Elizabeth
December 1584, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor)

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1916

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204-228

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'Elizabeth: December 1584, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 19: August 1584-August 1585 (1916), pp. 204-228. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79072 Date accessed: 30 September 2014.


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December 1584, 26–31

Dec. 26.Davison to [Truchsess].
Regretting that no answer has yet come from her Majesty in relation to his Excellency's affairs, and praying him to have a little patience, being assured that in the end he will receive a reply to his satisfaction.—The Hague, 26 December, 1584.
Copy, but signed. Endd. “Archbishop of Cologne.” Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIII. 89.]
Dec. 27.Walsingham to Davison.
Your servant only arrived on Christmas Day, when I communicated your letters to her Majesty, who seems to “like very well of your manner of proceeding,” and to wish you to stay there until she sees what success the negotiation with France will have. She promises to take speedy resolution for the Bishop of Cologne's matter, therefore I have written to Mr. Hudson [Hoddesdon] to stay the money in his hands.—London, 27 December, 1584.
Sir Edward Stafford writes that he has no opinion of the French King's disposition to accept their offers.
Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. XXIII. 90.]
Dec. 27.Gilpin to Walsingham.
Count Maurice is still here with six of his Council, two being secretaries, two for Holland and two for Zeeland. The rest are at Utrecht, where they “take upon them a superiority as rulers of the United Provinces, termed by the name of the new 'regeering' or government.”
Some of good respect fear that all will come to confusion through want of government, “and the more innovations be brought in, the more backward falleth out the success in their affairs. The commissioners are now reported to be gone for France, where the hope lieth, as the only and last refuge given.”
The river passage to Antwerp is still dangerous yet navigable with convoy of boats of war. Near 250 vessels passed together with the last westerly wind, and since it has blown easterly above six score are come thence; “some passengers slain, some hurt, but no other hurt done, although the enemy make fires along the ditches on both sides, the better to see the ships come and go, which take the night for their more security.
“The enterprise is daily set to be furthered, and shall forward by water and land. The Count Hollocq appointed for chief thereof, and out of all the garrisons of Holland, Zeeland and other places certain number of the best men taken.” The water fort is brought to more perfection, so as they hope it will serve, and their intent be compassed very shortly.
Of the men who were unable to take provisions to Brussels because of the strength of the enemy thereabouts, some five or six Dutch cornets and the company of Antwerp, returning thither were scattered by an ambush of the enemy and three or four hundred at least overthrown, “though in court otherwise bruited.” Brussels is hereby in more danger, and there is speech already of a parley between it and the Prince of Parma, so it is feared it will follow the others.
Some write that M. Famars, governor of Mechlin, was greatly in fault and to be suspected, but others, who know him well, are persuaded of the contrary. Temple, governor of Brussels, is cleared of the accusations against him and at liberty, and has seized those who wrought his discredit, a lieutenant of horse being executed and the rest detained.
The misery of this State and the French treaty breeds daily jealousies, divers saying that a composition with their own King were better than with a foreign one.
One “of Brussels born” has been taken here as a spy, having about him letters of recommendation from the King of Spain to the Prince of Parma. He was here aboard most of the ships prepared for the enterprise and had been in Tergoes land and about these islands, viewing the fortifications.
I send you the plat how the river of Antwerp is beset with forts [wanting]. Most of the States' men, especially strangers, will do no service till some pay is received, being in want and many in misery. Those of Ostend have received one month's pay and demand another, “or else threaten to accept the enemy's offer for eight months to give it over; but that will be or is already remedied.”
William Chapman would fain come from Antwerp, but cannot till his creditors are satisfied, and is resolved to utter his secrets to none till he knows your pleasure.—Middelburg, 27 December, 1584.
Postscript.—I hear that two regiments of Dutch have come to Count Hollocq, well appointed and in very good order.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl and Fl. XXIII. 91.]
Dec. 28.Stafford to Walsingham.
Mazin d'Albene told me of Zuffarino's being sent to England by the Prince of Parma; that he was a notable knave and it was he (if any) who corrupted St. Soulene, and was the cause of Strozzi's overthrow. That it were a charitable deed to take him, if possible, at his return, for matter of great importance might be picked out of him, both in the matter of St. Soulene and the discovery of Spanish pensioners here in France and perchance in England.
I promised to help in it, but answered coldly (knowing his hot humour, and hoping he would “burst out” whether he had been sent by Queen Mother or no) but he said no more. Yesterday he came again, refused to say whether the King and Queen Mother were acquainted with the design, but declared they would not mislike of it.—Paris, 28 December, 1584.
Postscript.—Mazin d'Albene has been with me again and desires that if Zuffarino be gone before this arrives, you will try to draw him back again that he may be caught. He now confesses that it is the Queen Mother's seeking.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XII. 136.]
Short abstract in Report on the Cecil Papers, III. p. 76. Printed in Murdin, p. 428.
Dec. 28.Stafford to Walsingham.
Giving an account of the King's erection of a new guard of forty-five men, called “Taillagambi,” who are to be always about his person; their equipment; orders, wages &c. Also of the gentlemen and grooms of his chamber and the knights of the St. Esprit, thirty of whom must be always at the court. None “put so much fear into men's heads as the Taillagambi, who are mostly Gascons and all put in by Epernon and Joyeuse, either for their own protection, to execute whatever they persuade the King to order, or (as Stafford himself thinks), to frighten great personages from the court, which they will probably do.
The House of Guise has found no good disposition in Burgundy or the Parlement of Dijon. Madam de Nemours coldly received by the Duke of Savoy. The Duke's arrangement of his affairs “upon his journey into Spain.” He has given no trust to the Duc de Nemours, which makes them doubt of his good meaning towards them, and of his desire to carry Nemours' two sons with him into Spain. Doubtful intentions of the Spanish King concerning the marriage. The Spanish ambassador has not yet had audience.
Signed. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. XII. 137.]
Calendared at length in Report on the Cecil Papers, III, p. 76, from copy sent to Burghley. Printed by Murdin, pp. 425–427.
Dec. 29.Stafford to Burghley.
I send you enclosed copies of my letters to Mr. Secretary [i.e. those now amongst the Cecil Papers] and therefore will not trouble you with a long letter. I pray you to send over to your young son “some man, that his experience may do him pleasure and his sgood example, good,” for I should be very sorry that your son should want that which they that love you all not so well should be glad of “Pardon my plainness, for my love to him and the honour I bear to you.—Paris, 29 December, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. “Sir Edward Stafford. Mr. Wm. Cecil.” ¾ p. [France XII. 138.]
Dec. 29.Stafford to Walsingham.
Having heard from John Welles that he desired to “get some horse for a stallion,” he writes to tell him of “a very fair young courser, new come out of Italy, which hath had a mischance passing the mountains, [so] that he is fit for nothing else.” If a courser is what is wanted, he would send him at once.—Paris, 29 December, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. XII. 139.]
Dec. 29.Stafford to Walsingham.
I will, by the next, send you what can be picked out of Morgan's letter in cipher. I do not think that the French have any suspicion that we mean to “reconcile” with Spain. They know that the Queen would not hear him that the Prince of Parma sent [Zuffarino], and though “some good-meaning body” told Joyeuse (and he the King) that Tassis and I had had secret conferences, I found means for the King to be assured that it was not true, and that we had never visited one another since I went to him, by your orders, on Waad's going into Spain, until he came after Waad's return, to “mitigate” that King's evil meaning in not seeing Waad. Since which I never saw and heard of him until he came to take leave, when Pinart also came in, to whom (after Tassis had left) I told why he had come, and my answer why I would not visit Mendoza, for which he thanked me greatly. I marvel whence the opinion should be conceived, but in two or three days expect audience of the Queen Mother and will sound her about it.
Des Pruneaux yesterday told a friend of mine that her Majesty had sent Davison into Holland to draw the States to some conference of treaty with her, and that they answered that until they knew this king's pleasure, they could treat with no other prince. I have told him that des Pruneaux was much deceived in her meaning, which was to enquire into the long delays and seek to remedy them, but that if the Queen, seeing the coldness here, should take some other way to “impeach” the King of Spain, nobody could blame her.
Sends “the answer to the Justice in England, translated into Latin”; also the French book “of the new orders for the King's house.”—Paris, 29 December, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XII. 140.]
Short abstract in Report on the Cecil Papers, III. p. 77, where, on p. 77, l. 10, for wrangle read reconcile; l. 17, after Leicester insert and your honour; l. 19, for thing read thought; l. 23, for order of read orders for. Printed in Murdin, p. 429.
Dec. 30./Jan. 9.Mauvissière to Walsingham.
I am ashamed of being so often troublesome, but if you find the request reasonable which I am now making to you by M. du Glas [qy. Douglas] on behalf of a priest called Rogier Dictenson [qy. Dickenson], I beg you to grant it; and he will promise never to return into England, but to retire into a monastery, there to pray for you and his benefactors.—London, 9 January, 1585.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XII. 141.]
[Dec. 30 ?]The Queen to Davison.
Understanding by your letter [of December 5] (fn. 1) to Secretary Walsingham, that Mr. Hoddeson, Merchant Adventurer, has offered to deliver to you 20,000 crowns [making 6,000l. sterling], belonging to himself and other merchants trafficking in those parts, if we had occasion to use them, we let you to wit (as you will see by the enclosed copy of our letter to him) that we have accepted his said offer : And whereas the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne [Truchsess], has earnestly requested such a sum for relief of his own troubled estate and the furtherance of the common cause, we hereby authorize you to receive the said sum of 20,000 crowns of the said Hoddesdon, giving him your receipt for it, and thereupon to deliver the same, as from us, to the said Archbishop or his assignee, “with as good words of our good will towards him as by your discretion you shall think meet; [receiving from the said Archbishop some writing testifying the receipt of the same according as he did require it].”
Draft. Endd. “1584, from her Majesty to Mr. Davison.” 1p. [Holl. and Fl XXIII. 92.]
[For date, see Davison's (2nd) letter to Walsingham, of 20 January, 1584–5.]
Enclosing:
The Queen to Hoddesdon.
Understanding that he has with him money to the sum of 20,000 crowns, of his own and other merchants trafficking in those parts, which he has offered to deliver to Mr. Davison if he had occasion to employ so much for her service, she takes his frank and dutiful offer in very thankful part, and prays him to deliver the said sum to Davison, whom she has desired to disburse so much for her. And upon sight of the bill of the receipt thereof, she will forthwith give order for repayment of the sum to his and the merchants' satisfaction.
Copy. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. XXIII. 92a.]
Dec. 30.Walsingham to Davison.
What resolution has been taken in “the Elector of Truchsess'” cause in my absence from court you will see by her Majesty's own letters. And although no man wishes better success to him than myself, knowing how much it imports the common cause of religion that he should be upholden, and the benefit it would be to those distressed countries where you now are, by the diversion of the King of Spain and his minister the Prince of Parma, who “must not see the Bishop of Liége quail”; yet considering, upon your report of the conference between you and the Elector, “how little the appearance is of any great assistance that he shall have, and that the princes electors whom the cause doth touch, especially Saxony and Brandenburg, have as yet no disposition to deal therein,” I see no great reason to hope that this enterprise will have that good success that I wish and is hoped for here. And having of late had discourse with a wise man who understands well the state of Germany, and finding his opinion grounded upon good reason, I prayed him to set it down in writing, whereof I send you a copy, that you may impart it to the said Elector, and advise him, before he enters into any action, to look to the end, both for his own honour and for such other princes as may embrace the same; for it is hard to think that with no greater likelihood of support he can prevail against a Bishop of Liége, more noble by birth, already possessed of most of the bishopric, and who will lack no aid that the Catholic princes can give him, France only excepted. And as for the support promised by the Kings of Denmark and Navarre, being comparatively weak and far off, his cause may miscarry before he can take any profit thereof, unless upheld by God's goodness.
Besides, by letters out of Germany, from Casimir and others, I find no other forwardness in those thought the best affected to him than to wish him well, and such help is fruitless unless accompanied by effects, “which the dullness of the Almaine nature easily yieldeth not until the disease grow desperate.”
I cannot but advise you, both for the Queen's honour and your own credit, to induce him to make it very probable to you that her support will work the effects that he “pretendeth”; until which time you will do well not to be over forward in delivering the money, unless you receive special direction from her Majesty by my Lord Treasurer's letters to do so, who, as I suppose, “is principally made acquainted with this despatch,” as I was away from the court for the cure of my old disease.
Touching your stay in those parts, I find her Majesty disposed to use your service there until she hears what will become of the French treaty.—London, 30 December, 1584.
Postscript.—“The Queen doth accept very well of your service.”
Signed. Add. Endd.p. [Holl. and Fl XXIII. 93.]
Dec. 30.Walsingham to Davison.
As there continues great resort of poor Scottish gentlemen to the noblemen retired to Newcastle, who cannot bear the charge of so great numbers, the said gentlemen are desirous to be employed in the Low Countries. I therefore desire you to make a motion to them there to yield to the erecting of a Scottish band of a hundred under a Scottish captain, which, consisting mostly of gentlemen, valiant, well affected to the cause, and furnished in very good order, may be able to do them more service than thrice the like number. I pray you to return me their answer as soon as you have received it.—London, 30 December, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 94.]
Dec. 30.Walsingham to Davison.
By the enclosed from Sir Edward Stafford, you may see “what practices are used to bring the name of the French in suspicion there in those countries, whereof, lest there should indeed follow that effect that the enemies seek for,” you will do well to prevent their purpose by acquainting St. Aldegonde and such others as you think meet with the matter, having regard, as I doubt not but you will, that M. de la Noue or his son sustain no prejudice thereby.—London, 30 December, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. XXIII. 95.]
Dec. 30.Stephen Le Sieur to Walsingham.
Your honour last March sent me to Antwerp letters from her Majesty to the Duke of Cleves and his son and Council in behalf of Mr. Daniel Rogers, with orders to repair to the said Princes; but the letters made no mention of me except at the end, her Majesty requiring an answer by letters likewise, “which was the cause (joined with the 'asprenes' of the supplication presented by Ambrose Rogers to her Majesty and the copy sent to the said Duke) that my entertainment in that court was not as heretofore it hath been,” and that my only answer was that “answer should be made in time according to her Majesty's request.”
I wrote to you amply of it not long after, but beseech you to pardon me if I now make a longer discourse “than I would I had occasion,” having so faithfully (and without respect of danger or gain) sought to deliver Mr. Rogers, for which, since his coming forth, J have received only ingratitude.
After receiving the Duke of Cleve's answer, giving little hope in my business, I had sufficient left of the 20l. given me by you to bring me back to England, having no other cause to stay on this side of the seas, but as he was like to continue in captivity, I took it upon me to see whether with part of the 500l. which her Majesty had long before disbursed for his relaxation, or else with presenting the whole, those in whose hands he was would be content to release him, though it was but little more than the third part of what they demanded.
The truth of the success I had in agreeing with his adversaries, I hope at another time to tell you. The accord being made, there wanted nothing but money. I had long before written to Mr. Emanuel Démetre, in whose hands it was in London, to make it over to Antwerp, but when I came thither, I found neither money nor order for it. I wrote again, urging him to send it, but the troubles of Antwerp coming on and making the merchants doubtful, it was the 24th of August last before I received it, and more than a fortnight again before matters could be settled, and the ship had convenient wind to pass the dangers upon the river of Antwerp. The master of the ship told me it would be fourteen or eighteen days before he could reach Wesel, and considering what I should spend at Wesel or waiting by the way, I thought it better to spend those few days at Antwerp, and the rather that occasion offered for what you have written so favourably about since in my behalf that I shall always be honourably bound to you.
The time for my departure drawing near, and setting this business of my own aside (though of great importance) I left Antwerp on 29 September, stilo novo, and God so prospered my travail that on 20 October, Mr. Rogers was set free and the same night came to Boucholt. There we remained till 1 December, but the cause of Mr. Rogers' wilful stay I refer until another time. Being come to Wesel, he thought to have found some merchant who would have furnished him with money to satisfy his debts at Brevoorde, Boucholt and Wesel, but his hope was vain. Then he determined to go to Düsseldorf to the Duke of Cleve; the cause I leave to him to tell, though I was present at the audience and answer the Duke gave him, “but want of money again kept him back.”
At Boucholt, I made a book of all I had received and laid out in the soliciting of his liberty, and when done, often desired him to oversee it and allow me what surplus I had paid out of my own purse; but he said it was no reason he should pay, as I was sent in her Majesty's name, and you would undoubtedly allow it. I answered that I was content to defer that till I came to you, but still desired him to oversee the accounts and tell me in what he thought himself “grieved”; but in vain, and “his fair words were of such force with me” that I borrowed 150 florins for his journey to the Duke of Cleve and agreed to go with him, as he said without me he could do nothing at that court. I also borrowed 150 florins for myself, and on December 12 we took our journey towards Düsseldorf where we heard that the Duke was next day to come to Cleve, to have “tilt and tourney armours” ready for the young Duke's marriage. That night I let the Duke know of our being there, and next morning he sent Mr. Rogers word that in six or seven days he would be at Düsseldorf again, and desired him to tarry his return. In the meantime, Mr. Rogers went to Cologne, but returning two days before the Duke, had audience and answer on the 22nd. The Duke sent us meat and wine from the court and defrayed all the charges at our inn, he himself riding to Hambach [in Juliers] to keep Christmas with his daugher. Mr. Rogers then told me he was going to Cologne again, and asked me what I would do; truly (from him) a strange question.
I said that I had nothing to do at Cologne, and should come hitherward, and prayed him to let me have the book of accounts, “which he had locked under key,” at Wesel, that I might make a copy of it. His answer being a flat denial (with divers ungrateful speeches), hot words passed between us, and I told him I would break up the lock if he would not let me have my book. On the 27th there came a little boat going to Wesel, and after again vainly entreating him, “with a sorrowful heart to see his unjust dealings with me, I bade him farewell.” Next day, I came to Wesel, and by help of a locksmith, got my book, entered the rest of my charges, and copied it to send to you. I have laid out 202 florins 11 stivers more than I received, and if it would please you to oversee my book and allow me this money, I shall the sooner obtain my suit in Antwerp, and be the better able to do your honour service. The business between Mr. Rogers and me can only be “resolved” in your presence, but I beseech you to believe that I am innocent of all that he can allege against me and have so just cause to complain of his unkind dealings that I shall be ready to answer any allegations as soon as he is in England.— Middelburg, 30 December, 1584, stylo antiquo.
Add. Endd. 5 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 96.]
Enclosing :
Stephen le Sieur's Accounts.
“The Book of such money as I, Stephen Le Sieur, have received and laid out in procuring Mr. Daniel Roger's liberation, anno 1584.”
The accounts are given with great detail. At the end is a summary of the whole. Le Sieur's own charges, for board, lodging, travelling, payment of letters &c, do not come to more than 600 florins. The two main items are the payment of 2,000 florins to the Drost and Rentmaster of Brevoort (respectively), in order to procure Rogers' liberation.
Nota.—Money laid out for Mr. Daniel Rogers from March 11, 1584, n.s., to Jan. 5, 1585 n.s.5,078 fl. 16 stivers.
Moneys received4,876 fl., 5 stivers.
Resting due to me202 fl., 11 stivers.
“Finished and summed according to the truth.—Middelburg, 8 January, 1585, tylo novo.”
A long, narrow paper book. 18 columns. [Ibid. XXIII. 96a.]
Dec. 31.Leicester to Davison.
You will learn from Mr. Secretary the favour it has pleased her Majesty to show to the Elector of Cologne. She is “well-affected to do him good, and very graciously inclined to hearken to the estate of those countries, and I have good hope that it will please God to continue and increase this inclination in her daily more and more. I have written to him to such effect, with offer of any service I can do him, which I heartily pray you to confirm unto him from me.”—The court at Greenwich, last of December, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. XXIII. 97.]
Dec. 31.M. Schwartz to Walsingham.
I am sorry I did not know earlier of the departure of this bearer, that I might have informed you fully of occurrences. I particularly wished to tell you of the news which comes from friends in Germany, well-affected to the advancement of religion and the common good of Christendom.
A trustworthy and clear-sighted man, well known by many in England, writes to me that Ernest of Bavaria, the Bishop of Liége, had left the bishopric of Cologne for Liege, where the ambassadors of the Emperor and some other princes and Electors are also, to consult concerning the peace of the Netherlands, and that Holland and Brabant should be solicited to accept the peace. Conditions are proposed for their retaining their religion and ancient privileges, but the wiser sort are alarmed, by the example of other treaties in time past. The Wurtemberg theologians do not cease to incite their prince to stir up troubles with the Palatine Casimir, but it is hoped their attempts will be in vain. The Pope, with his party, wished to attack Cologne, but saw that he could not achieve what he desired.
I learn moreover that the eldest Duke of Bavaria, chief and general of the papal league, has been at Prague with our Emperor, where “d'Assonville,” on behalf of the King of Spain and others on behalf of the popish princes and States of Germany have also assembled to negotiate with the Emperor, the Pope's nuncio and the ambassadors from the princes and States of Italy for the papal league, and to put in execution the designs long since conceived.
The Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, a mortal enemy of the Religion, was on his way to join them, but the Turks having assailed the Archduke Charles and being upon his borders, he has been obliged to turn back to settle matters on his frontiers. The ambassador of the King of Spain, Don Francisco d'Alava, said to me at Bayonne, when they were planning the papal league : the Turk has hindered many good things. And now it is the same.
The Duke of Savoy has started for Spain, accompanied by 100 gentlemen magnificiently dressed in the same livery, and, as the Spaniards say, the wedding is to be celebrated about Christmas. He had already arrived at Nice, and it is reported that he had a fever. The King of France had gone to Lyons, as it was said, to prevent the marriage.
I also hear that the ambassadors from Berne and Zurich have been at Lyons, and signed the agreement lately made, and that four of the principal of Geneva went with them to ratify it.
News comes from Italy that the Duke of Savoy had an enterprise upon Geneva in hand, and that the King of Spain was going to send him 3,000 Spaniards. Also that the ten companies of foot levied in the State of Milan are to be put on the frontiers of Savoy. And according to appearance they will embark the young prince in this famous marriage and peradventure make shipwreck of his State, although advices from Spain say that she takes it very unwillingly and when they speak of the great preparations for the festivity, says : Is there need to do such great things only for a duke ? so that some believe that the title of King will be given him.
As to my private affairs, having returned from Austria, I have followed my present master [Truchsess] from my zeal to the common cause; who, had he had the means, and the shoulders of Atlas, would have already done deeds of great renown, and put a stop to many designs of the enemies of God and the public good; for he is a lord of a great spirit, and versed from his youth up in the greatest affairs of the Imperial Court. And truly an instrument ordained of God for the confusion of evil, to discover the deceits and treacheries of that court.
I commend myself to the Earl of Leicester, your son-in-law Sidney, and the ladies “Fausta and Felicia.”—The Hague of Holland, the last day of 1584, stilo antiquo.
Add. Endd. French, mixed with some Latin and Italian. 5 pp. [Holl. and FL XXIII. 98.]
Dec. 31./Jan. 10.Adrien De Saravia to Davison.
“Grace and peace by our Lord Jesus Christ.”
Although I doubt not that all worthy men are welcome to you, I could not let the present bearer depart without a word of recommendation to you. You will find him very well affected and faithful. He is comptroller of the musters, and can inform you of all the frauds committed in relation to payments, a thing which above all others needs to be redressed.—Leyden, 10 January, stilo novo, 1585.
Add. To the Queen of England's ambassador at the Hague. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIII. 99.]
Dec. 31./Jan. 10.Daniel Rogers to Walsingham.
Since sending my letters to you from Bucholt, I have continually been molested “in agreeing with such as arrested me at ' Brede-forde,' after my coming out of the castle, as also to finish the compromise which lightly was accorded unto the Rentmaster [i.e. steward] of Bredeforde by Stephen, before he could speak with me, which Rentmaster being a very captious and wrangling man, troubled me the more” for that they of Bucholt (where the compromise was to be ended) were very loth to offend them of Bredeforde.
But I thank God that although the Rentmaster made his boast to obtain 1,000 florins more than was promised, he got nothing at all more, by the verdict of the commissioners, who dealt so uprightly that if light promises had not been made before my coming, they would have given him 1,000 florins less than he received.
As for those who arrested me at my departure from Bredeforde, against the contract made with the lady of Anholt, I have agreed with them in such sort that if the 160l. is sent for which I wrote in November, I shall be discharged of all bonds, and most ready to employ myself for her Majesty's affairs and your service; understanding from my brother Ambrose how favourably you have sought my deliverance. It is a great grief to me that I must be further “molestous” to you, for obtaining the mentioned supply, to which I am driven only by extreme necessity. After the compromise was ended, I dealt with Dr. Degner, who is bound for the payment of the rest, coming to 1,500 florins Flemish, to give me leave to go to Wesel, and thence to the Duke of Cleve, to see what I might do with the merchants and the said Duke, to obtain money for discharge of his bond; “but by reason of slight handling of such as travailed for my liberty,” at neither place have I been able to effect anything. I thought good to try what might be done, both to win time and to put her Majesty and my patrons to less charges, having conceived some hope, “by communication had with Stephen,” that I might obtain some relief at the Duke's hands. I think meet to inform you of my voyage to “Dusseldorp,” and what I did there, and the rather as I was obliged to use her Majesty's authority to the Duke; giving him to understand that she “could not but muse” why her often sending to him had taken no better effect, and judged that he had not been well informed of all the circumstances. Wherefore she had commanded me to address myself to him and inform him fully of the injuries I had received in his Duchy, that her request “might the easier take effect.” I did not forget to declare the day I was apprehended, and the manner; “proving that I was not only intercepted hard by his castle of Munderberg, but also by such as said they were his highness' archers,” and that by order of Martin Schenk, who was then in Cleve, “who being at the same time accused by a man of mine who escaped, was not so dealt withal as justice and the regard of her Majesty required”; wherefore she thought she had great reason to demand punishment of so “enormous” an act, and that my great losses might be sublevated. Which things she thought might be the more easily compassed as she was informed that Schenk was now resident at Goche, a town belonging to his highness, where he had divers goods (increased, as I declared, by the spoiling of me), wherefore, if his Excellency would have him arrested he might fully satisfy her Majesty's requests.
This was the sum of my negotiation with the Duke on December 22, at Dusseldorp, where, in presence of three of his counsellors, he heard me very patiently. I arrived there on December 14, when his Excellency likewise came there, out of “Gulich,” but only passing through towards Cleve, he desired me to wait for his return. Having heard me, he wished to confer with his counsellors, after which he answered that his counsellors of Cleves were not there, “unto whom he minded to communicate my negotiation, for to be well informed of all things happened about my apprehension, to the intent he might fully satisfy her Majesty's request.” And as I brought no letters from her, he desired me to deliver in writing what I had proposed in her name, which I did. I “was minded” to have asked him to lend me money to discharge my debts, made by reason of my unjust interception in his territory, but durst not presume so far in her Majesty's name. In the afternoon he sent to my lodgings wine, meat and fruits, as also the next day, at which time, before leaving Dusseldorp, he defrayed my charges at the inn. He wished to keep his Christmas in Gulich-land, at Hambach, where he had left his sister and youngest daughter. I have as yet received no answer, and meanwhile, as Cologne is but five miles from Dussel-dorp, have come hither to salute some of my acquaintance, and the rather because two gentlemen were wont to live near this town, who came with Duke Casimir to England and to whom I lent 200 French crowns, which I would gladly have recovered; but both are departed out of the world, and as their obligations were taken from me when I was intercepted, I have no hope to recover these debts.
I easily see what might have been done with the Duke for my delivery long ago, if my matters had been handled as your honour's meaning was, and as I desired, at Stephen's hands; of whom I would make no mention were it not meet that you should know how they whom you employ behave themselves. “If he had but half so much occupied his spirits in procuring my liberty as he travailed to make marriage with a maiden attending upon the Duke's daughter, I had two years and a half past been set at liberty. He has departed for Antwerp, where I think he will pass a marriage with a widow there, which if he may compass, I think he will little care for England. I fear me he will prove but a slippery Frenchman. This his last voyage hath cost me 500 florins, besides the 20l. he had of your honour; for that I have been compelled to take upon me the pay of 200 florins which two years and more past he took up in my name and for my affairs, as he affirmeth, which I write for that he pretendeth to have further allowance at your hands, which I could wish he had deserved.” I am returning to Wesel, according to my promise to Dr. Degner; with whom I must stay until a supply be sent to discharge him from his bond.—Cologne, 10 January, stylo novo, 1585.
Add. Endd. 5 pp. [Germany, States, III. 57.]
1584.Petition of English Merchants condemned to the galleys to Sir Edw. Stafford.
They have been kept seven weeks in miserable captivity, twice whipped about the town of Newhaven, and so “conveyed about the country” towards the galleys. Are now in most loathsome prison in Paris, and know not to whom to make their moan save to his lordship, who, when he sent his “favourable charity” to them by his servant, John Dowland, desired them to write to him if they heard anything of going to the galleys. They are now to be carried thither within two days, and beseech him to save them from that vile place, where they will be worse than dead men, remaining continually in torments. Signed on behalf of the rest, William Wardour.
With note of the names of the rest, viz., Robert Tillman; Walter Tarrye; William Roncke; Edward Brande; William Hogge.
Add. Endd. “Petition of the English merchants in the galleys, 1584.” 1 p. [France XII. 142.]
1584.Memorial by Robert Be Ale.
First justification of the Queen's sending her forces to Scotland to remove the French.
Justification of the stay of money brought from Spain.
Defence of her Majesty's aiding the Admiral and of the taking of Newhaven.
Last declaration of Francis Throgmorton's treason.
“Add the writings delivered to Mr. Waad when he was sent into Spain;” according to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain's speech in Parliament.
The countries with whom her Majesty now treats are members of the Empire, and ought to enjoy the same liberties. Albeit the Emperor in 1548, after the taking of the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave prisoners, united them into a province, with condition to contribute, in all Imperial matters, twice as much as any Elector of the Empire, yet there is a special reservation that it shall not be in prejudicium Imperii.
This dealing with them contrary to their privileges is contrary to the liberties.
And so, salvo Imperio, a member of the Empire might contract with another prince.
The Landgrave, for restitution of Ulric Duke of Wirtemberg, with the French King.
Maurice and William, now Landgraves, for restitution of their father and Elector of Saxony, with the same.
Sundry treaties between the Kings of England and Duke of Juliers and Gueldres, and upon assignment of a pension, the Duke sworn the King's vassal.
So, in time of Henry V or VI, the like with the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne.
In the time of Henry VII and beginning of Henry VIII, a treaty with George, Duke of Saxony, uncle to the present Elector.
Endd. by Burghley. “Mr. Beale's memorial, 1584. Of matters to prove that it is 'lefull' for the Queen to treat with the Low Countries.” 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 100.]
[1584?]Petition of Bertrand Combies to the States General.
Since God has delivered me from my enemies and I have lost the Prince of Orange, I find myself deprived of all help and pray you to consider my loyal services.
1. During the government of the Commendador Mayor, I held correspondence with the Prince of Orange, and since then have done you more service than any other; witness the intercepted letters of Secretary Escovedo, by my means sent to his Excellency.
2. After the battle of Gibillou [qy. Gemblours, in 1578], Don John sent Octavio de Gonsago to gain Brussels, but getting there at night, I put such courage into the magistrates that they held firm. Witnesses, Col. Michiel and Secretary “Brunicx,” who well know that without me, the town would have been surrendered.
3. I carried letters from Sanca [Sancho] Davilla, governor of the castle of Antwerp to Don John (he thinking me a servant of the King as I had formerly served the Duke of Alva) and thus was able to advertise the Prince of all his designs.
4. When Don Juan treated at Marche-au-Famine with the Marquis of Havré, it was I who informed the Prince of their evil designs. On quitting the service of Spain I went into that of the French ambassador at Don Juan's court, the Seigneur de Fonteyne, who was well-affected to the late Prince and yourselves. Under his protection I remained at the court and gave you daily information of Don John's designs. I leave you to judge of my sincerity, when each day I expected nothing but death. Witness, the said ambassador, who, as is well known, took to flight
5. When Mondragon marched towards Limbourg (Lumborcq), I came to Maestricht and sent in all haste to warn the Prince of its danger, as the governor, Belle, was gained by the enemy. If the States had seen to it promptly, it would have been saved. This almost cost me my life, for having said at Aix that the said Belle was a traitor, he had me attacked by four of his kinsmen at Cologne, where I was so wounded that I have never since had the use of my right hand.
6. Soon after the surrender of Limbourg, Don John gained most of your officers at Maestricht and expected to enter the town, but I knowing of it went thither, where Suassenbourcq [qy. Schwarzberg] was governor; the officers were made prisoners, confessed the whole and were hanged, so that I prevented the King of Spain from having the town.
7. After the death of Don John I was taken by the Prince of Parma, and was in prison at Faulquemont for six months.
8. Being escaped, I came to Cologne, where the peace was being treated of, and it was I who informed the States that the Duke of Aerschot (Ascot), their ambassador held with the enemy. Witness, M. Vander Mills, who gave me 200 florins from his Excellency.
9. It was I who six years ago broke the enterprise of Nimeguen (?) where the messenger was quartered.
10. When the Prince of Parma was besieging Cambray, he sent Commissary Lara and others to Germany to levy reiters. Being informed that they would pass by Cologne, I posted certain horse and killed and drowned them nearly all, sending their despatches to the Prince of Orange. I had many promises of reward for this, but have never received anything.
I was the chief cause that the ships laden with arms, belonging to the Baron de Quinze [qy. Cuinchy] were taken hard by Cologne and put into your hands.
When Verdugo wished to go into Frise and had bought up all the arms at and about Cologne, I informed his Excellency and you, then assembled at Campen, that I could gain the armourers, so that Verdugo should not get the arms, whereupon you sent an express ordering me to buy the arms and defeat the commissary. For this cause, Verdugo could not go into Frise, but remained six months in Julich, without means of arming himself; but the merchants who furnished me with money and credit have never been half paid.
The Prince of Orange sent me with letters to the States of Holland and Zeeland to deliver me 600 florins, due of my pension, which sum they gave me when I went to seek the Count of Neuenaar, then in Bonn. There I was taken prisoner by the Bavarian and afterwards given into the hands of the Duke of Parma and taken to the Castle of Ceppen [over Campen erased], where for six months I lay with my feet chained, never saw fire or candles and slept upon straw.
From thence I was taken to Namur, Tournay and the camp at Beveren, where I was released, for reasons which I will tell you by word of mouth; as also other things which I have done in the space of eleven years, (fn. 2) without ever obtaining any recompense, as I can prove by a letter signed by the late Prince, and a patent for an annual pension of 600 florins of Brabant, which has been very badly paid.
Endd. “[Comb]ies declaration to the States.” Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 101.]
[1584?]Entertainment at the present time of a company of 150 footmen. Total, 1,700 florins per month.
Entertainment received in the time of the late Prince of Orange by a company of 150 Scots and others of the country. Total, 1,587 florins per month.
The pay of the officers is the same in each list, except that the captain, at the later period, has 90 instead of 80 florins a month. The men at the same time have advanced from 8 florins to 10, 11 and 12.
Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. XXIII. 102.]
[1584?]Paper headed “Errors in Government”; under the following heads :—
Want of one head; want of public Council; want of due course of collecting, disposing and issuing of treasure; want of power convenient in the Council of State; inequality of pay to men of war; over-large jurisdictions of the Admiralties.
2 pp. [Ibid. XXIII. 103.]
[1584?]Defence of M. de Ryhove.
A bulky document headed “Apology of Françoys van der Cathulle, Sieur de Ryhove,” the scope of which is indicated by the marginal notes (in the same hand as the headline), which are as follows:—
1566, revolt of the Spaniards and of “Polwyler's” Germans.
Polwyler demands 14 or 15 hundred thousand florins.
Ryhove turns Polwyler's men out of Dendermonde.
The castle of Ghent surrendered to the Count of Reulx against his will [1576]. Haulzi (Hauci in text) (fn. 3) sent for Temple [Col. van der Tempel], who comes into Flanders.
Duc d'Aerschot governor of Flanders, with other lords, taken at Ghent [1577].
Ryhove takes possession of Bruges.
Quarrel of Ryhove with Hembyse (Imbyse).
The Duke of Anjou makes himself master of Dendermonde, 1582.
Parma writes to those of Ghent.
Captain Williams with 300 English and 150 Flemings offers to enter Ghent.
Hembyse returns to Ghent.
Ryhove gets out of Ghent in spite of Hembyse and his enemies.
Triest, Hayman and Somere made prisoners at Dendermonde by Ryhove.
Bruges reconciled to the King.
Treason of Hembyse, Yorke and Seton (Ceton) against Ryhove and Dendermonde.
Hembyse a prisoner.
Hembyse dismissed. Utenhove and Byl, first echevin.
Ryhove, prayed to enter Ghent, dares not do it without troops.
Dendermonde taken by the Prince of Parma [Aug. 17, 1584].
On the last page is written : “Fragments et collectes de aucunes memoires advenues a Gandt.”
Below, two or three quotations and the following lines in Flemish :—
Als ghy prospereert in het goet Zoo heefde vrienden overbloet Maer als de fortune qualick goet Dan hebdij niemant die unbestaet.
Endd. “De Monsieur de Ryhove.” Fr. 54½ written and some blank pp. [Holl. and Fl XXIII. 104.]
Notes by Williamson of the Queen's instructions to Sir Philip Sydney, when she designed to send him into France after Monsieur's death.
Endd.pp. [France XII. 143.]
Memorandum of the substance of “Sir” William Davison's speech to the States on his arrival at the Hague in 1584.
Probably written temp. Chas. II. Endd. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 105. ]
1584.“The Emperor's resolution upon the aggravations of the cities.”
The Emperor, our most gracious sovereign has declared the aggravations of the Imperial and Free Cities in the Councils of the Electors and Princes, “and caused his Majesty's with other the States' determined answer to be read.” And although he “had especial good liking of the communication of the forenamed Council, yet it seemed marvellous strange and unreasonable unto his highness, on the behalf of the cities, that they have not respected and forborne to touch his person so near, and with such hot and unseemly words to complain over him, for his part having never given them occasion, and not being advertised on their behalf, and that being supreme head and chiefest governor, to impute unto him and charge him unto the States of such things as he never thought on, much less should put in execution. The like to which was never done to him since his reign by any of the highest States of the Empire. Which caused his Majesty to find himself the more aggrieved therewith and that when time and occasion should serve, he would not forget to utter his mind.”
And although it stands in his choice whether to yield to any of their demands, and he thinks it neither needful nor convenient for the Empire that an Emperor should give account of his government to the cities and towns, yet that the Electors, Princes and States of the Empire might see that “in all their aggravations, and especially in the cause of Acon” [Aachen] his Majesty has done nothing but what his office required and permitted, and that on the other side it might appear that those which had meddled in the affairs and government of Acon had showed themselves undutiful subjects and given occasion to him to proceed against them ad privationem omnium privilegiorum, and that lately the . cities had no reasonable occasion to separate themselves from the general assembly :—His Majesty has caused a summary to be made of what has passed, which shall be exhibited to the Electors and orders of the Empire, with his friendly request that they would diligently weigh and look into the matter.
And in case (as no doubt they shall see) his Majesty is wholly innocent of those matters with which he is charged by the cities, and this thing be found to be. but a presumptuous opposition, the example whereof is not to be suffered—that if a city or state of the Empire be not fully contented, they may stir up others and oppose themselves against the commandment of their sovereign head, spread evil reports and as it were protest against him, appeal from his sentence and absent themselves from the Assembly— his Majesty thinks it convenient that it may be known “what were to be determined” against such people, which might in all courtesy and friendship be declared to the States and orators of the said cities.
Endd. Resolutio Cæs. Majestatis. 1584. 2½ pp. [Germany, Empire I. 62.]
[1584 ?]Petition of Dr. Jacobs to Walsingham.
Whereas the merchants of Muscovy have informed your honour that divers intruders and interlopers in the country of Russia are now come over, bringing great quantity of goods, contrary to law and the merchants' privileges :—
I pray you to understand that I was recommended by her Majesty's letters to be the Emperor's doctor, and therefore did not intrude myself, but served his Highness in my vocation and never intermeddled in any trade; but only now, returning, I brought with me the goods which I had got there in the Emperor's service.
Yet the merchants have caused ten thousand weight of my wax to be taken for her Majesty's use (which they themselves should have furnished) and have seized the rest of my goods, pretending that they are forfeit as being brought over without licence of the Company, though they know that their own Governor at my going over, Alderman Barnes, has avouched that he will depose upon the Evangelist that before my going I demanded and they freely granted me licence to bring over such goods as I got in the Emperor's service whenever I would.
I therefore pray that my goods taken may be restored and that those stayed may be delivered, and that I may quietly enjoy what “with the death of my own and dear brother, and with continual hazard of my own life, I have gotten in that country.”
Endd. ½ p. [Russia I. 18.]
[1584?]The Muscovy Company's answer to Dr. Jacobs' petition.
“A remembrance for Mr. Governor touching Dr. Jacobs.” When the Clerk of the Spicery came to weigh out the wax marked for her Majesty's use, Dr. Jacob's earnestly entreated them to tarry till Monday before weighing his wax, only “to obtain such favour at the court that he should be discharged and the Company burdened,” and the Council's letter frustrate which was written for their relief.
Dr. Jacobs has found friendship at the Company's hands, for they gave him 100l. for his provision against his going over, and bore all his charges until December following, when the Emperor took him into his charge.
He alleges many reasons for the lawful bringing over of his wax, “but he is not free of the Company, and therefore he ought not to buy nor sell any commodity in that country, nor yet to bring the same into England,” or even to deliver any money by exchange without licence of the Governor.
The Company has paid good round sums by exchange here for him, and as part thereof (as is well known) was none of his, it makes the Company “to grow in some suspect.”
He has brought over more than half so much wax as all the Company has done. His wax, at his coming from Moscow, was not all provided, yet some of our servants got it for him with such expedition that it was sent after him and came as soon as the Company's own to St. Nicholas to be shipped, wherefore “the Company doth suppose some sinister dealing, which as yet is not known.”
Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 19.]
[1584, Sept.]Instructions for William Waad, “sent into France.”
[The first paragraphs are the same, in substance, as the Instructions to Stafford, dated Sept. 4, which however, end at the direction to negotiate a conference at Boulogne. Waad's instructions then proceed as follows;—]
Although the purpose of this message shall appear to be only to understand the King's mind and procure his assent to join with her Majesty to succour the Low Countries (leaving particulars to be determined by the commissioners), yet, if assured of the King's assent, you the said Sir Edw. Stafford and William Waad shall deal with such of the King or Queen's Council as are not evil willers to the action by these few reasons following, taking care that counsellors “factious for Spain” may not be dealers therein :—
That the two monarchs of France and England may appear to have a princely care not to suffer the Spanish King “to make a bloody conquest of so many large and rich countries as the Low Countries, by extirpating the ancient nation out of the same and by filling it with [men of war and those] (fn. 4) Spaniards, the proudest kind of people of Christendom”; by preventing which, these monarchs may acquire praise and honour, and obtain peace and quiet for their own countries. And if they join in this work without intent to gain any dominion of these countries for themselves, there is no doubt but that most of the nobles and people there who have been forced to yield to Spain will withdraw from that conjunction.
That nothing can “offend” the Spaniard so much as to keep victuals and munitions from them; therefore the ambassador and Waad may require the King and his mother to continue their order already begun, as her Majesty will also very straitly do.
That it would be well for the two monarchs to send a joint message to the King of Spain, advising him to withdraw his foreign soldiers, and permit his people to have their ancient liberties and to be governed under him by the “naturals” of the countries, and to have their causes determined either in their several provinces or by their Estates in general, as in former times ["so as there might be good neighbourhood betwixt those Low Countries and the dominions of France and England, and so all the three princes might live in good peace, without such jealousies as these wars do bring"].
It might also further the action if the Emperor and States of the Empire were advertised thereof, and if the Duke of Cleves were informed of it, and required not to aid the Spaniards [by victuals or otherwise]. It will be well also to impart the cause to some who appertain to the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé [and others of the religion] as, if the King of France enter into it, probably many of the King of Navarre's well-wishers [and followers] will be employed therein, for the forces yielded by the King of France should be for the most part of the Religion, and not such as favour Spain.
[“In this matter also Don Antonio might be moved, who of all others is most like to allow thereof, to the diminution of the King of Spain's greatness.”]
If the King desires to know what proportions of charge her Majesty would contribute, it may be answered as of yourselves [“and not of any knowledge of her Majesty's mind] that according to the French King's greatness in dominions and revenues, compared to her Majesty,” the judgment of the world would tax her proportion to be [in all such causes] less than a third part of the King's.
If asked what she thinks of the detaining of Cambray, you may answer “that in your opinion, her Majesty did love him so dearly that won it, that [you think] she will be content that the crown of France may keep it still as a monument of his conquest.”
If the King will not enter into the action, you shall consider whether it is because he will not offend the King of Spain, or that he wishes to get dominion of the whole countries [to himself] as the deputies of the States here say that des Pruneaux labours secretly.
And he not taking the cause in hand, “you shall not utter her Majesty's mind, but only seem to understand his,” which you may say she seeks to know because she hears that his ministers are in Holland and give the States some comfort, and, being in such amity with him, she wishes to follow his course.
All these [latter] points are to be uttered as having no charge from her, but only as that you may have some knowledge of their minds, whereby, if a treaty should follow at Boulogne, her Majesty's commissioners may be the better [from hence] instructed how to act.
If you find the King frankly disposed to this action, Mr. Waad shall return speedily to certify us of your proceedings, that we may fix on our commissioners and write to the States for the sending of theirs. But if he delay the answer, as “percase” he may, waiting for reply from des Pruneaux and his colleagues there, you shall jointly inform us of your doings and opinions, and Waad “abide” until we send you further orders.
Draft, corrected by Burghley. Endd.; in later hand, France. Instructions to Mr. Waad, 1587 [sic], 8 pp. [France XII. 144.]
Written about the same date as the Instructions to Stafford (see p. 49 above), but found amongst the papers of 1585, too late to calendar in its proper place.
Notes by Williamson of what Sir E. Stafford and Mr. Waad were to say to the French King, apparently taken from the above Instructions. Dated only 15. . . .
Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XII. 145.]
Found amongst the papers of 1585.
[1584?]Paper, part of a longer document, apparently a proclamation or communication to Parliament; endorsed, “Addition touching Mendoza.”
Stating that the cause of her writing [and sending to the King of Spain], (fn. 5) “worthy to be known to the King and not unmeet now also to be declared to the world,” was to show her good disposition to him, and how evilly she had been used by his ministers; for although these many years past her servants, sent at sundry times as ambassadors, could not continue there “without many [injuries and] indignities offered to their families and [divers times to] their own persons by the greatest of his counsellors, so as they were constrained to leave their places and some expelled and in a sort banished the country, without cause given by them,” yet of long time she had given favourable allowance to his ambassadors; saving [only] upon [dangerous] practices attempted by two of them, viz. Guerau (Gyrald) d'Espes, “a very turbulent spirited person, and [altogether unskilful and] unapt to deal in Princes' affairs being in amity, as at his return into Spain he was so there [also] reputed,” and Bernardin de Mendoza, whom she had used with great favour a long time, as she thinks he cannot deny; but who of late years had been a secret favourer to her evil-disposed [and seditious] subjects, not only in her realm but those who had fled from it, being condemned as open rebels and traitors, with whom, in the end, he devised how, “with a power of men” from Spain and the Low Countries, her realm might be invaded; setting down with what number of men and ships, at what ports it could be done, and what persons [of no small account] here would favour it; as hath been clearly proved and confessed by others of the confederacy; of whom some are fled, and now frequent his company in France, and some were taken and confessed the whole course of the ambassador therein, “as was manifestly [of late time] published to the world upon Francis Throgmorton's [a principal traitor's] execution.”
And when she found this ambassador so dangerous an instrument [or rather head to a rebellion and invasion], and that for a year or more he never brought to her any letter from his Master, in spite of her often requests, she finally caused him to be charged with this dangerous practice “and therefore caused him [in very gentle sort to be content] within some reasonable time to depart out of our realm [the rather for his own safety], as one [in very deed mortally] hated of our people, for the which we granted him favourable conduct . . . and did speedily send a servant of ours into Spain with our letters to the King, only to certify him of this accident and to make the whole [matter] apparent to him; and this was the messenger [afore mentioned] that might not be suffered to deliver [our message or] our letters to the King.”
Draft, corrected by Burghley. 2¾ pp. [Spain II. 25.]
[1584?]“A brief of Don Juan de Velasquez' direction, to be done here and advertised from hence by four persons, seated, viz. in London, in Dover, in Plymouth, in Barnstaple or Bristol.
What armies are preparing for sea or land and on what pretence.
What passes in Ireland, and the forces to be sent thither.
What sea force is preparing in Holland, and what preparations made here to join with them.
What great persons are discontented here and in Scotland.
To employ a pilot to sound the harbours.
To get, by large offers, one of the Queen's carpenters for the King of Spain.
To learn from time to time what harbours the Queen's ships are in.
To procure some Catholics to burn the Queen's storehouses, “that shall have great reward.”
To work means for some English ships to traffic into Spain.
To “seek means to discover the intelligences for us employed in Spain.”
Endd. “Directions to advertise out of England,” and in another hand, “by divers persons secretly employed here out of Spain by Don Juan.” ⅓ p. [Spain II. 26.]
[1584 or 1585.]“An estimate of those charges incident to any Christian Ambassador at Constantinople, of them called Beakelkes.” (fn. 6)
His entertainment of other ambassadors and of officers of the court, upon his arrival, and presents given to them350l.
Presents to the Vizier and Bassas, Admiral and Aga of the Janissaries1,050l.
Present to the Grand Signor at his audience2,700l.
The chief dragoman of the court, yearly fee and reward70l.
The four dragomen of his house, yearly pay350l.
His two secretaries, one keeping the records, the other employed in present affairs, yearly350l.
His four janissaries and “jamoglans” (besides their allowance from the Sultan)153l. 6c.
His allowance from the Grand Signor is six crowns a day with provision for twenty horse, but his ordinary charge of diet is said to amount to fifteen crowns. All courtiers resort to him uninvited, as also, for the first two months after his arrival, the Christian Greeks of Pera and other Christian free merchants, continuing the same all Sundays and festival days during his residence. The said nine crowns a day over and above the Sultan's allowance985l.
Total of his expenses the first year5,400l. [sic]
pp. [Turkey I. 29.]
A brief extract of the daily payments “answered quarterly in the time of peace by the Grand Signor . . . to the officers of his seraglio or court . . . in a year.”
The list includes :—The Sultan's own diet.
Payments to 45,000 janissaries and about as many “Asamoghans “or tribute children.
Five Bassas Admiral, five Beglerbeys, or chief presidents, of Greece, Hungary, Slavonia, Anatolia and Calmania, and other governors of provinces.
Bassa Admiral; Aga of the janissaries; Imbrahubassi or Master of the Horse, the chief esquire under him and six Agas of the Spahi [captains of the horsemen].
Four Capagi Bassas or head porters; the Sisnighir Bassi or comptroller of the household; the Cauis Bassi or Captain of the pensioners.
The Capigialia Bassi, captain of his barge; the Solach Bassi, captain of his guard; the Gibrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, the Topagi Bassi, master of the artillery, and the Echim Bassi, prothomedico to his person, and 40 other physicians.
Five hundred Mutasaxacas or spearmen attending on him; 40 Cisnigeri or gentlemen attending on him; 440 Chiausi or pensioners; 400 Capagi, purveyors of the court and city; 320 Solachi or archers of his guard; 10,000 Spihi de la porta, men of arms of the court and city; 16,000 janissaries; 1,500 Grebigi or “furbushers” of arms; 2,000 Topigi or gunners; 500 Seiss, servitors in his stables.
Five hundred Saisi or saddlers; 200 Catergi or carriers upon mules; 1,500 Guirgi or carriers upon camels.
The Rais de la galeri, captain of the galleys; 300 Lehmigi or masters of the same; 300 Getti or boatswains; 300 Odabassi or pursers; 2,600 Asapi, soldiers; 9 Mariner Bassi or masters of the shipwrights; 1,000 master Dassi, shipwrights and caulkers.
The sum total of payments to the above, 1,968,735l. 19l. 8d.
Further annuities of lands to the chief officers, 90,000l.
The viceroy is high treasurer, but has three vice-treasurers under him, called Testasleri, for Europe, Asia and Africa.
The Lord Chancellor is called Nisangi Bassi and “firmeth” all grants, safe conducts &c. of the Grand Signor, but letters to foreign princes so “firmed” are put in a bag and sealed by the Grand Signor with the signet “of ancient appertaining to Salomon the wise.”
The Admiral gives his voice in the election of all Beys, and appoints the Subbassas, bailies or constables over towns on the sea coasts.
The Bissistape “serveth in office to the vizier and chancellor,” as also does the Cogi, or Master of the Rolls.
There are two chief judges, named Cades Lisgare, one for Europe, the other for Asia and Africa. These sell all offices to the under judges or Cadies, of whom is one in every town.
Soldiers attending upon governors of provinces : 442,000 persons.
Men under the Sangiasi [qy. Sanjaks] or petty captains 110,400 persons.
Chief officers in the Seraglio, 9, with many others.
The Sultan's revenue said to be 5,820,000l.
The tribute of Caractro paid by the Christians, one gold ducat “for the redemption of every head,” about 340,000l., and more in time of war.
The Emperor pays him yearly as tribute for Hungary 13,000l. besides presents to the Vizier and Bassas.
The Emperor's ambassador is allowed 1,000 aspers a day.
The French ambassador had the same, but of late years, Mahommad, then Vizier, being displeased with him, it was reduced to six crowns a day.
The ambassadors of Poland and Venice are not “lieges.”
Venice seldom sends an ambassador, but keeps there an agent termed a Bailo, who has no allowance from the Sultan, although his state is as magnificent as the foresaid ambassadors.
The Spanish ambassador, refusing to make a present, had no allowance and was never admitted to audience. He was there three years, when having concluded a peace for six years from his coming in June, 1581, he departed in December last past. (fn. 7)
6 pp. [Turkey I. 30.]

Footnotes

1 The words between square brackets are inserted by Burhgley.
2 Requesens. Cmpmmendador Major, Succeeded alva in 1573. It the eleven years is counted from that time, it would end in 1584
3 Jacques de jennine Sieure de hauchy or Auxy.
4 The words in square brackets are added by Burghley.
5 The words in square brackets are added by Burghley.
6 The names are given as spelt by harborne.
7 Harborne's dates here, as often, are confusing. In a letter written in June, 1583 (see Calendar, 1583, p. 703) he states that the (first) peace for three years would expire at Christmas next. The person in residence (off and on) was Giovanni Steffano, secretary and deputy to Giovanni Marigliano, and he renewed the league, but did not leave Turkey until the beginning of February, 1583–4 (see Calendar, 1583–4, p. 355). As he apparently only renewed it for one year, there may have been a further renewal at the end of 1584.