Elizabeth: May 1586, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 20, September 1585-May 1586. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1921.

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'Elizabeth: May 1586, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 20, September 1585-May 1586, (London, 1921) pp. 672-701. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol20/pp672-701 [accessed 19 April 2024]

May 1586, 26–31

May 26. Extracts from Letters, sent to the Lord Treasurer.
Extract from the Abbot Albene's letter to Buzanval.
The begue (fn. 1) has been here on behalf of the master, having returned without having been seen by the ambassador; he has known it, and has been very angry. He is an honest man, but he confides in too many men, especially in those of whom I wrote to you, who haunt his house. Represent the whole very thoroughly to the Queen, Walsingham and the Lord Treasurer. He is not clever in managing such a matter as this, and grounds himself too much upon hopes of peace.
Extracts of Buzanval's answer to this letter, from London, 26 May, 1586.
We have no other maximes of the peace than you, and believe that the ambassador has not the credit either to add to or take from them. And I will say in passing that we owe him the testimony of having done well up to this time. I know this from a good source and we must entertain, encourage and aid him. However metiri quenquam medullo suo usum est, aliqua dicenda, aliqua tacenda; you know it better than I. We must have regard to not offending his friends. I have taken care not to communicate anything about him to the Lord Treasurer, as he is his greatest friend, and he depends only upon him; but it may cost him dear, and he may be sure that the greatest advancement he will ever have is where he is; I am astonished that he does not see that this one is better, and at the end of his days begin to depend on him, which he had never done. There are some who will back him up for it and especially he who is in the Low Countries, to whom ce vieux [Burghley] here gives all the traverses he can, and certainly without him this Queen would be engaged bravely; but the other swears not a little that he will revenge himself of it and will have the means to do it if he were present, for he has much credit with the Queen when he is here, and is more respected than anyone here. They are making ready vessels to prevent the defeat of him whom they await with great devotion: Denique isti ab orbe remotti, Britanni totum commovent orbem.
They have found what Archimedes sought, to stand outside the world, in order to draw it to him. You know also that they have satisfied 7 [margin, “that was written in cipher, which I know not what it meaneth"]. Sed si optime cadam erat Ilion et ingens gloria &c. The embassy of Denmark is come, with such equipage that if what lies beneath it all responds to appearances, it has come for no small matters. There are divers rumours about it. The discourses held publicly are of great offers and even public desire for peace with the King of Spain; sed aliquid latet quod non patet.
In Stafford's handwriting. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 1½ pp. [France XV. 144.]
May 26. Leicester to Burghley.
As the Treasurer is going into England to make up his accounts, and we have no money left, “whatsoever occasion of service should happen, as is likely there will”—we having already won the enemy's two great forts, cleared the Rhine for passage and almost the Waal also, and having got all the Betuwe, I am now keeping all our power here together, “that we may not be far off from the relief of Grave (if need shall require), which the enemy now battereth”—I have taken up 5,000l. from the English merchants at Middelburg, which I pray may be repaid them; and further that the next treasure sent may (if possible) be enough to make a “clear discharge of all payments for her Majesty; that we may be no more troubled with such disorderly reckonings as we have been heretofore.”—Arnhem, 26 May.
Signed. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 1 p. [Holland VIII. 47.]
[May 26, last date.] “A note of sundry things extracted out of letters from my lord of Leicester [to Burghley] beginning 1 February.” The last note is from the letters of May 25 and 26. All these letters are calendared under their dates.
Endd. “July 8” (when probably the list was drawn up). 3 pp. [Ibid. VIII. 48.]
May 26. Sir Philip Sidney to Walsingham.
Prays that the serviceable horses which were his father's may be sent to him by Wren, his father's servant; for though his cornet is already in the field “full and fair,” he would have them to supply the place of such as he takes out for his private use.—Arnhem, 26 May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. VII. 49.]
May 26. Articles exhibited by the English merchants trading into the Eastern parts by the Strait of the Sound to Mr. Henry Ramel, ambassador from the King of Denmark to her Majesty, at Greenwich, 26 May, 1586.
1. Whereas at Hadersleben, in June, 1583, the Danish King answered the English ambassador, who complained of the new port dues, that as soon as he came into Zeeland he would make careful inquiry (which he could not do at that place because of the absence of customs officers) in what manner the dues had been established in former times, and would then see what might be remitted and make a just decision:—The said merchants crave some moderation of that new port due, vulgarly called Lastgelt, which was imposed in 1566 in time of war, and only for the expences of the said war, and pray the ambassador, by virtue of the influence he has with the King, to endeavour to obtain this, seeing that the said tax was imposed against all usage and contrary to the ancient treaties.
2. For avoiding fraud of cunning men, and restraining the temerity of the farmers of customs, the said merchants pray that an account may be taken and that there may be one weight for all; and that they may be the more able to discern certainly what custom they have to pay, that the rates of all merchandise may be written down in albo, and to be appointed to remain in the records of Elsinore according to the King's promise at Hadersleben, that when he came into Zeeland he would give orders therefor and would undertake that it should be done.
3. Whereas several sorts of money are used and accepted in that King's dominions, and that his Majesty has promised to have consideration of the said merchants, that they should not be bound to any one sort of money which there might be difficulty in obtaining, they pray that by tables publicly hung up, it may be manifest to all what moneys are allowed and what are illicit, together with their values and the rate of exchange.
4. Whereas the said merchants suffer much loss in their business by the long detention of their ships in the road of the Sound, and the royal farmers place many vexatious delays in their way, they beg that after payment of their dues, both of entry and exit, they may not be detained by the malice of the farmers; but that these be earnestly bidden that as soon as the merchants have paid the lawful dues in customary money, their ships are to be released.
Lately, since hitherto there has been much controversy between the royal farmers appointed at Elsinore and the said merchants whether all merchandise in one of the said ships, either declared or not declared, falls under their commission, the merchants pray (seeing that it is repugnant to plain justice that one should suffer the penalty for another's default, and that there is a quite different rate for merchandise illicit and undeclared) that goods declared before the farmers and having paid their dues, may be free and immune from all confiscation or forfeiture.
Endd. Latin. 2¾ pp. [Denmark I. 85.]
May 26./June 5. Andrea De Loo to Burghley.
Having arrived here last Friday evening, I went next morning to pay my respects to M. de Champagney and to greet him on behalf of your lordship. He was greatly pleased to hear that her Majesty persevered in the same disposition regarding peace, in favour whereof there is truly nothing that the said M. de Champagney would not do. To-morrow, escorted by the Secretary Cosmo, I intend to go to his Highness at the camp, and with instructions and letters from M. de Champagney (as also from Signor Carlo Lanfranco) to M. Richardot and the Treasurer (who will both favour the cause) I shall begin to treat with his Highness to come to some determination as soon as may be. The said M. Cosmo has been almost a month absent from the Court; also M. Richardot was sent to Nimeguen; without whose presence they tell me there would be nothing to be done with his Highness. But now that they will all be there, I will do my best to bring the business to such a point as may be to the satisfaction both of her Majesty and of his Highness, as with the next courier I will not fail to advise your lordship at large, praying God to give me grace to do such offices that I may not depart from his Highness without bringing with me some fruit of my journey, or at least sounding the mind of the Prince so well as to know what is to be hoped for therefrom. Graffigna is also still here, not being able to go on without a good escort of cavalry because of the soldiers of Berghes, who, the day before yesterday, fell upon a convoy of four or five hundred carts of corn and other victuals, within three leagues of this place, divers being killed and taken, but in spite of this, a good part of the corn being saved, which the soldiers abandoned because they could not carry it with them.—Antwerp, 5 June, 1586, stilo novo.
Postscript.—M. de Champagney has desired me this evening to salute your lordship on his behalf and also Mr. Hatton, being (as he told me) very much obliged for favours received when he was in your parts.
Add. Endd. by Burghley. Italian. 1 p. [Flanders I. 85.]
May 26. Duke Casimir to the Queen.
Since I received your last letters all has gone so well, thank God, in the Assembly at Worms, that it has broken up without doing anything against you. I have also had advertisements which concern your state and person, which I send to Mr. Walsingham, that he may inform you of them and take good care for your Majesty's preservation, whom God has raised up as a pillar of defence to his Church, and to hinder the pernicious designs of the enemies of the common cause, not doubting but that you will more and more continue your efforts, in view of the need which you will understand from the memoire of the forces of the King of France, which I send to Mr. Walsingham, to show you the present state of the business for which you dispatched the Sieur Palavicino to me, with whom I have treated diligently for the furtherance of all things, and in the matter of the levy and what concerns it, for some good considerations, viz. in order (although a little later), to do all in good order, and with such forces that we may certainly obtain the end which we aim at, I have thought it well for the Sieur Palavicino to go with all speed into Saxony, to execute the new charge which you have sent him, deferring until his return the conclusion of the whole business, which will then be more advanced, and better prepared for us to put our hands to the work in good earnest; hoping that his journey may avail much with these princes against the great preparations of our enemies; as for my part I am also moving them as much as is in my power.
But I must tell you, in regard to the great forces of the enemy, we shall have need of much greater means, to make the army larger, and to be able to entertain them in discipline, than we imagined when the Sieur de Quitry went to you. And yet I leave it to your wisdom to consider whether, to facilitate the execution of this enterprise, and to solace to good purpose the afflictions of France, you would be pleased to give order to the said Palavicino for the addition of some further sum to that which he has been charged with by you to employ in this necessity, not wishing, for my part, to urge you to it, seeing the great expenses and costs with which you are burdened in your own affairs, to which [however] and chiefly to those of the Low Countries, such an army might be of great service. I have also given the said Sieur Palavicino, for his journey into Saxony, all the good counsels by which I think he should govern himself there, and have myself worked every day both by letters and by gentlemen whom I often send thither expressly. I have also told him what I have learnt of the instructions of the Sieur de la Verriere, formerly governor of Metz, whom the King ordered to come to me, when sending him to the Elector of Saxony, under colour of condolence on the death of his late father; and have imparted to him the advices which I have received from important persons at the French Court, of the King's meaning in this journey and of the reasons which disclose the contrary of his said instructions; of which I also send copies to Mr. Walsingham to show you how they disguise their intentions, esteeming nothing of the exhortations of the princes to peace, as you will have seen well enough by the reply made formerly to your ambassador, and which quite recently was well proved by the ambassador of the King of Denmark, who came back to me with an answer which did not satisfy him at all. We shall not fail, however, very shortly to send our embassy, praying you to command your ambassador to hold good correspondence with those whom we dispatch. Referring myself to what I have more fully written to Mr. Walsingham I will not weary your Majesty with a longer letter.—Heidelberg, 26 May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 3 pp. [Germany, States IV. 47.]
May 26. Duke Casimir to Burghley.
I have received your letters with very great pleasure. There was no need of exeuse that you have not written oftener, for I know well the great hindrances which you have in your honourable old age by reason of the affairs of the Queen, and that you are never tired of employing your zeal and affection for the advancement of God's service; as you have lately shown by the dispatch of the Sieur Horatio Palavicino, with whom I am negotiating diligently the affairs which have brought him here.
As I am advertising the Queen as well as I can of the necessity in which these affairs stand, I need not repeat it, knowing that all will be imparted to you.—Heidelberg, 26 May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. by Burghley. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 48.]
May 26. The Senate Of Hamburge to the Queen.
Sending the petition of John Heins, a citizen of Hamburg, and his four partners who have been spoiled by an English pirate ship commanded by one Damytho; and desiring justice and compensation.—26 May, 1586.
Add. Endd. Latin. 1½ pp. [Hamburg and Hanse Towns II. 45.]
Enclosing:
Petition of the above mentioned John Heins and his partners to the Senate of Hamburg, stating that an English ship, laden with merchandize belonging partly to them and partly to English merchants, was met in the Spanish sea by an English pirate named Damithus, on Feb. 26 of this year, who shot iron balls at her so that her sides were split, ship and goods were sunk, and of the nineteen men in her, all but five were drowned. Beseech them to write to the Queen and obtain justice for them.—Hamburg, May 25, 1586.
Add. Endd. Latin. 3 pp. [Ibid. II. 45a.]
May 27. Leicester to the Queen.
“My most dear and gracious lady, but that my fear is such as my unfortunate destiny will hardly permit whilst I remain here any good acceptation of so simple a service as mine, I should greatly rejoice and comfort myself with the hope of your Majesty's most prayed for favour and wonted goodness, but of late being by your own sacred hand lift even up unto Heaven with joy of your favour, I was by and by without any new desert or offence at all cast down and down again into the depth of all grief. For God doth know, my dear and dread Sovereign, that after I received your resolute pleasure by Sir Thomas Heneage I made neither stop nor stay nor any excuse to be rid of this place and to satisfy your commandment; and had not Mr. Heneage found some other direction from your Majesty unknown at first to me, to proceed in an other sort, I had then upon his first coming given over that title which so offended your Majesty; and but that upon a further consideration, when also that comfortable letter came unto me, it pleased your excellent Majesty to commit both to mine and to Mr. Heneage and such as we should call to it, such proceeding upon our conference and deliberation as might neither discredit me nor harm the public cause, which direction after did not please your Majesty, how simply and dutifully so ever we proceeded according as we could best make that construction which might be most agreeable to the order and sense of the letters written unto us: Now my most gracious Sovereign, the case standeth still as it did, and the same manner of proceeding that was is now, albeit your pleasure declared to the Council here as you have willed, how it will fall out again in your Majesty's construction, the Lord knoweth. But so much I mislike with this place and fortune of mine as I desire nothing in this world so much as to be delivered with your favour from all charge here, fearing still some new cross of your displeasure to fall upon me, trembling continually with the fear thereof, in such sort as till I may be fully confirmed in my new regeneration of your wonted favour, I cannot receive that true comfort which doth appertain to so great a hope. And will not only acknowledge with all humbleness and dutiful thanks the exceeding joy those last blessed lines brought to my long wearied heart, but will with all true loyal affection attend that further joy from your sweet self which may utterly extinguish all consuming fear away. In the mean time returning back to my only hope, I will for this time leave to trouble your Majesty with any weighty matters touching these countries, reserving them until Sir Thomas Heneage shall make his repair unto your Majesty, which will be forthwith; and yet thus much further trouble your Highness with the good hope of all good proceeding here; for in these parts we have now cleared the river of Rhine, taking the last fort the enemy had upon it, Berks Hoffe; all other castles and holds which he had also in the Betawe, which is a large and most fruitful country, we have likewise taken, and not one enemy left within the whole circuit of that country, which is near as big as Hertfordshire, and environed with the two great rivers of the Waal and the Rhine. There is also come in this day, and hath every day, many soldiers rendering themselves freely to me-looking daily for a great number at one clap to leave the enemy. The winning of these two great forts which kept the rivers for the enemy hath encouraged many of the country people. I have received even now word from my Lord Willoughby, who writes to me that upon Tuesday, hearing of a great convoy going to Antwerp of four hundred and fifty waggons, he went himself with two hundred horse and four hundred footmen and met with them, being a thousand footmen, and set upon them, slew three hundred, took eighty prisoners and destroyed all their waggons, saving twenty-seven he carried away for his soldiers' relief. This is a notable piece of service, and puts Antwerp in a danger of present revolt, and it is thought it will forthwith send to me and submit themselves, which I pray God grant; but once in marvellous extremity they be and held in as is reported only by practice and device.
“The enemy had taken a good while before my coming a place called 'Caysars Wort' [Kaiserswerth] toward Cologne. This day I have received word that it is taken again by the garrisons I have in those parts, and so the enemy hath not one hold upon the Rhine between this and Cologne. And failing of Grave as I doubt not of it at all, he is shut quite out of those parts and must back again, which if he do, Nimegen, Zutphen and Groningen will all sure yield up, so it shall yet appear you have not sent in vain to the relief of these poor afflicted countries, which is lamentable to behold the miserable spoils and ruins of whole shires and fair towns by the enemy, who spares no outrage in the world. Thus have I troubled your Majesty overlong, but never cease to pray for your long and happy preservation.”—Arnhem, 27 May.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 4 pp. [Holland VIII. 50.] [The first portion partly quoted by Motley, i, 452.]
May 27. Rowland Lytton to Burghley.
On the 25th I received your lordship's letter of April 30, and was very happy to be remembered with so much undeserved favour by your lordship.
[Relates the conditions of surrender of the two sconces.] In Nimegen sconce there were 160 soldiers, who surrendered for want of victual, “for we had so trenched and planted a few pieces of artillery between the town and them that boats could hardly pass, and of itself the 'peece' [i. e. place] was not strong, by reason the ditch was dry. We found two pieces of artillery left in it. We lost thirty soldiers before it, three lieutenants and a captain called Sims. The other sconce at 'Barkshoofe' stood out till the cannon was brought and shot seven or eight times, then finding their weakness they cried out for mercy, which was granted them, but not without a little blood. Grave Hollock caused three or four of them to be put to the sword that they might hereafter learn to yield before the cannon play. There were eighty and odd in it.
“Now is the Betuwe clean freed of the enemy, but there is small difference to the country between the enemy and the friend; for being of itself the most rich and fruitful soil in Guelderland, it is so wasted and spoiled with war as it is desolate and almost no inhabitants left in it. The muffs (fn. 2) that serve us are the greatest thieves and stealers in the world; they respect neither friend nor foe, so he have a cow, a mare, a pan, a feather-bed or anything worth a stiver. Not so much as the iron bars of windows can scape them.”
I think the camp will stay awhile here, “both to watch 'Nemegen' and for the comfort of the Grave, where the Prince of Parma lieth in great strength.” He is said to have twenty-eight cannons before the town, and there is hot shooting, but I think he has not begun his battery, “for we should hear the 'tyars' go roundlier off”; but on Whitsun Monday evening and next morning I heard near two hundred great shot, which was upon the planting of the Prince's artillery, when the town sallied forth and slew many. “It is very strong, well manned and victualled for three or four months. There are nine hundred soldiers in it besides burghers, who will fight unhappily [sic], (fn. 3) being well backed. It seems the Prince is resolved to give great attempts, and so he must look to receive great slaughters, for it is like to cost him dear, if he can win it.”
We hope for more men and more money, that our force may keep the field, “which yet we are hardly able to do; for we now have the help of a good river, where the enemy will be well troubled and I hope beaten, if he should attempt to go over.”—Camp before Nimegen, 27 May.
Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [Holland VIII. 51.]
May 27. Thomas Digges to Burghley.
Sir John Norreys, “in his answers to the Auditor's instructions set down, stands upon a maintenance of her Majesty's bands complete 150 soldiers, besides officers, as due by contract.” As the charge would thus rise far above the estimate of 125,000l. yearly, being authorized by his Excellency to confer with the States about clearing of all accounts, and with Mr. Killigrew to help the Auditor with them, I agreed with the Council of State as you will see by the enclosed articles. But “there hath been such courses underhand taken to cross (not me) but her Majesty's service in this resolution as I am sorry to see,” and find it will be laboured that 10,000l. a year more be ordered to her charge than by these Articles was concluded. His Excellency is so occupied with urgent military affairs that he cannot possibly attend to all things necessary, therefore I inform your lordship of it, and the rather because the Treasurer and Auditor are now sent over to finish their accounts in England.—27 May, 1586.
Add. Endd. 1pp. [Ibid. VIII. 52.]
May 28. Heneage to Walsingham.
“I have little leisure to write anything. . . . How God prospereth all this action in these countries you shall hear I am sure from my lord, and is beyond all expectation; which all amongst you I think will not be over glad of, for somewhat I know. . . . The Queen hath sent me a paper plaster that must please for the time. God Almighty bless her Majesty ever and best direct her. . . . Love me but as I shall give you cause and shall deserve.”—Arnhem, 28 May, 1586.
Postscript.—I wish I might find one of her Majesty's ships at Flushing, to bring me over.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 53.]
May 28. Leicester to the Queen.
Since his last, he has heard that the enemy, “upon his first battery at Grave on Thursday last gave a very furious assault, thinking by force suddenly to have won it, but God be thanked, he was resisted with the loss of many men” and his principal captain next to Montdragon, M. “Hawtypen,” Governor of those parts and son of M. de “Barlamounts.” Writes upon the first advertisement, but believes it to be very true. (fn. 4) —In haste, 28 May.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Seal. [Ibid. VIII. 54.]
May 28./June 27. Reply of his Excellency upon the extract of the Resolutions of the States General of date May [20-]30,1586.
Has examined in Council the said “extract,” upon the two propositions made to them in February last, to provide for the needs of the war, viz.:—
1. That in addition to the 200,000 florins a month granted for the ordinary conduct of the war, they would give him 50 florins on each hundred tuns of salt, twelve stivers on a tun of soap and two stivers on a tun of beer; the revenue thereof to be employed in the needful extraordinaries of the war and state of the country; and 2, the sum of 400,000 florins to be furnished by equal portions in four months, April, May, June, July, 1586, to put an army in the field and make head against the enemy, as the States have urgently desired him to do.
On which points he expected to have their resolution in March last (the States having been appointed to meet on March 10); but after so much time has been lost, finding by the report that their resolutions are not unanimous, but very confused and various, so that no fruitful determination can be come to, as he desired, for the conservation of these countries, his Excellency requires the States General to come to a settled resolution amongst themselves whether they are authorised and able to do what he asks promptly and without further loss of time; or, if they do not find themselves so authorised, to declare it, that he may take another method by writing to the provinces separately, in which case he requires the States to lend a helping hand, that he may obtain such a resolution as is needful for the preservation of the countries.
Coming then to the opinions of each of the provinces, and touching first on the three means required for provision of victuals, munition of war, fortifications and other necessities for the frontier towns not having any other means; as also the hiring of ships, carts, horses, victuals for the soldiers coming and going, deputations, messages, secret intelligences &c., for which no means have been provided, insomuch as the ordinance of 200,000 florins per month cannot any way nearly suffice to satisfy and keep in order the soldiers whom his Excellency found in the service and at the charge of the countries (as may be seen by the “state” he has caused to be shown to the States General) and also, inasmuch as the contributions of Brabant, Gueldres, Flanders and Overyssel have not been able to be realized, and that it has been found expedient, in the opinion of all, to cancel all safe-conducts to those who might give any assistance to the enemy;—it is therefore very necessary that these things should be provided for:—And to this end, his Excellency will accept the consent of those of Gueldres, Flanders, Zeeland and Frise, requiring Gueldres and Frise to agree (like the rest) to the two stivers on each tun of beer; and likewise requiring Holland and Utrecht to act in conformity with the others, and those of Zeeland to withdraw the unreasonable conditions added by them, as also what they say of remaining free from all other extraordinary charge, which may be understood, if no other occasion should arise.
Touching the second point, of the 400,000 florins to erect a camp;—passing by the declarations of Gueldres and Flanders, with whom his Excellency will arrange what can be done, according to the state of those provinces;—in regard to the agreement of those of Holland to furnish their contingent, he will thank them and accept it, with their condition that the other provinces shall do the same, or that his Excellency will be responsible for the defaulters, namely for those of Zeeland; and he will accommodate them in regard to the term they require as much as may be; interposing his credit for the raising of the money on their assurance of indemnity. And for the 100,000 florins they think may be raised on the impost of cloth, he will accept on account what it now brings in, and if it should be worth more, will employ the overplus also for the extraordinary expenses of the war; and having this assurance, his Excellency will not fail to satisfy the desire of those of Holland to have an army in the field, which indeed he has already commenced, trusting that-seeing the need for the other extraordinary charges-they will endeavour also the three means, as things which cannot be excused.
And those of Zeeland will be urged to conform with the rest in this duty for the safety of their country, as otherwise, to them will be imputed the difficulties which may ensue, since it will be only owing to them that the others do not also effectuate their good intentions; and that they will yield the impost of cloth, as aforesaid in regard of Holland.
As regards those of Utrecht, the same course will be taken as with those of Holland.
And likewise towards those of Frise; accepting their grant of the three means, and their quota of the 400,000 florins, except that their condition for the defalcation of an ordinance of about 27,000 florins cannot be granted, it being a debt contracted before the coming of his Excellency, and indeed assured upon the collection of the convoys. Nevertheless, he will lend a helping hand that they may have satisfaction therein.
For the above purpose, deputies will be sent by his Excellency to the provinces, with instructions first to urge upon them the giving of their consent for the 400,000 florins before pressing the other three means, although rejecting the conditions put forward by Holland and Utrecht to give up the demand for the said means. And in case of refusal or difficulty on the part of the Estates of the provinces, the deputies shall go into the principal towns, as they shall see fitting, in order the better to declare the business.—7 June, 1586.
Fr. 4¼ pp. [Holland VIII. 55.]
May 28. Horatio Palavicino.
Advices set down by him on this date.
I arrived at Heidelberg on the evening of the 24th, and was there until the 26th; was several times with Duke Casimir and made offer to him of all the money, in case the agreement was passed and the bond for the levy, but he did not accept them, referring the business until my return from Saxony. For which he alleged three causes. First, that the King of France being ready to oppose him with a brave force on the frontiers of France, to bar the entry of the reiters, it was necessary to make a greater levy than they had thought would suffice, and of which the Sieur de Quitry brought the project; secondly, that the fund of money of the Navarrese ministers is not only very small for the extraordinary levy, but even for the first one; thirdly, that seeing the Elector of Saxony to persist in the Embassy, and not to mean to aid by arms until the result thereof [appeared], he feared that if he should bind himself, and make a beginning, the said Elector and the others would leave him alone, and-what still more weighed upon him-would not take the protection and defence of his State in his absence, as he considered there was need, by reason of his difference with the Duke of Wirtemberg, and for other causes relating to the administration of his brother's State.
Wherefore, although I found in him the same good inclination towards France which he has always shown me, I saw him to be irresolute, if the contributions of these other princes should fail, who must send him forth bravely armed and secure him in case of any trouble or disorder; because he is now very doubtful of making the levy and embracing the enterprise without the aforesaid contributions, as was stated the first time in the castle of Niewselles [Neuschloss], alleging the aforesaid reasons, of the preparations of the King of France and the want of money.
It is not a little harmful to the execution of what is needful for the common cause that Duke Casimir has never been to see the Duke of Saxony, nor is it known that he will do so shortly; wherefore there has been no one with that Prince who might have drawn him away from his hope of the Embassy and stirred him up to deeds, not words. Moreover, the execution of this is here every day more retarded, either by the natural tardiness of this nation or because Duke Casimir, being opposed to that resolution, has not solicited it so warmly as the distances between one prince and another in this great province and their coldness required.
In fine, all these things cause Duke Casimir to put off receiving the money I have offered him; too well verify the suspicion I have had of his irresolution (as I have written in all my letters) and delay the execution of the Navarrese Ministers' design in a very dangerous manner, because, without any certainty of reaching their desired end, they are losing five or six weeks at least; which are being employed by me in the journey to Saxony and Brandenburg, and by M. de Segur in one which he wishes to take to Hamburg, in order to go to the frontier of Denmark, hoping there to receive a sum of 50,000 dollars, as the ambassadors of that King, passing by this town on their return from France, gave him strong hope of obtaining that succour from their master. He also wishes to treat with the Duke of Luneburg.
To return to Duke Casimir, I think he has hopes that the Duke of Saxony will contribute liberally to the succour of France as soon as the result of this embassy is known; having been assured of it by his letters, which M. de Quitry tells me he has seen; but as to this, I shall see more clearly if it please God to take me into those parts. Meanwhile, Duke Casimir will not give up making a good foundation, but on the other hand he distrusts the Landgrave for some reasons which he alleges, or it may be because he does not feel him a sure friend, forasmuch as M. de Segur believes that the mind of this Landgrave is very well inclined to the cause, but little favourable to Duke Casimir's enterprises.
I must say that the second cause alleged by Duke Casimir for refusing the money is not without reason, seeing that the funds of moneys on the part of the King of Navarre are extremely small, and of no effect here, while those of which M. de Montmartin brought hopes have not yet appeared; so that in place of having two hundred thousand crowns besides what are to come from me, according to the project of M. de Quitry, there is only hope of 53,000, which are divided into four portions, two to come to Hamburg by sea, and the other two from Geneva by letters of exchange; and of all this nothing has yet arrived at all, but we merely have news that the two last are distributed to divers merchants and will be had shortly, and that they amount to about 37,000 crowns.
But the ministers of the King of Navarre allege that they have agreed with some Swiss captains, who upon certain promissary assignments from merchants and their friends, offer to disburse the cost of raising and conducting forty ensigns of foot of that nation, which in truth will be a matter of great importance.
Nevertheless, according to what M. de Quitry has assured me, he has made the following agreement as a final conclusion with Duke Casimir:—That as soon as they can put down on a table, so to speak, the sum of 90,000 crowns, of those that are to come from me and those they expect on their side, that the Duke will then, within six hours, declare to them whether he will embrace the enterprise, and go in person or no, and if he determines so to do, he will at once have to put his hands to the work of forming and conducting the army without more moneys, according to the covenants; but in case he does not so resolve-by reason of just impediments-he has promised to declare it faithfully and not to be offended if the ministers of the King of Navarre seek another captain for the army, and he will aid them to get either the Duke of Luneburg or Duke Philip of Brunswick, cousin of Duke Julius, and will support the enterprise with the necessary artillery and munition and with a regiment of German foot at his expence. Upon this agreement, the said ministers are awaiting the coming of so much of their money as will amount, together with mine, to the said sum, and promise themselves that either under the command of Duke Casimir or one of the other two, they will be able to make a sufficient levy without having to depend upon the contributions of any of these princes, stating that at other times the like levies have been made with a less sum of money and that their captains are ready to take horse; but without slighting the said contributions or any human aid, because we know well that if it please God to send it to us, we shall be able to entertain their army with greater discipline and to bind it to a longer service.
Now, considering the said agreement and the points of my Instructions, I say that if Duke Casimir decides to go, I shall be in no difficulty, but if not, and that consequently the ministers of the King of Navarre turn to another captain, this latter may declare that Duke Casimir will not perhaps bind himself for him to me for the observance of those points which her Majesty demands; especially as it must be supposed that none of these captains will lead the army as his lieutenant, but as free and absolute head, and as it is likely that he may consider it a dishonour that Duke Casimir should be answerable for him in a matter as to which every prince and man of honour is bound both by nature and by duty; wherefore it is needful that I should know what course I am to take in such a case, and should have clear orders from your lordship if I am to accept the bond of that captain-whether it be one of the two above-named, or some other-who will bind himself to her Majesty on the same conditions that I asked from Duke Casimir; and if there follow an agreement for the levy of not fewer than those contained in my Instructions, between the King of Navarre's ministers and whoever the captain may be, whether I am freely to give him the money, as I believe will be her Majesty's will. But as I have not full power, I urgently beg that at my return from Saxony, I may find an answer as to these points, believing that such powers will be very useful for the desired result.
M. de la Verriere left Heidelberg the day before I arrived there, and is going from place to place, visiting the princes, ecclesiastical and secular, on his way to Saxony, where I fear he will arrive before me, as he has several days' start, and also his horses, with which he can make better progress, while I have to go in a coach, more slowly; nevertheless that prince will have notice of him and of me at the same time, as Duke Casimir wrote to him at my instance. I will not begin a discourse on what the proposals are which the said M. de la Verriere has made to the duke, because the latter is writing himself in the packet which I send with this; also, as he gives a relation of many other things, I will not make an unnecessary duplicate thereof.
I am diligently preparing for my journey into Saxony, carrying instructions drawn up by the ministers of the King of Navarre and myself together, which have two chief objects, viz. to exhort that prince to support the cause of France by deeds as well as by words and the offices of the embassy; and if he be found determined to wait the result thereof, that he will declare at least what pecuniary aid he intends to give for making the levy as soon as he shall have heard the said result. But if affairs there are in such a state that it may be possible to hold back the embassy, to make every effort to do so, and in place thereof to proceed to the levy, or at least conjointly therewith, to the end that if the King shall have an inclination to peace, he may concede it with such safe conditions as shall secure the churches of France and the state of the King of Navarre against those of the League.
I will only say that M. de la Verriere strove to persuade M. de Quitry, who was at that time with Duke Casimir, to go to the Court with the embassy of these princes, to aid the conclusion of the peace, as the Sieur de Beauvois la Nocle and the Sieur of Vezines have done with the Swiss ambassadors; but he replied that these two aforesaid have had no commission, and will not be approved by the King of Navarre; that it is not fitting for him or any other to go, since the King of Navarre has done no wrong to the King, for which he is to ask peace on his knees; grounding himself upon the letters of the King himself, who is forced by the Guises to break the edicts of pacification, and to turn against him those arms which he had at first prepared for his own defence against them; wherefore, not having offended, there was no reason for him to beg for peace, but to move the King to repent of the violence which the Guises have done to him and the harm which he does to himself by supporting it any longer.
Endd. Italian. 4½ pp. [Germany, States IV. 49.]
[The words in italics are in cipher.]
May 28. Count Edzard Of Embden to the Queen.
On behalf of his subjects, Nicolas Horn and his partners, who have been spoiled at sea by one Captain Raymond, their ship being carried into an English port and her commander, Peter “Knopius,” kept a prisoner for eight weeks. Prays that the cause may be inquired into and justice done.—Embden, 28 May, 1586.
Add. Endd. Latin. 1¾ pp. [Hamburg and Hanse Towns II. 46.]
May 29. Lord North to Burghley.
I lately wrote of the winning of Nimegen sconce and our hope of having Bergsholt sconce, which my lord besieged on Saturday, the 21; on Wednesday morning at three o'clock we made the cannons play and shot off ten tires. They of the sconce desired parley and yielded to mercy, giving all into my lord's hands, and the same day we entered.
“This is the blessing that God hath poured on my lord; he doth with much honour and little loss win the things he taketh in hand. The States promise much and perform most miserably. If his lordship did lack one jot of his authority, here will no wars be made. If his lordship were not exceeding careful, provident and importunate with them for things necessary, there would nothing be had; and as it is, it cometh so slowly and scantly from them, as they tire all men that dealeth in their matters; besides, this late return of Sir Thomas Heneage hath put such 'busses' in their heads as they march forward with leaden heels and doubtful hearts. The Lord God turn all to good. There is no doubt but if you suffer my lord of Leicester to go forward as he hath begun, he will do that honour to God and service to her Majesty as no subject did ever better or the like. Truly he is a man of exceeding travail of body and mind, of marvellous dispatch and very resolute. . . .”
Nimegen still holds from us, though we have taken from them all hope of victuals by water. They “hover to see the success of Grave.” If that hold out they will come in. “The Prince doth batter it like a prince, sparing no cost nor the loss of men. It is the strongest town in all the Low Countries, and [though] but a little one it hath men and victuals according to their hearts, and all things necessary. If the Prince do not take it within these eight days, I dare assure it for four months, in which time I trust my lord shall be so strong in the field as we shall succour Grave. Before that time our General meaneth to make a bridge presently over the river Waal beyond Nimegen towards Holland. There he will convoy his infantry over; they shall all lie entrenched near to the bridge; and not above one mile and half from Nimegen. Our horsemen shall remain in the Betue still, having but the breadth of the river between us; and a bridge to pass over this course will greatly terrify Nimegen and cut away their victuals. It will weaken the Prince of Parma, for we shall lie within five miles of Grave, although the river Meuse (Mose) be between us. We shall daily draw him to skirmish, and much comfort Grave, to see their succour so near.
“In this place my lord shall lie sure and not be constrained to fight unless he see vantage. There he will expect his English forces, tarry for his pioneers, and be fully furnished of all things for his camp before he stir.
“This is as much as I can write to your lordship, . . . beseeching you to pardon my camp paper and ink, which you see hath many blots. I trust your lordship shall hear that I will leave no labour nor danger, but serve as a private soldier and have thrust myself for service on foot, under Captain Reade, whom I find a noble and notable soldier. We have lain six nights in trenches at the siege of these two sconces. He had the honour and first entry. . . . If I durst join myself with my captain I might truly say I was with him in all danger, all which I leave for others to report, only I desire that her Majesty may know that I do not regard my honour nor my life so much as I do to serve and please her; a better barony than I have could not have hired the lord North to live in these mean terms. Her Majesty's good acceptation will much content and much encourage me, and so for this time take my leave.”—Arnhem, 29 May.
“My lord Willough by hath defeated four hundred waggons laden with victuals coming to Antwerp, killed three hundred of the boors, and taken eighty of them. This will make Antwerp revolt. The Prince of Parma's soldiers before Grave do starve, and come daily to my lord. I beseech your good lordship, remember my Judge for the Isle. Judge Suite [Schute], Serjeant Snagg or Serjeant Gawdie if it please you.”
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 2½ pp. [Holland VIII. 56.]
May [29]. List of certain chief gentlemen, colonels, captains and commanders [i.e. those Scottish gentlemen and officers who offered to follow the Master of Gray into the Low Countries].
Endd. 1 p. [Holland VIII. 57.]
[There is another copy of this in S.P. Scotland, Eliz., vol. xxxix, No. 98.]
May 29./June 8. Lazaro Cornaro to Palavicino.
I wrote to you on the 31 of May; and now send the duplicate of that letter to London, to be forwarded to you. Yesterday I received yours of the 7th of last month, to which I have little to reply. Prince Doria is at Loano (?) his castle, for a few days, but will shortly return to the city. When he arrives I shall go to him, and learn whether he has heard from Spain, but I am sure that if there was anything touching our business of any moment, he would have written to me of it. The delay makes me fear that matters are not going well at the King of Spain's Court as to our design for an agreement, either because of the injuries received or from some other cause. On my part, I shall be diligent with the Prince, and will inform you of all I shall discover or that shall be told me. Offences are not wanting and increase the difficulty. I am sorry for it, for it would very greatly please me if peace might be brought about between the two Sovereigns by means of the Prince, with our assistance.
The seven galleys of Spain are arrived and have brought the money as announced, partly in gold, partly in rials. I hear that the Prince will go in person with the galleys, but do not yet know whether he will sail towards Spain. I believe he will not start immediately, but as I have not seen him for some days, by reason of his absence, I cannot say anything certainly about it. Of Captain Drake, nothing is told us in the last letters from Spain.—Genoa, 8 June, 1586.
Add. Italian. 1¼ pp. [Germany, States IV. 50.]
May 30. Leicester to the Lords Of The Council.
On behalf of one Phillipp de Bisschop, a merchant of the Low Countries, residing in London, for whom the States have requested letters to their lordships; certain of his goods having been stayed as unlawful merchandise by her Majesty's officers. As the man protests that the offence (if any) has proceeded of mere ignorance, and that he has paid all customs and duties for the goods, their lordships are prayed to have the matter examined, and if it is as he alleges, to have gracious consideration of his case, and the rather that the States have been suitors for him.—Arnhem, 30 May, 1586.
Copy. Endd. ½ p. [Holland VIII. 58.]
May 30. Olivier De Kenwere to Walsingham.
I pray you to forgive my boldness in writing to inform her Majesty or her Council that (because of the great poverty in Flanders and elsewhere) wheat is dearer than ever before, and if there was any force of horsemen for the next three months at Ostend and Sluys, to destroy the flat country of Flanders and Artois, all the country would tremble and yield to her Majesty, for the enemy could not possibly hold their camp. A pound would be worth a thousand, and by God's grace all would be to her Majesty's profit. . . . I would rather tell you by word of mouth than by writing, but fear the expence; for I am a refugee from the town of Ypre since its reduction. I was a merchant, but have lost all my goods by fire; and because of the tyranny of the Spaniards and Walloons have come into this realm, to Sandwich. It is true that the States of Flanders and Brabant, in regard of my great loss and my eight children, gave me an honourable post; but I have never occupied it, as I left Ypre after the reduction of the town.
Add. “A Monsieur 'Cher' Fransois de Welseghem . . . a Londres, 30 May 86.” Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holland VIII. 59.]
May 30. M. De Quitry to Burghley.
If since my return to Germany I had seen any results of my negotiation worth telling you of, I should not have failed to write. I have left it to M. de “Palvesine” to inform you of what has happened since our arrival, as we have daily conferred together, and I have in no way disguised from him the enemy's condition or our own. Now I will tell you what point we have reached, and will begin by assuring you that the goodwill of Duke Casimir is in no way diminished, and still less that of our Swiss colonels and captains of the Protestant cantons, who have renewed and ratified their first promises and bonds. But the delay in our preparations and negotiations has enabled our enemies to make ready stranger forces as well as French ones, therefore we are obliged to re-inforce our armies, and so provide for their progress that the force opposed to us may not prevent us from reaching our aim, which is to establish a good peace in France and banish the League, or at least bring down its strength; moreover the determination of the Protestant Princes to send a solemn embassy to move the King to return to the right path and to preserve his person and state by a good peace, keeps many minds in suspense and retards somewhat our resolutions, both from the fear of offending them, and by the hope that when the reply of the said embassy has been received, they will aid us by some means and favours; and although the answers made to Mr. Stafford, and lately to the ambassadors of Denmark ought to make them resolve on deeds rather than words, yet the obligation in which they find themselves by having announced the said embassy prevents them from giving it up, although they acknowledge how little result may be expected from it, and confess the prejudice which the delay in its dispatch is causing to our affairs, which delay is only caused by some faults which are found in the translation of the German Instructions into French; the distance of their dwelling places also contributing thereto. But 3107 all these things do not take from us the assurance of victory, for the more enemies are gathered against us, the more honour and usefulness lies before us, and the advantage of not having the trouble of going to seek them, being put on the defensive.
To which things it having pleased the Queen to give so good a start, as I may say that the sum she is lending us, although not what was hoped, is the foundation of our armies; to which we are adding, day by day, means, credits and contributions from our friends in such sort that at M. “Palvesine's” return, who is going into Saxony and Brandenburg according to the orders of her Majesty and the advice of Duke Casimir, all things will be prepared and he will only have to furnish the sum which he says he has ready, and for which I pray you to continue your orders. And also my fear that our army when assembled may become distressed for want of money, and thereby the result which we hope for be retarded, leads me to pray that as you have helped to make us feel the effects of her Majesty's willingness to aid the King of Navarre, so in this necessity it may please her Majesty to add some further sum thereto, being assured that by God's grace, if our army be not hindered by this lack, we shall make it such that in a short time, either by victory or peace, we shall have secured the state of France, and afterwards may go with the said army to the help of her Majesty wherever she shall command.—Frankfort, 30 May, (fn. 5) 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Germany, States IV. 51.]
May 31. Stafford to Walsingham.
“By my last your honour was advertised of la Marsilliere's and Rosny's (Rosny's) arrival hither from the King of Navarre, though I was so weak as I could not write at large, and also that in truth I could not then have written but by halves because the Swissers had but once spoken with the King, nor they but once with the Swissers.
“Since, the King hath spoken with the Swissers, and after having advised of their propositions (whereof I have sent you a copy in writing), and seeing that they that came from the King of Navarre came instructed from him with nothing, but according to the Swissers' request only sent to them to know their wills with him, and hearing that they had brought no commission from the King of Navarre to demand a peace (which the King looked for), but only that they had charge to represent unto them the King of Navarre's estate, how he stood both in France and abroad; he, contrary to their expectation, at their next coming to him had his answer ready, which he declared them by word of mouth, and after delivered it them by writing (whereof I send you a copy), which they finding to be an honest conge' that he meant to give them to depart with thanks, and being evil satisfied withal, though they would then make no show of it, desired the King that they might have some other day to propound some other more particular things unto him, which he granted them upon Friday last.
“Where they, taking hold of his general terms in assuring them that he desired nothing more than a good and durable peace, desired him that they might carry to their superiors his meaning more particularly upon the request that they did humbly make unto him to restore his edict, for the benefit of them of the Religion, into the same estate as it was afore the last edict of revocation of that which he made in July last past, with such assurances for the King of Navarre and them of the Religion for the quiet enjoying of it, as the King with them should best agree upon and think fit, requesting in the mean time, for them that were old and impotent, and for women and such as did or could bear no arms, that they might enjoy quietly their goods and livings without molestation, and that they might not be constrained to go out of the realm.
“The King answered them that for the request which they made for the placing again of the edict for the benefit of them of the Religion, and all things appertaining thereunto, that if the King of Navarre and his subjects did ask it of him and demand it in writing, and set down the articles of their petitions, he would answer them like a loving King that had care of his subjects, what he liked or what he misliked in their petitions. For the request for them that were not able to bear arms to enjoy their goods and remain, if his subjects themselves did demand that of him he would satisfy them with a reasonable answer; and for their quiet enjoying their goods (according to the last edict) that were abroad, that was his will and meaning that it should be so, and upon just complaint to the contrary he would do justice for example of it, that they should be contented with it.
“They finding this, though not very particular, yet a more humane answer, desired the King, according as they had given their proposition in this point by writing, that it would please him to give his answer to this as well as to the other by writing, being a thing accustomed to them in all their treaties, and beside, that they might not mistake themselves in making report to their superiors. But whatsoever they could press him to do, the King refused it, under colour that it was a thing that needed not. And 'Mellunes' the Avoyer of Berne (who had been here a twelve years agone upon a like treaty for the reformed churches of France, to whom the King made an answer almost to that effect, and first unsaid it and after being affirmed by him said he mistook himself), pressed both Villeroy and Bellievre by that example to desire the King he might be no more mistaken; but could get no other answer, whereat he is evil satisfied.
“Upon Saturday they came to me and declared all these things past, with the manner of their dealings with them here; the little good they had done; the cunning dealing that had been used to bring them hither; the desire notwithstanding they had the King of Navarre would seek a peace, and a request they made to me in the end to beseech her Majesty, if no good would come of it, to stand with the King of Navarre and the public cause throughly.
“I answered them, with great thanks for their plain dealing with me and their pains in coming to me, for their good wills they professed to her Majesty, which I would make known to her, assuring them of the like from her Majesty:—that I was sorry to see the cunning manner of dealing that had been used with them, who (as I heard) were by Fleury the King's Ambassador there, assured underhand that it was the King's desire they should come and intermeddle in this matter, which they confessed to be true. That I was sorry to see them now turned back with so 'sleeveless' an answer, wherein there was neither head nor foot and that little good that was in it they could not have it in writing, which was sign it should be avowed or disavowed, according to their best advantage. That it was easy to see their indirect meaning at this time to seek to have the King of Navarre motion a peace, thereby to have the world conceive a great weakness in him, and to discourage, or at the least retard the succour that was coming for him. That the King of Navarre had often sought a peace, though he had been no beginner of war; that till now he could never be hearkened unto; that now it was to be presupposed he was egged unto it to make his friends conceive of his intent doubtfully and his enemies thereby to take courage and to make their profit of it. That all these things showed but an evil meaning, which though I would, in thinking reverently of such great princes as the King was, not think it was from the bottom of his heart, but constrained, yet seeing they had power enough to constrain him to that, they might have further power to constrain him to do worse, wherein he might with them have part of the 'domage,' and a great deal of interest. That therefore as they had made request to me to write to her Majesty in the behalf of the King of Navarre, I did and could assure them of her Majesty's good will, which as she had ever hitherto showed as well by effects as words, so did she now, and would continue; so I desired them in her Majesty's name to do the like, as they that had a common interest to show now the effects of that which long time they had in words seemed to allow and promise. That though, as in a general cause we had a common interest, and therefore her Majesty would in deed and to purpose provide for it, so they had as much and more interest than we, being tied to France by firm land; and the beginning of the said division having been by the common enemies already practised and to bad effect, that they of their religion in France being once overthrown, they were but a small morsel to devour after, that therefore the prize being placed here, wherein all Christendom had an interest, they were to put to their helping hands thoroughly, that the King of Navarre being once strong, that then he might with more honour to the face of the whole world desire a peace, and have it with so good conditions as they might ever after live in security, and all the rest of the well affected in Christendom the better by their means.
“They promised effectually to do all good effects and to propose it to their superiors at their return, of whom they nothing doubted, and 'Mellun' among the rest, who was suspected and with some reason to have been underhand won by the King's means, seemeth more offended and malcontent than the rest, and misliketh of this manner of dealing, which for my part I am glad should fall out so, for if he go uprightly, he hath more wisdom, experience and credit than they all have together.”—Paris, 31 May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. 3½ pp. [France XV. 145.]
Copy of the preceding letter.
Endd. 5 pp. [Ibid. XV. 146.]
At the end is copied part of the letter to Walsingham, below.
May 31. Stafford to Walsingham.
“Monsieur Joyeuse's voyage by sea is now broken, and he stayed for going that way, but is appointed to go up into Auvergne with the army that was set down for the Marshal d'Aumont, who lieth sick here. It is said he shall depart hence within five or six days; whatsoever they give out of his going into Auvergne, I think rather it is to help his father against 'Memorency' in Languedoc.
“The army by sea is not wholly broken off; but la Mellerey is appointed to have the charge of it, and with him Nippeville and Coquinville; now that Monsieur Joyeuse goeth not himself, I hope it will go but slowly forward. There is fifty thousand crowns appointed to furnish it, but as yet not one groat of it is ready.
“Monsieur Verrac is sent back again from the King to the Marshal of Memorency, with all the fair promises that may [be], to gain him if he can to be at the King's devotion.
“News is come hither yesterday, I know not whether it be true or no, that there hath been a battle in Dauphiny between la Valette and Dediguieres, and that la Valette's army is wholly defeated, and most of the gentlemen that were with him slain.
“The Marshal of Memorency hath had an enterprise upon Arles in Provence, but hath failed in the execution. The Vicomte Cadenet, that was the doer of it, hath now declared himself to be of the party, and hath taken a strong castle upon the river of Rhone, which is of importance and doth annoy the others for the passage of the river no less than Arles would have done.
“They do now make some haste in sending away of powder and munition and in making ready the lansequenets and other forces for the Marshal of Biron, who lieth yet all alone at Poitiers, and commandeth no more there than they of the town will give him leave, which is not much.
“The news came very lately hither that Brouage groweth daily in greater want than other, and that necessity forceth the soldiers to cast themselves over the walls. The King of Navarre is approached nearer it, to press it the more. I hope the army they make by sea will come too late to succour it.
“I do send your honour an abstract of two letters that come from Rome, from men of importance, wherein you may see some matter that concerneth our estate.
“News is come hither this morning that the Grand Prior of France is slain by the Castellan that married fair Chasteauneuf, whom your honour hath known govern the King. This varlet was of the League, and had done divers things in the beginning of the League to the great dislike of the Grand Prior, and besides had given evil words of him. The Grand Prior could never set hold fast on him since, and hearing that he was come to a town where he was secretly, would needs go to his lodging, and would let nobody go up where he was with him but himself; this Castellan was laid upon the bed, and seeing him in the chamber, suddenly rose and took his dagger and thrust the Grand Prior one thrust into the thigh, and another into the belly, and killed him. His folks came presently up, and seeing their master dead, killed the man in a fury, and gave him a hundred blows after his death, so as there can be no farther known of the cause of the other's arrival there. The King hath had a great loss, for he began to take another course of life than he had done, and against the League nobody in his government had served so faithfully as he, breaking all their enterprises how great so ever they were. But God is a just God, and at one time or other punisheth men, as he hath done him.
“His government is given to Monsieur d'Espernon, his Grand Priory to the little bastard of France, though the Chevalier d'Aumale stood greatly in it by a promise of the King's which he had, under his seal; but the King would by no means hear of it. The rest of his abbeys and benefices are given to Monsieur Joyeuse. I am afraid this government being given to Monsieur d'Espernon will breed h[im] a great enemy to Memorency and that party, for Memorency had great intelligences up in that country, which I think he will not leave of. . . .”—Paris, 31 May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XV. 147.]
May 31. Sir Philip Sidney to Walsingham.
Recommending “the bearer” to his favourable help “in such suit and occasion as he shall have.”—Arnhem, last of May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holland VIII. 60.]
May 31. Leicester to the Lords Of The Council.
The bearer, Sir Thomas Heneage, will satisfy them in all particulars of the state of affairs, whose sufficiency is too well known to them to need the commendation which might justly be given to him. “His long abode here, together with the great pains he hath taken in informing himself thoroughly in these causes, hath made him now so perfect in them” that no man has gone hence better instructed in all points. And particularly touching Grave (for which he knows their lordships will be sorry, as they are here) they will by him better understand what traiterous dealing has been used.—Arnhem, the last of May, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Holland VIII. 61.]
May 31./June 10. A letter to M. De Champagney, from Grave.
I hope that my news of the surrender of Grave will be the first of this great victory. The place is strongly seated upon the Meuse and was held by the enemy to be impregnable, for on the land side it is well fortified by ramparts and ravelins, but they did not suspect that his Highness could batter it from the other side of the river where most of his pieces were planted, with other six on the near side, to act also on the point where the battery was made. The breach was well directed, for at the said point of the ravelin facing the Meuse the bed was fordable, without being safeguarded by the flank on the left hand, and on the right the assault was made safe by the advantage of a reservoir of water of the ditch. The battery lasted from three in the morning to four in the afternoon, when his Highness sent sixty Spanish soldiers to reconnoitre the breach, under Captains Sottomajor and Solis, with express orders to seize a building called the new castle, which being much destroyed by the artillery, gave an opening into the town. But the said captains did not follow this order, and when they had mounted the breach turned towards the right hand, which fault may be said to have been the saving of the burghers and preservation from a sack, for if they had taken the said building, his Highness would have supported them with as many troops as were necessary for the taking of the town. The two Captains died on the spot, and the enemy was so much astonished that they sent a drum to treat, to whom his Highness showed himself as always sui similem; granting them free departure with arms, flags and goods. They went out next day, the 7th of this month, more than eleven hundred men of war. The governor, the Sieur de Hemert, would not accept the offer his Highness made him in passing the bridge over the Meuse, but I believe he will shortly repent of it, as others have done. The town was well provided with artillery, munition of war and victuals for nine months. I foresee that his Highness will have many other victorious successes in these parts. Meghem is besieged and we are expecting news of its surrender, and Battenbourg is said to have been abandoned.
From another letter, written to the Sieur Richardot.
Grave is ours. On Thursday it was battered; on Friday they demanded to treat; on Saturday all was concluded, they out and we in. The place deserved more mettle, and would have cost us dear if they had resolved to hold it.
Copy. Endd. by Burghley. 1½ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 62.]
May 31. Horatio Palavicino to Burghley.
The business here has fallen out too much as I feared, as your lordship will see by the paper and letter which I send to Mr. Secretary, praying you to look at both, because the two together contain what has passed. Now I am almost ready to start for Saxony, and hope to depart in two days, to fulfil the charge committed to me, in which I shall use all possible diligence for the service of her Majesty and the benefit of the common cause. The money gathered together here, but which does not reach the entire sum, I am leaving in two good chests, of which I carry the keys, in the house of Ludovico Perez and his partners, residents and merchants here; men of substance and good credit, and in my judgment so honest that one need fear no inconvenience. I shall take written bonds from them that in case God should dispose of me in this journey, they are bound for them to the Queen, and will do with them what shall be ordered by your Excellency. Touching the business treated at Genoa, my last letters said that a courier was come from Spain with letters of the 28th of April, but as Doria was not in the city at the time, it was not yet known whether he had a reply from the King of Spain. They expected him in a few days, and then will write both to your parts and to me, but, as I shall have departed, I shall not receive the letters until near my return. Your lordship, who will have them direct, will know it sooner, and will, I hope, write to tell me how I am to proceed. A little mistake has happened there, your lordship having taken one of my men for the other, whereby you have given him knowledge of what he did not know, but since it is done, your lordship may take occasion to charge him straitly to keep silence, and so I hope no harm will follow.—Francfort, the last of May, 1586.
Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 52.]
[The words in italics are in cipher, undeciphered.]
May 31. Horatio Palavicino to Leicester.
Amongst my vexations in not being able to bring to an end the business for which I was sent, one of the greatest was that I could not give your Excellency the news which I desired; wherefore I chose rather not to write at all than to tell you of the delays I have had here, and the weakness of the means (fn. 6) which there were to bring to perfection the design, especially as the delays were from day to day, and hopes were not wanting that we should see funds (?) sufficient for our need, as I hope we still shall, and that, although rather late, that which is professed will not fail to be executed, there being in your Excellency's son [sic] all possible good will and disposition; but as matters are at present, he has had to defer the conclusion until I return from Saxony, whither her Majesty has ordered me to go to the Elector, to condole in her name upon the death of his father, Duke Augustus and to exhort him to favour the cause of the afflicted people in France. Upon my return, I hope to find things so far ripe here that the matter may be at once put in hand, and that towards the end of September I may take horse; earnestly praying your Excellency to favour this action and to reflect of what benefit it may be to those countries.—Francfort, 31 May, 1586.
Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 53.]
May 31. Extracts from Palavicino's letters of May 28 and 31.
Endd. 1½ pp. [Ibid. IV. 54.]
May. The King Of Navarre to Walsingham.
“Jecry au Sr. de Busenval pour vous dyre de mes nouvelles. Il est tems (sy jamays yl y eut bonne et juste ocasyon) que les gens de byen semployent pour une sy bonne cause et necessere defense. Je masseure que vous y aporteres toute lafectyon quy se peut et doyt, croyes que jestime tant vre pyete et synceryte quy mest de longtemps sy byen tesmoygnee, que je suys pour james vre afectyonne et assure amy Henry.”
Holograph. Add. Endd. with date, but day of month torn off. ½ p. [France XV. 148.]
[May?] The Prince Of Condé to Walsingham.
Stating that a ship laden with wine by the receiver of his Barony of Mesché had been seized in the road of “Antonne” [Hampton] by the crew of a ship named the Archangel, of the said “Antonne,” and taken to the Isle of Wight (Huih) where the governor would lend no favour or aid to the factors and servants of the said receiver, or give them justice for the robbery. As if this act were left unpunished, it would hinder the accustomed free commerce between the merchants of the two nations, he prays him to use his influence with the Queen to obtain restitution of the wine and fitting punishment for the robbers.
In his own hand.—“;“Monsr. de Walzingham, Je vous suplye affectueusement fere rendre le dict vin a mon receveur, quy est de la religyon et avoyt passeport de moy. Vre plus affectionne et meilleur amy, Henry de Bourbon.”
Add. Endd. [torn] “. . . y, 1586.” 1 p. [Ibid. XV. 149.]
[May ?] “Memoire” of what the French ambassador put before the Lord Treasurer, the Admiral and Walsingham at the last conference, and what was ordered by the said lords; the Judge of Admiralty being present.
That one named Yoncs [qy. Young] had in his hands thirty packets of cloth which had been stayed by permission of the Mayor of London at the request of the owners, but which the said Yoncs had carried away. And that one Ravenel, in his own name and as solicitor for the owners, had offered bond to the Admiral in 2,000l. sterling till he should prove their right to the cloth, and now desired that the bonds should be returned to him. [Margin. It was ordered that Yoncs should restore the cloth and that the bond should be returned to Ravenel. But the order has never been executed.]
That two French ships laden with salt for the King's storehouses, have been taken and brought into the Isle of Wight, and the salt being in the hands of one Mark James, was, at the instance of the ambassador [ordered to be] given over to him and the ships restored to the owners. [Margin. It was also ordered that the Judge of the Admiralty should have the salt or its value delivered to the ambassador, by the said James, which he has not done nor been troubled at all about it. The ambassador demands that James shall appear in person to make answer.]
That many goods belonging to the merchants of St. Malo, seized by an English pirate and stayed by commission of M. Lusson, Vice-Admiral in “Cornvailles,” (fn. 7) in the hands of the Earl of Derby and the sheriffs of Wachestre [qy. West Chester], were demanded by the ambassador in the name of the said merchants. [Margin. It was ordered that they should be restored, but instead of this, the Judge of the Admiralty gave commission to the said Lusson to take as much as he liked, thus “frustrating” the French merchants.]
A ship laden with wine, having been taken in the harbour of Hampton, the owner had, by his diligence, recovered a good part of the wine, but instead of giving it up to him, Sir John Gilbert and Martin Wetz, (fn. 8) servitor of M. “de Raley,” took twenty one tuns, saying it was for the provision of M. de Raley's ships, without paying a penny for it; and Sir John Seymour (Semer) took ten or twelve tuns. (fn. 9) Some was also taken by others, of whom the Vice-Admiral has the names. [Margin. The Lords ordered the Judge of Admiralty to take the names of those who had the wine in order to enforce payment or restitution, but he has done next to nothing, although he has all the names.]
There was also mention of Gaspart Barbosse Cabesse, of la Rochelle, whose ship was taken in October last, returning from La Myne in Guinea, laden with elephants' tusks, Canary wines, gold, &c. &c. The ambassador asked that the book of ladings should be produced by those who took the ship, that justice might be done to the said Cabesse. [Margin. There has been no execution of what was ordered in this matter (i. e. that the book should be produced); since which time Cabesse has put into the hands of the Lord Treasurer an inventory of the goods.]
Since this conference, the ambassador has heard that a ship of Landerneau in Brittany, laden with oils, leather, wines, cochineal and 12,000 crowns, was taken coming from Spain on 29 April last, by an English ship, which the owner of the money has heard belongs to the Sieur de Courtenay.
Endd. “The French ambassador's requests.” Fr. 3 pp. [France XV. 150.]
May. Paper endorsed “May 1586. Sir John Norreys' answers to certain articles &c.”
Instructions for someone going to the Low Countries. Inquiries to be made as to—
1. Col. Norreys' employment of the 5,000l. imprested to him.
2. The allowances desired for armours which had been paid for in England.
3. Why Col. Norreys had no checks made for the four months when he had chief charge of the forces.
4. How the increase of 91 men came, above the 4,000 contained in the contract.
5. To know from the Treasurer by what warrant there was allowance given for a muster master.
6. And for hargueletiers on horseback when none such were levied.
Opposite to each query is the answer on Col. Norreys' behalf. 4 pp. [Holland VIII. 63.]
May. The Privy Council to Leicester.
Her Majesty having been given to understand by Sir Thomas Cecil that the town of Brill, delivered by the States as part of her security in those countries, is feared to be a pledge insufficient, for the reasons deduced by the said Sir Thomas in the discourse herein enclosed [wanting], “as not being an assured key of South Holland, as was supposed, nor yet a fit place for any sudden retreat of her Majesty's forces”; also that the access for ships of good burden is so dangerous, “in respect that the haven is checked and barred,” that they cannot enter to supply or succour the town in case of need, and that her garrisons there remain inutile, and so the charge not so necessary unto her and no furtherance to the service; yet before her Highness would resolve to change the place for one more fit for her purpose, she thought it expedient-and so Sir Thomas has earnestly required-to make your lordship acquainted with the reasons alleged and have your opinion what other port town in those countries might be more convenient, all things considered. And as some speech has been used to her of a haven town of Friesland, in the mouth of the Zuyder See, called Harlingen, as a place of good strength, with a sufficient haven for access of large ships, and the “site” of the town such as may at all times be succoured, and her garrison there employed to good purpose on the main land against the enemy:—her Majesty's pleasure is that you should consider of it, and make secret inquiry, and signify your opinion to her or to us as soon as conveniently you may; that she may resolve “how to proceed for the exchange of Brill accordingly, whereby Sir Thomas Cecil may return, as his desire is, to that service.”
Rough draft, corrected by Burghley and Walsingham. Endd. “May, 1586.” 2 pp. [Holland VIII. 64.]
[May?] State of the necessary garrisons in the United Provinces, the companies counted at 200 heads each; and their pay, 2,200 pounds at forty ”gros monie de Flandres“ the pound; as his Excellency means to have them all reformed on this footing.
Also list of the number of horse in the various towns; the colonels and governors of towns and their pay; the pay of officers of the field &c.; and other expenses incident to the war.
Endd. by Burghley: “November, 1586. The number of the garrisons for the States.” 9 pp. Fr. [Ibid. VIII. 65.]
[This paper cannot have been drawn up later than May or the first days of June, as Grave (which is included in the list), was lost on June 6. Probably a copy made for some purpose in November.]
May. “Payments made, by the Earl of Leicester's letters": To Sir Wm. Stanley's servant; Thomas Lineall, victualler; for Lord Audley; Mr. Digby; Mr. Harcourt and Mr. Edmond Carye. 1,750l. in all.”
Endd. “May, 1586, &c.” ½ p. [Ibid. VIII. 66.]
[May?] Advertisements from Spain.
Don Pedro de “Valdesse,” son-in-law to Peter Mallendes [Melendez], is in disgrace, and commanded into Galicia; “for that he was general of a fleet into the Indias and did not serve according to his commission in meeting with Sir Francis Drake, being sent forth for that purpose.” He would have been put to death but for the entreaty of some of the nobility.
Don Martyn de Recaldo is to have charge of the Biskanders, is in great favour with the King and is “to come this journey.”
It is said that “Andrea Doria (Andrew Dawria), called Prince of Millita, shall come as admiral for this fleet.” And that some will be sent by Ireland and some “this way”; the number of soldiers to be about 50,000 or better.
The captain of Paul Banning's flyboat is John Fisher. There were eighty corslets and a great many calivers aboard the Spanish man of war. They were taken at anchor at Cascales, and the Spaniards all set on land in Spain.
Two men of war of Rochelle and an English bark were taken at Cape St. Vincent and carried into Cadiz (Cales). The Rochellers were all hanged, but not the Englishmen.
Seven great gallions were cast away in the bay of St. Lucar, going for Lisbon to serve the King. There are 80 great gallions and 100 great hulks in Lisbon, making ready for sea.
In the man of war which the flyboat of Hampton sunk, a cousin of the Marquis of Sta. Cruce was captain and was drowned.
Ten of the India ships are not yet come to St. Lucar, nor is there any news of them.
Endd. “News of Spain since the last I sent.” ¾ p. [Newsletters XC. 30.]
[qy. Spring of 1586.] “Remonstrance” offered to the Earl of Leicester by those whose affection to their native land leads them to place before him the reasons why these Low Countries are not yet freed from the Spanish tyranny (not that they doubt of his Excellency's discretion and wisdom, which are known of all, but to discharge their duty to their Fatherland) and the remedies which they think might be provided.
Eighteen articles, concerning the re-construction of the Council of State, its proposed composition and functions; the limitation of the powers of the Provincial Councils; the appointment of officials; the management of finances and means of the country; the mustering and pay of the soldiers; and complaints of the cassing of pious and valiant men in favour of clownish and godless captains, many of whom are fitter to drive sheep than to bear arms for their Fatherland, and love better (for their own profit) to stir up to mutiny their own soldiers than to attack the enemy. [List of 21 captains given.] Justify their appeal by the conduct of the Prince of Orange, who not only exhorted the States on these same matters, by writing and by word of mouth, but by protestations and remonstrances printed in both Dutch and French.
Dutch. 4½ pp. [Holland VIII. 67.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Probably the Marquis de Conti, the “begue” brother of the Prince of Condé.
  • 2. Muffs or Mouffmafs; term of contempt applied to German soldiers. cf. account of pillaging by “a regiment of German Mouffmafs,” Cal. S.P. Foreign 1583–1584, p. 368.
  • 3. Apparently used in the sense of “undoubtedly,” i. e. the opposite of “haply.”
  • 4. The report of the governor's death was not true.
  • 5. The contents of this letter show that Quitry is still dating old style.
  • 6. “Fondamenti”—Palavicino very frequently uses this word; sometimes apparently in the sense of “funds”; the lack of funds or assurance of funds, being his great complaint against the Navarrese ambassadors.
  • 7. The writer appears to have confused Cornwall and North Wales, of which Lusson [Sir Walter Leveson] was a deputy Vice-Admiral, with his head-quarters at Chester. That “Wachestre” means West Chester (as Chester was usually called at this date) is pretty evident from the connexion of Lord Derby with the affair, and also from the mention of “the sheriffs”; Chester being one of the few places in England which had two.
  • 8. qy. Martin White, of Plymouth.
  • 9. See p. 584 above. The ship was taken about the beginning of 1585–6.
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