go unsuspected to visit his good friends, than anything else. Knows him only by his honour's recommendation, but can report that he has made as great profession to be at her Majesty's service as any man of his country.—Paris, 6 November, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 2/3 p. [France XII. 111.]
Nov. 7.Stafford to Walsingham.
I had audience last Thursday of the King and Queen Mother, where I propounded what I had received from her Majesty; to which the King answered that he was sure I was commanded to make the Queen Mother acquainted with these things, by whose advice he desired to be governed in all his actions, with whom he likewise would take counsel and in short time give me answer, assuring me that thereby I should see how necessary he found what I propounded, and also how much he weighed any advice from her Majesty. Whereupon we had some discourse, which I will write at large when I have received his answer.
The Queen Mother sent one to me as I was going to the King to desire me to deal somewhat roundly with him, for, being cold of his own nature, he must be pricked forward. At my audience with her, she kept me waiting almost an hour, “under the pretence, as Lansac told me, that she was old, and had commonly a nod of a sleep after dinner; . . . but as I was assured, the King had come down a back way to her chamber and had spoken with her after my audience.”
She came out with the smilingest countenance that ever I saw her and used me with more familiarity than ever before, and before suffering me to go to any matter, was very inquisitive after my health and other things.
I declared to her what I had said to the King, and added that as she was mother both to him and the realm, “so she was now to show some authority, to strike a stroke with him in her counsels,” which he had promised to follow; desiring her to remember what occasions had been let slip, and what harm delays might bring.
She answered “that there should nothing want in her to egg the King on,” bidding me address myself to none but to her.
On Sunday night I will write to put her in mind of it, and hope by the middle of next week I shall be able to make a full despatch. My audience was Thursday, the Nuncio's and Spanish ambassador's yesterday, those of Venice and Ferrara to-day, and to-morrow, Sunday, the Bishop of Glasgow, so that till Sunday night they may say they have had no time.
Mendoza, I think (for I had men to see his reception) did but condole for Monsieur, and was not presented by Tassis. His audience was as short and cold as could be, both with the King and Queen Mother; of him, she and I had some speeches, “when I was bold to tell her that I was sorry to see the King of Spain had no more respect to the King and her than to send so bad a Spanish relic, retired out of England, to be here, to work as bad effects as he had done with us. She answered that she wished with all her heart he were drowned, that if he enterprised anything here, they would luy chausser les esperons de bien près and that she marvelled what the King meant to send him hither. I answered that the good nature the King his master found in the King and her was the cause of it, and that I was sure his coming hither was but to make new practices here and to be near us to continue the old.”
The King has given no answer to des Pruneaux, but has sent back one that came with him to hasten the deputies, which makes all think that he means “to do for them.”
There is another thing which makes men of judgment hope that he means to “remedy” the King of Spain's greatness. He sent for du Plessis presently after des Pruneaux' audience, and made him make a despatch to the King of Navarre to go intq Languedoc and use all means to pacify Montmorency and the Bishop of Clermont, and has also sent Poigny, one of Rambouillet's brothers, to accompany him, “and to deliver from the King to Montmorency whatsoever the King of Navarre shall command him”; showing Plessis plainly that he saw the King of Spain was practising “to set pikes” [i.e. piques] between Montmorency and the chief men there, and confessing that he feared an intelligence between him and Savoy and consequently with Spain; wherefore he desired the King of Navarre to use all means to draw him from them.
Truly there are great bruits here that Montmorency has too much intelligence with Spain, and that great sums of money have been brought from thence.—Paris, 7 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XII. 112.]
Nov. 8/18.François De Civille to Walsingham.
I hoped to write to you by Jaques le Peintre, but as he did not come, I send these few words to assure that I am your humble servant, and am daily expecting your commands. I hope to start to morrow to go to the Duke of Bouillon, having hitherto been delayed by illness.—From your house at Rouen, 18 November according to the usage here, and 8 by the English account.
I pray you commend me to Madame de Walsingham and Madame de Sydney.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XII. 113.]
Nov. 8.John Herbert to Walsingham.
As in my other packet I “laid down” how we have proceeded in our negotiation with the King and nobility at Lublin, with the commissioners at Levartow and with the Archbishop at Leo vice [Leutsch], so now I touch briefly on the present actions in Poland, which seem to threaten some change.
The King both by foreign wars, to divert the people and keep his credit as a warlike prince (which these easterly nations greatly esteem) as also by “friendly composition” and advancement of particular noblemen, has tried to assure their hearts to him, and last August called an assembly of his nobility at Lublin, but such are their discontents that scarce the third part appeared. Nevertheless, the King caused many things to be propounded as fit to be debated in the General States (for he cannot call the General States but by consent of the convocation of nobility and counsellors, where the matters must be first propounded, then imparted to the assembly of each province, and thus the deputies to the General States may have full commission what to do).
In the foresaid convocation, these four things were concluded by common consent:
1. What means might be used for recovery of the territory of Severie and the city of Smolenskie, long time detained wrong-fully by the “Mosco” but formerly part of the Duchy of Littaw [Lithuania], now united to Poland.
2. What order should be taken for restoring Livonia to its former state, long laid waste by continual wars; both by peopling it and bringing trade thither again.
3. How to appease the controversies amongst the nobility, arising from the execution done by the Chancellor upon Samuel Sborowski, a nobleman “of great service against the Turks,” and to protect the Lord Chancellor, who ever since has had to keep a guard. Sborowski's kinsmen allege that it was done of private malice and contrary to the laws of Poland, without any fear of tumult and to the prejudice of the liberties of the nobles of Poland, one of the chief of which is “that a nobleman is not to plead his cause in bonds as a prisoner, but at his liberty.”
I send you herewith a narration of the Chancellor's proceedings which is by many received as truth, though very partially penned. In the convocation house, two letters came into the King's hands in defence of Sborowski, both signed by his brother Andrew Sborowski, with articles annexed against the Chancellor, that it was against the law for him to hold the office of lieutenant-general as well as Chancellor or to have more than one captainship; that, marrying the King's niece, he has addicted himself wholly to the King's humour, as in preferring Hungars before Polacks to all offices of gain; and that he sought to abridge the liberty of the nobles, as shown by the execution of Samuel Sborowski.
4. How the King, to gratify the Queen of England, might agree to her request to permit such of her subjects as trade to these easterly places to have a residence in Elbing, without damage to his subjects or prejudice to his dominions.
It was then agreed that the whole States should be assembled at Warsaw on 15 January next, after the new account.
I pray you to deal with the Society to have money taken up to supply the charges, as “it standeth much upon them” to have this voyage performed with more credit than former ones.
Myself, having been at greater extraordinary charges than my own state or the allowance for former journeys could well bear, have been forced to take up 200l., one half of which I have charged to the Company and the other I have asked Dr. Caesar, my deputy judge of the Admiralty, to see discharged until my repair to England, when I will repay it.
Good Sir, among many that you do good to and advance, “help to keep me on foot,” who have never been beholden to any but yourself. I desire not great things nor high places, but so that with a quiet mind I might serve my Prince and country.—Elbing, 8 November, 1584.
Add. Endd.pp. [Poland I. 34.]
Enclosing:
(1) Narrative of the most cruel death of Samuel Sborowski.—Written at Cracow, 26 May, 1584.
Copy. Endd. Latin. 7 pp. [Poland I. 35.]
(2) Reply of the Lord Chancellor to the petition of the noblemen of the province of Cracow and the kinsmen of Samuel Sborowski.
Also, in the same document.
Letters of the said Lord Chancellor after the execution of Sborowski, written to the Judges of the Court of Lublin.
Dated at Zamecho, 22 June, 1584.
Copy. Endd. Latin. 14 pp. [Ibid. I. 36.]
Nov. 8/18.Sir Richard Shelley to the Queen.
It may please your Majesty to understand that I shall hereafter have better occasion to write of my coming to kiss your glorious hands, which although hitherto deferred, “yet God so keep you, my good lady, as I desire it more than ever, and for your safety more than for my benefit.” In the meantime, considering your Majesty's gracious acceptation of my duty done in the matter of your merchants, I have thought necessary briefly to advertise you what hath passed since your Majesty's last letter, which, “considering the unlucky success of a matter begun with so friendly meaning a both sides, put these lords here in such a perplexity that for a few weeks the matter hung, as it were, suspended in silence,” till about the end of July I wrote a letter to the College, reminding them that, whatsoever should be finally concluded, they should in the meantime make some answer to your letter, “which record these grave and wise senators vouchsafed to take in very good part,” and commanded the secretary who attends to this affair to have his writings in readiness. They have sithence treated more or less every week of the matter, thinking better (as I suppose) to send you ceremony and substance together.
But the proceeding of this republic is so diverse from that of a monarchy that their prolixity is more excusable than can appear to such as do not know “the subjection of their government, much increased even sith the beginning of your merchants' negotiation,” for the highest authority of the State itself is, as it were, almost transposed, and so this matter is now come from the College into the Pregadi, not merely (as heretofore) to pass, but there to stick, with orations made pro et contra, wherein the Lord General Foscarini shows himself earnestly bent in favour of the cause, so that Signor Alvigi [or Alvise], his eldest son, “Savio de gli ordini, and a young man of great expectation, the last week mounted into the pulpit, and made there such an oration, in declaring how necessary it was to satisfy your Majesty in performing their promise, as was both in furtherance of the cause and much to his commendation.” Others, of greater authority, lean against your merchants, but none against any point pertaining to the honour and satisfying of your Majesty. We shall very shortly see the proof of the whole. In the meantime I thought expedient to signify this to you, with the copy of my two last Memorials, that, howsoever the new degree shall fall out (“passing by almost two hundred voices of equal authority in that Senate and Council of Pregadi “) that you may see no diligence to have wanted on my behalf, “nor that there lacketh not of the gravest senators both well affected to your Majesty and furtherers of your desire.”
To whose royal person, as I have (“notwithstanding mine overthrow by change of religion “) always continued not only a faithful subject but a zealous servant, I pray that my house and nephews may participate of your natural and almost invincible clemency, the which I have on divers occasions so set forth, as though I had been (as commonly is thought) your feed man, “and so to make my nephew Shelley worthy of your mercy and me of your effectual favour, . . . whose royal person God preserve, to the fruition of a quieter estate and of more sound and stronger friends.”—Venice, 18 November, 1584. Signed, R. Shelley of St. Johns.
Add. Endd.pp. [Venice I. 12.]
Nov. 8/18.Sir Richard Shelley to Walsingham.
Has nothing to write (knowing that he reads all that is sent to her Majesty) save to beg his honour to assist him with his favour, and to bear with his imperfections, remembering the proverb, chi perde il suo, perde il senso. His nephew Shelley's adversity troubles him sore, and conceiving that “his fault is not of malice,” he prays that his suit may be recommended to her Majesty.—Venice, 18 November, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. Seal. ½ p. [Ibid. I. 13.]
Nov. 9.Ortell to Walsingham.
The Mayor of Sandwich and his accomplices, as also some inhabitants of Dover, have been to me touching their pretence of goods detained by the ships of war of Holland and Zeeland, going (as was said) to victual our enemies, contrary to the express prohibition of her Majesty. I wrote long since to the States, as you desired, and those of Holland reply that the said complainants have never been prohibited the means of justice or of appeal, in order to maintain their right, and that whereas it would do them[selves] great wrong to grant them recovery of the said claims par voie d'arrêt, without being heard in their own defence, seeing that justice has never been denied them, nor will be, in case they still expect it; nevertheless at my remonstrance, they would be willing that the said complainants jointly (to avoid expense) should send one only of their number with full commission, instruction, &c. to whom the said States of Holland (in so far as they are concerned) hope to give such satisfaction that they will not have occasion in future to trouble her Majesty or her Council. I pray you to agree to this, and to direct them to send some one over with full authority to settle the matter.—From my lodgings, 9 November, 1584.
I beg you to remember my last letter and to let me know her Majesty's pleasure before our ship of war departs on Thursday next.
Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 48.]