Henry VIII
January 1534, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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James Gairdner (editor)

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1883

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38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61

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'Henry VIII: January 1534, 26-31', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7: 1534 (1883), pp. 38-61. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79294 Date accessed: 01 October 2014.


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January 1534, 26–31

26 Jan.100. Thos. Wynter to Cromwell.
R. O.I cannot thank you too much for your kindness. King is your friend of his own accord, and not at my exhortation. You are too wise a man to reject the friendly offers even of these far below you. I cannot write more, as I have to go on board the boat going from Venice to Ferrara. Venice, vii. cal. Feb.
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: A Consiliis.
26 Jan.101. Richard Croke to Cromwell.
R. O.Whereas I wrote unto you that the gown was bloody, it is not so, and the rumor that came up of the murder and wounds of Erle is false. I think that Erle loitered with some of his acquaintance in Oxford till Wednesday, “for Persew ys but xxx. rnyle from Oxforde.” The fellow of whom the confession speaks, was probably a friend. The tokens agree with the person and visage of Erle, as Sir Edw. Don affirms, on whom he waited in the war. and in whose walk at Rysborow park this Erle walked with the warden of Canterbury College and one Dering, a monk, whom he says no locks can hold, and with one Tolley and Curtopp slew a deer. If these persons were handled they could tell where, he was. He thinks he is gone into sanctuary at Beudley or elsewhere, and that he took Erle out of Westminster when he took him to the wars. “Lest the poor man by his return should notice anything of Erle at the Talbote at Persewe,” I retain him here. I would have sent him, but the chamberlain of the town objected. The warden of Canterbury College is an enemy to the King's cause, and harps against it in his sermons and conversation. So are Holyman and Moreman, one of whom is like to have the divinity lecture here. Dr. Mortymer, its late occupant, is called to the Queen's service. You have probably seen the device intended to have been played in Gloucester College, a place of monks, if Mr. Carter had not stopped it. The Commissary has the said play. You will not believe how the monks and canons, and all other ignorant religious persons, enemies to the King's cause, rejoiced at the stay of the works and college, nor what they talk of the same, nor what trust they have of its undoing, and that religious men shall again enjoy there, to the destruction of flatterers, false hypocrites and traitors, for so they call us that favor the King's cause. I beg your favor, and “that the canons of the King's College here may occupy this Lent afore his Grace.” by which the King will be better informed of matters, and they shall be disappointed who preached before him not favoring his cause.
Begs him to command one Gente to pay him the 20 marks that, he is behind with the College. On obtaining it I will give 20 nobles to the building up of my lodging, which will save the King's coffers. I have no trust except in you and ray lord of Canterbury. Oxford, 26 Jan.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: To the right honorable and my singular good master, master Cromwell. Endd.
26 Jan.102. Sir Thos. Palmer to Lord Lisle.
R. O.The bearer has been a long suitor at Calais and here, with little profit to himself and less to your Lordship. I pray you my Lord “to cause his retaining” to be made at Sandwich's house, and to discharge him to go at his pleasure, and I will pay half his scot, albeit he has spent me 40s. since I came to England. London, 26 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord deputy of Calais.
26 Jan.103. William [Burton] Abbot of St. Austin's, Bristol, to Lord Lisle.
R. O.Hopes that he and her Ladyship are in good health. Begs his favor for the bearer, his servant. St. Augustine's by Brystow, 26 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: My special good lord Lyle. Endd.
26 Jan.104. Robert Acton to Lord Lisle.
R. O.Sends respects to his Lordship and my Lady, his bedfellow. Thanks them for taking into their service his nephew, William Fyssher. Begs that he be put in the room of an archer on horseback, and will give his Lordship 20 marks “to buy you a gelding.” I hear he. has mentioned to you a bargain of a little land I have bought of him. He shall not lack for 100 marks when your Lordship thinks fit to promote him, and if he continue in your favor I will give him the land back again. Southwark, 26 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
26 Jan.105. Gilbert Burton, Priest, to Lady Lisle.
R. O.I hear from William Rose that Sir Thos. Gilbert, whom I took into my service at your Ladyship's request, has gone to Calais and complained to you that I have discharged him suddenly and withheld his wages. He has misconducted himself in many ways, which I will not write for the honor of priesthead but will wait till I can speak with you myself. Besides, he would say that he was as good as I, “and as he played at cards with me and other honest company, said I played Jacke Napes with him.” On this I would play no longer with him, and he started up in a great fume, saying he cared not a straw for me or my service. I answered. “Sir Thomas, this at night and ye be not well advised,” and bade him go to bed, and speak with me next morning before the same company. Next morning he repeated his abuse of me. and said he would ring me such a peal that the best in England should speak thereof. I bade him fetch his book of accounts to know whether 1 were in his debt or he in mine, and finding I owed him 15d. for wages, I offered it to him before your old servant, Bobt. Anmer. and others. For your Ladyship's sake I would have given him. 40d. more, but he refused to take it, and departed without leave taking. Mone of my parishioners would credit his slanderous words, although he bound them with the greatest oaths, unlike a servant of Christ. After he left he went to London to Mr. Withers' house, a residentiary of Paul's, (fn. 1) and was received by a poor priest, whom ho had appointed steward a quarter of a year before at my request. He uncharitably offered to present this steward, for my sake, to the parsonage of Wikeham, the advowson of which he had obtained through me from Mr. Arthur Uvedale, swearing that the parson was dead and buried on Saturday last, for which reason he desired him to come with all haste to the chancellor of Winchester for his institution, and made him bring all his stuff with him and lose his service. When asked why he did not take the benefice himself, he said my lord Lisle and my Lady, to whom he was nigh kinsman, had sent for him to Calais, and had given him St. George's Chantry, which was 10l. a year and two liveries, besides meat and drink. Before his departure he borrowed of the poor priest 14s. 8d, saying I owed him 15s. 2d. for wages, and he should have a letter to me to pay it, which letter, indeed, he did write, though I owed him only 15d. He has openly confessed that his wages and other vails here were worth 20 marks a year, yet he has borrowed much money here, and on Thursday last the collector of the Subsidy did accurse him for not paying 18s. 10 3/4d.; of which curse I send you a copy, that he may seek absolution. Bishop's Waltham, 20 Jan.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: At Calais.
26 Jan.106. Earl of Northumberland.
R. O.The book of the stuff at his place at Hackney, at the account taken 26 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII., in the custody of Stephen Stamforth and Edw. Carnaby.
A sparver of cloth of gold and blue velvet, with curtains of yellow and blue sarcenet fringed with yellow and blue silk. A counterpoint of cloth of gold and blue velvet. A down bed and other bedding. Nine trussing beds, one of cloth of tissue and tawny velvet, embroidered with the Earl's arms and cognisance. A cloth of estate of blue cloth of gold of bawdekyn. Three chairs, covered with plain cloth of gold and damask, blue cloth of gold of bawdekyn, and blue satin. Three small pieces of fine arras. Seven pieces of counterfeit arras of the story of Athalanta, containing 300 stykes. Six pieces of the story of Venus, and six of the story of Eneas. Twenty-six pieces of fine verders, some park work, and some roses. Eleven pieces, coarse, with beasts and fow[...]. Ten cowcher carpets. Seventeen cupboard carpets. Three carpets of fine Cadys, rowed with yellow and Hue. Seventeen cushions, lawny velvet, blue cloth of bawdekyn, verders, &c. Ten window carpets of yellow, russet and-tawny satin of Brydges, lined with buckram. Two down beds, and 18 feather beds, with bolsters. Four silk quilts, two red and two yellow. Sixteen small quilts to lie upon trussing beds. Fifteen pair of fustians. 15 down pillows, with pillow beres. Twenty pair of fine sheets. Eleven pair of coarse sheets. Eighteen counterpoints of verders and tapestry. Signed: H. Northumberland.
Pp. 7. Endd.
107. [Cromwell's] “Remembrances.”
R. O.1. To speak with the King to send to Hampton for trial of the weight of certain things there. 2. An answer to be made to Chr. Mounted letter. 3. To get the names of all the promotions which belonged to Dr. Hawkyns for the King. 4. To remember the abbess of Wilton specially. 5. To know the King's pleasure for my lords of Kildare and Osserayde, and for the determination of the matters of Ireland. G. To remember the bill of complaint of the Frenchman about a piracy in Oct. or Nov. last: 7. To put the bills to signing for the King's household. S. To get Henry Whittoft's [Huttoft's] bill signed for the surveyorship of Hampton. 9. To get the letter for my lord elect of Ely signed. (fn. 2) 10. To remember parson Ogle. (fn. 3) 11. To learn the King's pleasure for Robt. Fowller's answer. 12. To remember my lord of Sussex for Writtell.
P. 1. Endd.
108. Cromwell's Remembrances.
Titus, B. I. 459. B. M.To speak with the King for sending to Hampton for the trial of the weight of certain things there. To remember the election of the bp. of Bangor to the King. The Friars of Greenwich to have licence to go into Ireland. To speak with the mayor of London for the provision of victual against Easter. Anthony Babington, for the signature of his two bills. To call for the last letters from the town of Lubeck to the King, and that answer may be made to them. A letter to be made to Dr. Lee, the King's ambassador. An answer to Chr. Mounte's letter. To get the names of Dr. Hawkyns (fn. 4) promotions for the King. A bill to be made for the King to take the bishoprics of Salisbury and Worcester into his hands. To speak with the King for the Spaniards being at Lubeck. Certain Portuguese who have stolen their custom at Hampton under the name of Englishmen. The end to be concluded for Pyssowe with lord Scrope. The signing of my lord of Northumberland's book?. Ric. ap Moris Gough, lieutenant of Raydor and Comotoyethor. The despatch of Dr. Hawkins' man and 250 ducats borrowed by him of the Emperor's ambassador in his life. The abbess of Wylton. The stuff for the Scotch ambassador. What reward the King will give the Lubeck. Signing lord Lumlcy's letter. To appoint some folks to examine the traitors in the Tower. To seek out the name of the prior of the Charterhouse. To know the King's pleasure for the lord of Kildare, the lord of Ossory, and for the determination of Irish matters. To send into Wales for him that would have conveyed James Griffith Aphowell's man. To send for the men of Mynhede, and speak with Sir Giles Strangwayse for them. To speak with Sir Giles Strangwayse to know the names of those in prison for the late piracy. The French ambassador's bill for the tanning of sheepskins. The bill of complaint of the Frenchman for a piracy in Oct. or Nov. last. Letting the lands at Lezenes. The end to be taken with lord Scrope. How the King is ordered in the Exchequer for the farms granted. TO the Alneg . . . The passport for the Lubeke. The bill to be signed for Clarke Maior. (fn. 5) A letter to be sent to the borowmaister of Lubeke. To show Hakkett's letter to the King. To put the bill to signing for the King's household. To send to Mr. Tuke lor Mr. Compton's bill. To cause Palmer's bill to be assigned. To send to my lord of Winchester for 600 mks. To cause privy seals to be made for them of London which have not brought in their fines. A conge d'élire for Thurgarton. The restitutions for Leicester. The signing of the Friar Observant's bill. To speak with the King for answer to Mr. Hackett's letters. To know his pleasure whether he will write to Sir John Wallop. The payment of the judges' wages. My lady Sussex. Effsoons to remember master Moore to the King. Sir Thos. Palmer. To send to Wales for those supposed to be of counsel with Jamy Gryffyth ap Howell, the traitor.
Partly in Cromwell's hand, pp. 3. Endd.
109. Dr. Hawkins.
R. O.“The Promotions of Mr. Doctor Hawkyns.” The archdeaconry of Ely, 100l. The parsonage of Dereham, in Norfolk, 40l. The parsonage of Snayleweli, 24l.
P. 1. Endd.
27 Jan.110. Thomas Cajetanus, Card. of S. Sixtus, to Henry VIII.
Vit. B. xiv. 121. B. M.Is glad to hear that the King has been moved, not by his own authority, but by proofs of Holy Scripture, in annulling his old marriage and contracting a new one. Comments on the Levitical law with regard to marriages of affinity, and on the case of Herod the tetrarch. Is ready to learn and to change his opinion. Rome, 27 Jan., mdxxx[iiij]. Signature mutilated.
Urges the King to remove this scandal to Christendom, by showing the justice of his acts. Offers to defend the King's conduct.
Lat., mutilated, pp. 3. Sealed. Add.
Endd.: “A letter f[rom the Cardinal] of S. S[ixtus to] the King.”
Add. MS. 29,547, f. 6. B. M.2. Modern copy, made before the mutilation. Rome, 27 Jan. 1534.
27 Jan.111. Norfolk to Montmorency.
Le Grald, III. 588.Is much pleased at. the French king's sending the bp. of Paris to Rome with instructions represent ing the brotherly union of the two kings. Hopes that the result will be that the Pope will not behave to the King with his former rigor and rudeness. Matters are at present in such a condition that if he persists in favoring the Emperor more than the two kings, and, through favor or fear, acts unjustly in the King's cause, he will give occasion to his loyal subjects to take every opportunity to impugn the authority which he unjustly usurps, and to allow the public discussion of questions which have been proposed by many famous clerks, prelates and doctors here, and which arc very prejudicial to the Pope and the See Apostolic. Among other points it is constantly affirmed that the Pope and his predecessors have no more authority outside the diocese of Rome than any other bishop, saying that the authority possessed by the Popes rests only on the sufferance of princes whom they have blinded under color of sanctity. To support this they allege texts of Scripture and histories, by which it appears that the disposition of the see of Rome has been permitted by emperors and kings to the Popes, not granted. Their predecessors have also agreed that no Pope should be admitted without the con[...] of some emperor or prince. Is it credible, considering the insatiable arrogance and vanity of Popes, that they would have acknowledged their authority to be from man if they had any right to it from the authority of the Creator? Prelates and doctors have not only declared this, but proved it by unanswerable arguments, and persuaded Norfolk and the other nobles and common people of it. If the King allows them to put the matter forward, as he has been urgently requested, and as lie probably will at this present parliament, the Pope and his successors will lose the obedience of the whole realm, and what depends on his authority will be held in hatred and abomination. Other kingdoms will probably follow this example.
Writes in consequence of their mutual promise to inform each other of anything which may cause suspicion as to the friendship of their masters. It appears that since the interview the French king is too much inclined to favor the Pope to the detriment of his own jurisdiction and royalty. Why has your (fn. 6) master, being a powerful and Christian king, recognising no superior procured a bull to do justice in his kingdom, as if be hud not such authority without a bull from the Pope? In time to come, the Pope and his successors may take this as a precedent to usurp upon his royal jurisdiction, and use the case to the detriment of other kings. Is also surprised at the sudden recal of Beda, the caluminator of the King's cause, whom Francis had promised to lord Rochefort to banish from the kingdom, Desires him to think what suspicion might be conceived from this conduct. and to provide that his master's enemy is not too much glorified. Does not write this wishing that the French king should be an adversary to the Pope, but so that if matters between the Pope and Henry go on with their present rigor, it may not be said that Francis maintains such a declared enemy of his good brother, or that the Pope is encouraged by the support shown him to execute his malice against the King and his subjects. Warns him against the Pope's deceptive promises. If the French king wishes to recover his rights in Italy and desires the Pope's aid, he will lose by alliance with him the Venetians and the dukes of Ferrara and Urbino and their confederates, and besides will cool the affection of his special friends, particularly the German princes and all their leagues, who are hostile to the Pope. Why should he lose so many certain and powerful friends and allies for an inconstant friend, newly reconciled to him, a usurper, by no means secure of the place he holds, and whose successor is uncertain? Asks him to take this letter in good part, and consider it. Westm., 27 Jan.
Fr.
27 Jan.112. Thos. Wynter to Cromwell.
R. O.I wrote to you yesterday and the day before. Many know of your affection to me, and think I am much in your favor. Lambertus the bearer, has earnestly requested me to write to you by him. I know what he wished when he made this request. His father is acquainted with you, and he wishes to be the same. Venice, 27 Jan.
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: A Consiliis, Londini.
27 Jan.113. John Orenge to Cromwell.
R. O.I am informed that a seire facias is out against me in the Exchequer, upon a recognisance, wherein I stand bound for 40l. for Henry Harfford, whom I wish I had never known. I have been sick since Michaelmas, and cannot labor to London before Easter. I pray you that judgment may be deferred till then, when I will take a way with you and Weston, the under treasurer, for payment of the same. 27 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Chancellor of the Exchequer.
28 Jan.114. Chapuys to Charles V.
Vieuna Archives.The day before yesterday the Scotch ambassador, disregarding scruples and suspicions, came to dine with me, and we talked together till late. He declared the good will that his master bore to your majesty, and that he desired nothing more than some near affinity with yon. in which desire the whole kingdom joined. The King and his people also were very anxious for his marriage. The king of England was also desirous of it, and had asked the French king to give him a wife, provided it was not one of his own daughters, which Henry would fear, as well as his making an alliance with the Emperor, which is the cause why it seems that this? King wishes him to be soon married, but he, knowing the intention of the king of England, will be more careful not to hurry. He told me also, as I have already written, that his charge was to find out whether this King was inclined to peace or war, without asking him for either one or the other, but leaving it to his choice and pleasure. He has found the King and those about him very desirous of peace, and the King complains daily of the delay of the ambassadors who are coming to treat of it. Three days ago the King, after excusing the raid lately made into Scotland, told the amtassador that he was displeased that the other ambassadors did not come faster so as to settle matters during the assembly of the estates, for if peace was concluded he intended the estates to ordain that the succession of the kingdom should go to the king of Scots in default of his own issue by his present wife. He made much of this to the ambassador, but I suggested (?) (jay fait toucher le duc), that what the King presented him was prejudicial as well as contrary to conscience, as be wished by this moans to bind him to favor the deprivation of the Princess and the opposition to the Papal sentence and censures. Besides, it was ill advised for the Scotch king to give up his expectations in case of the death of the Princess, who is sole heir, under the condition which the King proposes, which is less likely, as there is already a daughter, and Anne Boleyn is now pregnant and in condition to have more children. Whatever ordinance the estates might make under compulsion would be worth nothing. The ambassador confessed that this was true, and that his master would take care not to fall into such an error; whatever show was made on either side, he did not think peace would be concluded, and had refused this mission as he was not accustomed to go on charges which were not likely to come to a conclusion. Many of his master's council advised the employment of men in making preparations for Avar rather than embassies. Every day the English showed themselves more desirous of peace. Seeing their detestable government, which is tending to their total ruin, if your majesty were ever so little angry with them, it seems as if an opportunity was coming for the Scotch to revenge themselves on the English, or at least to gain an advantage over them. At this I said to him that I understood that it had not been the Emperor's fault that the affinity of which he spoke had not been contracted, and that the excuses made by Rosenboz had satisfied his master, which he acknowledged. I then went a little further and said that I thought that your majesty would approve of a marriage between him and the Princess; and that I was moved to say this knowing that one thing that your majesty desires most is to see perfect union between Christian princes, which this marriage would greatly promote. He approved of my reasons, but said the king of England would never consent except by force of arms, though the people desire it, but if your majesty would assist his master a little, he would succeed well enough; he had not wished to propose this marriage in earnest, that the French king might have no cause to reproach the Scotch king with contravening their marriage treaties, and he had obtained a safe-conduct for an abbot and a secretary, who arc going to France to ask the King's intentions about the promises made by him in case of the marriage of the king of Scots, but they have no power to conclude anything. I told him that if he had a chance to speak of the marriage with the Princess, he might do it without fear by reserving the good pleasure and advice of the French king. He replied that unless he had special occasion to speak of such a matter, he should wait until the arrival of the other ambassadors, and would let me know their charge by a third person, and also that of the ambassadors who were going to France. As the king of England has great desire for peace, he would be wise to send ambassadors to Scotland, not allowing theirs to come here, for when they see the state affairs are in here they will lose the desire of friendship. If they arc men who understand matters, they will not care to conclude anything, and whatever is concluded, on receiving a command from the Pope, or any other legitimate occasion, they will know how to use it. He said also that the English boast that your Majesty desires closer friendship of them, and that the King charged (changcoit, qu. chargeoit?) the principal secretary of the Scotch king with being too Imperialist, and loyal neither to the French king nor his master. Earl Douglas, his uncle and brother, who are banished from England, wish to be reconciled with the Scotch king. At parting he told me that he would take care that his master should not make haste to marry, and that in future he would communicate with me by a third person to avoid suspicion. Besides the good cheer which the King and Council, especially Cromwell, show to the Scotch ambassador, he has been promised the deliverance of a gentleman who was taken at sea on his way to Rome to obtain a commission to the King and Council to proceed against the archbishop of St. Andrew's. The Archbishop was not sorry at his capture, as he was his accuser. The Pope refused the commission, and the Archbishop did not deserve it to be granted, as the chief thing of which he was accused was having written to Albany to come to Scotland to counteract the bad government of those about the King.
The estates are beginning to treat of affairs against the Pope. A book has just been printed for the third [estate?] (pour le iij'), concerning the difference between the doctrine of God and that of the bishop of Rome, and containing the principal Lutheran errors. It is said there are others in preparation. Though they do the worst they can, they think that the Pope, as well from fear as at the intercession of the French king, [will do] what they demand. Four days ago Cromwell said to a man of mine that the Pope had said several times at Marseilles that if the King had sent a power, the sentence in the principal cause would have been in his favor, and that he would not send the power in order not to prejudice the privileges of his kingdom and the prerogative of princes. He offered to shew my man letters to confirm it. They will not conclude anything against the Pope till the return of the bishop of Paris or news of his success. The clergy have been deprived of a revenue which they received from the letting of houses. This was done to please the people, but it is little compared to what the King intends to do. which is to usurp part of the Church goods and distribute the remainder to noblemen. Benefices will be given to laymen (daiz, qu. laiz?), as Cromwell told the Scotch ambassador.
About five days ago, the King having received letters from France by the servant of his ambassador there, sent immediately for the French ambassador, who stayed at Court till 3 a.m. The King and Council seemed displeased at the news. The ambassador was writing nearly all night, and his secretary, who transcribed the despatch, said to a friend who reported it to me, that affairs here must go to ruin, and there was trouble between the kings of England and France.
I have just been told that the French king said to the bishop of Winchester and the other resident English ambassador, that the king of England might be sure of his favor and assistance if he did not hurt his honor and conscience, as it would do to go against the authority of the Holy See, which he was obliged to defend by the commandment of God and the promises he had made before their mutual alliance, in which also the said authority was reserved. He advised Henry not to trust to the German princes, who had mocked him after spending much money at the last election of the empire. I think this must be the news mentioned above.
I do not know whether all this has caused the delay of the doctor who was going to Lubeck, and the others who were going to Germany. It is said they will go in three days. Some say the doctor will go on to the king of Poland and the duke of Prussia. The ambassadors going to Germany arc of low quality. One was a priest of the archbishop of Canterbury during his embassy to your majesty, the other is a clerk of the King's secretary, who was in Germany last year, conducted by a servant of master Elyot. The priest collects books and writings in the King's favor in the matter of the divorce. London, 28 Jan. 1534.
Fr., pp. 9. From a modern copy.
28 Jan.115. Hacket to Cromwell.
R. O. St. P. VII. 534.Wrote last on the llth inst. The little book set forth by the King's Council, showing the good ground of the King's cause and the insincerity of the bishop of Rome in sustaining the contrary, has been translated into French, and some of this Court have been with me already, and marvel the King would permit the Pope to be called, as he is in that book, bishop of Rome, bastard and symonakre. I said, as for calling him bishop of Rome, he ought not to call himself otherwise, and whether he be a bastard or symonakre or both, I refer to his own college of Cardinals at Rome. Mr. Gherart Mullart, one of the High Council of Machlyng, and one Tornowr, formerly captain of Don Fernando's archers, depart hence within three days as commissioners for the Emperor and these Low Countries to the diet of Hamburg, which begins 15 February next, where will be deputies from the chief towns of Estland. The Emperor being in Spain has sent hither instructions for these ambassadors. I would some commissioner in our master's behalf were at the said Diet. Yesterday the Queen Regent had letters from the governor of Friesland; the earl of Owyremd had defeated the men of the duke of Geldyrs. The health of the Queen Regent, is much the same : her physicians are rather doubtful, but trust that her youth, 28 years, may well “suer dommyne” her accident.
I enclose a copy of such “frigele tedynges” as have of late come to this Court. Brussels, 27 January, 1533.
Hol., pp. 4. Add. Endd.
R. O.2. Hacket to Cromwell.
Wrote yesterday, 27th inst. I have since spoken with Mons. do Lassow, Burghenon, gentleman of the Emperor's Privy Chamber, who has come in post from the Emperor to the Queen Regent with letters of credence. The Emperor intends to bring some part of the conclusions of the diet of Hamburg to his own purport. This I “conjcct” because, besides his two ambassadors to the diet mentioned in my last letter, he has now ordered his uncle the bp. of Brix. who, by virtue of his dignity, is a prince of the empire to be his upper ambassador, and has increased their train from 8 or 10 to 30 or 40 horse. De Lassow told me that two or three days before his departure from Spain, the King my master's ambassador (fn. 7) there had died; that he left Spain 14 or 15 days ago; and that the ambassdar had died at a village of he realm of Aragon called Balbase, two leagues from Monsson. The King is probably advertised of this already. Brussellis, 28 January 1533.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
28 Jan.116. John Bishop of Rochester to Cromwell.
Vesp. F. XIII. 154 b. B. M. Arch. XXV. 89Asks him to have pity upon him, considering the case and condition he is in. Almost these six weeks has had a grievous cough, with a fever fit the beginning. Divers in this country have died of the same disease. Now the matter has fallen down to his legs and feet, with such swelling and ache that he can neither ride nor go. Asks Cromwell to spare him for a season. and when better will with all speed obey his commandment. Rochester. 28 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Begins: Master Cromwell.
28 Jan.117. John Amadas to Cromwell.
R. O.Repeats a request he made in London that Cromwell will take his son. the bearer, into his service. Will be bound for him with others in 1,000 marks. Had him found in Paris at the university; ho knows French and Latin, writes a good hand, and has studied the common law, Litelton's Tenures, &c. two years at Lyons Inn. Has no more sons, and means to allow him 10l. a year. He is insured to a young gentlewoman in my house, “by whom he shall dispend 20l. a year.” If Cromwell will not have him he will go to the Temple and continue his learning. Has a corrody in Tavystock abbey, in which he would fain make his son joint patentee. Tavystock, 28 Jan.
Begs Cromwell to pardon his boldness. Signed: John Amadas, sergent.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To the right worshipful master Cromwell deliver this, master of the King's jewel-house. Endd.
28 Jan.118. Sir Robt. Wingfield to Richard Hoo.
R. O.Has received the fieldbook of Stanforthe by John Bronde, his bailey. Excuses the delay, which has only doubled his satisfaction. Directions about his court rolls, &c. Calais, 28 Jan. 1533.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Steward of the manor of Stanforde, in Norfolk.
28 Jan.119. Sir R. Page to Lady Lisle.
R. O.The bearer took pains to see me at my poor cabin now when he was in these parts, and showed me that my lord and you were in good health. If it were for your profit, I wish you were as well settled on this side the sea. Mowlsay, 28 Jan.
Hol. p. 1. Add.: At Calais.
28 Jan.120. John Ely, Abbot of Bruton, to Lady Lisle.
B. M.Defends himself against a charge of having used unfitting language. Whyte has reported ill of him to her ladyship and to others. Is in a manner compelled and subdued to lake him again, which it was not in his ability to do without Lady Lisle's help. If such chance had happened in my master's (fn. 8) time, whose soul God pardon, he would not have obtained his purpose there again. Though she say? she repent? of having spoken or done for him, hopes she will yet be joyful of it as of any other poor religious man's promotion, unites ho were of her own kin. Bruton, 28 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
29 Jan.121. Chapuys to Charles V.
Viena ArchivesHas just received his letter of the 24th ult. As to the sending of personages which the Queen desires, I have never had much hope that they would persuade the King or obtain leave from him to appear in Parliament to act on the Queen's behalf. I was moved to write about it by the Queen's order and the request of several persons of whom Elyot was not the last, and he was instigated from a good quarter, as he himself told me. Though Elyot ought not to be considered one of the. principal, I mention him because you know him. Many members of Parliament have intimated to me that if any one came from your majesty so as to give them an opportunity, they would stand firm and hope to have a good following of those good Christians who are irritated at what has been done against the Pope. The King has taken trouble to have deputies at his will, by countermanding those who he thought would oppose him, as the archbp. of York, the bps. of Durham and Rochester, Lord Darcy (Daroy) and many other and will probably get what he wants by practices, promises and threats. I shall send a man to the Queen and Princess this evening to tell them about this article, according to your orders. I sent yesterday to the Princess certain books of consolation, in which she takes great pleasure. I will inform you of the reply, and also, if I can find out, why the duke of Norfolk and Tuke went to where she lives today. I have told her that there is a report in France about her marriage with the marquis of Salu[c]es, and that she must not consent to any such ill-assorted marriage, nor indeed to any without her mother's consent, and, if possible, your majesty's. This she has sent me word she will not do. The Lady of the King had originally determined that the Princes? should carry her train, and to cause her annoyances as she had done to the Queen, but considering that her beauty and virtue might cause the King to change his mind, and that if she were in Court she would win the heart of all, the Lady will not allow her to come. There has accordingly been no need to use the remonstrances, persuasions or protestations mentioned in your said letters.
I do all I can to make the people devoted to your majesty and the Queen, but the times are so bad that I cannot do the service I should wish. It is important that the people should see that your majesty will prosecute, the Queen's cause to the end; yet some who have no knowledge of your affairs see some abatement in the proceedings, and think it arises from coolness. The other side give out that your majesty does not care for these matters. I cannot counteract these rumors, as there is no opportunity of going to Court, and no one dares to associate with me, just as if there was open war.
I have already written what the King said about the interview at Marseilles. As far as I can make out, he becomes daily more discontented, and has caused to be printed in English the Latin verses which I sent to Granvelle, written in favor of your majesty against the Pope and the French king, in consequence of the interview, as the King supposes. He has, however, softened down what was said against the French king.
Cromwell's man who has just returned from Germany has been to the houses of the Spaniards to know if they have anything written against, the interview in Spanish, that he may have it printed. This has not been done without orders from his master and knowledge of the King's pleasure.
I have sent 800 ducats to Rome by Messire Colardy, and written about it to count Cifuentes. The Queen is badly off for money, but is ready to dispose of her plate.
I have not been able to find out anything more about the sacretary of the; count palatine Frederick. I am told, but do not feel sure of it, that one of the persoins going to Germany will go to the Count Palatine. They are, however, persons more fit to spoil matters than advance them.
It may be that the King, who, I think, wishes to justify himself with the princes, is sending to the Count, whom he has several times mentioned to me as his great friend. It is said that one of these persons will go to Hungary.
The King has already hud an answer that the goods taken by the Lubeck ship will be restored. The merchants have delayed sending for their goods, as the weather is unfit for sailing, and I have asked Cromwell for letters from the King to Lubeck requiring entire restitution. He has; undertaken willingly to do this, and has always behaved well in matters concerning your majesty's subjects. Would to God he behaved as well towards the Queen and the Pope, whom he persecutes more bitterly than any other man in the kingdom.
I will try to gain information about the earl of Desmond and his relationship to the earl of Kildare (Quildra), governor of Ireland, who is said to be ready to rebel.
The assembly of nobles here has had no effect. I do not know why it was arranged, except to treat of the affairs of the Queen and Princess, or under colour of this occasion to get Kildare to come upon such assurance without occasion of mistrust (de fere venir sur telles crres ledit gouverneur sans occasion de mefiance). London, 29 Jan. 1534.
Fr., pp. 7. From a modern copy.
29 Jan.122. Thomas Prior of Coventry to Cromwell.
R. O.I have received your letters, dated 21 Jan., desiring us to grant our receivership to a servant of yours, Will. Brabazon. It has been granted already to Will. Gennyns. If anything hereafter fall into my hands I shall be ready to oblige you. I beg you to accept this answer as the truth without conceiving any unkindnesss. You shall have a place in our prayers and alms deeds. Coventry, 29 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To the right worshipful Mr. Crumwell. Endd.
29 Jan.123. Sir Christopher Curwen, Sheriff of Cumberland, (fn. 9) to Cromwell.
R. O.Has received the King's letters of the 26th Jan., and has summoned the gentlemen according to the schedule, sc., Richard Irtone, John Skelton, John Twhaytes and Will. Dentone. Irtone and Skelton will send such sums of money as are specified. Denton will send you your fine, according to the King's commandment. Encloses Twhaytes' answer. 29 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right worshipful.
29 Jan.124. Sir John Hackett to Cromwell.
R. O.“This present day I received this enclosed supplication apostyled with my lord of Palermo's hand as chief of the Emperor's Privy Council; which supplication it may please your mastership to cause to be seen by the King's most honorable Council, and then further therein to order as ye shall think most and best convenient. Fro Brussells, the 29th day of Jenuer 1533.”
Hol. p. 1. Add.: Sir Thomas Cromwell, knight, one of the King's Privy Council and master of his Jewel-house.
29 Jan.125. Raynald Beysley to Lady Anne Salvan.
R. O.Mr. Fraukleyn, archdtuicon of Durham, (fn. 10) has fixed the Friday in the first week in Lent for proceeding with her cause of appeal, and has commanded Stevyn-Mylles, the Proctor, to defend it. Advises her to obtain a letter from Cromwell, Norfolk, Wiltshire, the King or the Queen, to Frankleyn in her favor. She must send and pay the fees of the acts to his scribe and apparitor, and to the notary who made the instruments of appeal. Reminds her of her promise to send her servant Williamson to him. She must not delay if she intends to gain her cause. York, 29 Jan.
Asks her to tell Mr. Dalarever that his wife has brought 19 witnesses against his records, and there is no one to solicit for him. Mistress Margery's cause is at sentence and like to pass, but he docs not know who will pay for it.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
29 Jan.126. Sir Thomas Palmer to Lord Lisle.
R. O.I thank you for your letter, the effect of which I opened to the King's grace. He was wholly of your opinion that the great artillery should be removed from Newnham Bridge. I showed him if he were minded to make it updefenseably, “that me thowght yt but a slainder to remove it,” on which the King commanded me and Chr. Genney and Francis to go to Calais and view the bridge, whether the ground be good to make a fortress there, and to what charges it will amount. The King promised I should have been despatched 12 days ago. I have warrant for gunpowder and other necessaries to be signed. The King has not granted that I shall be despatched the morrow after, and I have sent my horses before me to Canterbury, trusting to be with your lordship as shortly as possible.
No news but that we look daily for the Scotch ambassadors. My lord Steward is come to Court, and my lord Chamberlain came this day. The King and Queen are merry. London, xixx. (sic) day of January.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.: Mr. Palmer, of Newnham Bridge. 29 Jan.
29 Jan.127. Butchers.
Harl. MS. 442, f. 117. B. M. Soc. Ant. 66.Proclamation for execution of the Act for flesh to be sold by weight (24 Hen. VIII. c. 3), in consequence of complaints that butchers refuse to observe it.
With writ to the mayor and sheriffs of London, dated “Westm., 29 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.
Pp. 2. Later copy.
31 Jan.128. Katharine of Arragon.
Yelverton, MS. 12, f. 81.Notarial certificate, dated Lambeth, 31 Jan. 1533. 11 Clement. VII., Indict. 7, of the testimony of Margaret, wife of Thos. Clorke, touching the consummation of the marriage between Arthur prince of Wales and Katharine of Arragon; viz., that she was 45 years old, and was servant to Sir Geo. Wolleston, at Hapthorpe, about half a year after prince Arthur's death, when she heard her master inquire of Sir Davy Phillipes the cause of the Prince's death; that the latter said that, as far as he could perceive, it. was the oft accompanying with the lady Katharine, which the physicians dissuaded.—that she was kept from his company for a time, but that Sir Davy could not keep him away from her longer without his high displeasure; that he said, moreover, “Wo worth the time that ever the lady Katharine came into this realm, for she was the cause of the death of the most noble prince.”
129. Katharine of Arragon to Friar John Forest. (fn. 11)
Has no doubt he is ready to die for Christ. Encourages his resolution. Regrets to lose her spiritual father. beloved by her in the bowels of Christ. Would rather go before him with the greatest tortures than follow him. Submits her will to God, and begs Forest's prayers that she may follow him with a constant mind.
Lat.
130. Forest to Katharine.
Has received her letter by her servant Thomas, and is happy to find her constant in the faith of the Church. Begs her not to be afflicted on his account. Hopes not to be inconstant at the age of 64. Has learned and taught 43 years, while he has worn the habit of St. Francis, to despise earthly things. Begs her prayers, and sends her his rosary, as he is informed that he has only three days to live.
Lat.
131. Elizabeth Hammon to Friar John Forest.
Expresses the intense grief of the Queen and herself at his sufferings. Katharine weeps and prays without intermission. Begs, if he sees any chance of escape by help of friends, that he will not leave them comfortless, for she fears that it may be fatal to the Queen, especially considering the King's anger. Last Monday there came messengers from the King demanding she knows not what, with such threats that they knew not what to do. Cannot tell what the King means. Begs his prayers for her and her companion, Dorothy Lichfilde.
Lat.
132. Forest to Elizabeth Hammon.
Is much grieved at her and the Queen's sorrow. his is not what he taught them, else he has erred from the truth. Could easily escape by breaking his faith. Urges her to learn to suffer for Christ.
Lat.
133. Abel to Friar Forest.
A letter of religious consolation and encouragement, written when both were prisoners. Has endured for 37 days, (fn. 12) and hopes to die along with Forest.
Lat.
134. Forest to Abel.
A similar letter in reply.
Lat.
135. [Katharine of Arragon.] (fn. 13)
R. O.List [of Queen Katharine's household] who refused to swear, and of those who swore.
i. “Nomina recusantium jurare.”—Bp. of Llandaff, Michael de la Sa, medicus; master John Sotha and Philip Doganaghte, apothecaries, Anthony Rocke and Bastian Hennyocke.
ii. “Nomina generosarum recusantium hujusmodi juramentum subire.”—Eliz. Darrell, Eliz. Fynes, Eliz. Otwell, Eliz. Lawrence, Emma Browne, Margery Otwell, Dorothy Wheler and Blanche Twyforde.
iii. “Nomina juratorum.”—Will Mortymer, S.T.P.; Thos. Payne, A.M.; Jas. Orme, Thos. Jonson and Will. Style, servants of the bp. of Llandaff.
P. 1. Endd. inaccurately : The names of certen busshoppes.
31 Jan.136. John [Fisher], Bishop of Rochester, to Cromwell.
Cleop. E. vi. f. 101. B. M. Arch. xxv. 89.Begs not to be compelled to answer Cromwell's letters, as his answer would grow to a great book or else be insufficient, which would offend Cromwell. Everything he writes is ascribed to craft or “unkindness” to the King. Nothing comforted him in Cromwell's letters, except where he was called his friend, which he hopes he will show himself. Two points in his letters offended Cromwell: one in which he excused himself by the King's displeasure when he spake once or twice of like matters; the other wherein he touched the King's great matter. As to the first, it is hard if he may not excuse himself; as to the second, it was his purpose to decline being obliged to offend the King, “for then I must needs declare my conscience, the which, as then I wrote, I would be loth to do any more largely than I have done; not that I condemn any other men's conscience: their conscience may save them, and mine must save me. Wherefore, good Master Cromwell, I beseech you for the love of God to be contented with this mine answer,” and to give credence to my brother. Rochester, 31 Jan. Signed.
Not add.
31 Jan.137. Diets of Ambassadors.
R. O.Warrant to Thos. Crumwell, treasurer of the Jewels, to deliver to Thos. Lee, LL.D., for his diets in Denmark, 120l..; to Nic. Heithe, for his diets in Germany, 120l.; to Wm. Pachett, for his diets in Polle, 120l.; to Cornelys Hayes, goldsmith, for plate delivered to queen Anne, 194l.. Westrn, 31 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
Vellum, mutilated. Endd.
Add. MS. 4622, f. 173, B. M.2. Modern copy of the same.
Pp. 2.
138. Henry Golde to Cromwell.
R. O.Although your merciful goodness to me has been more than I can recompense, yet, remembering your great pity, I desire you will have compassion on my poor brother, (fn. 14) who was miserably deceived by that false and dissembling Nun, like as I and other were, and the rather, no doubt, by means of the firm credence that I and other religious persons of Syon, Schene and Richmond, whom we esteemed virtuous and well learned, did give to her. His living lies mostly by his credence, and if that be taken away, he his wife and his children are undone.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right worshipful, &c.
139. John Laurence to Cromwell.
R. O.Let me know what direction you have taken or intend to take concerning me. If you please I shall return to my cloister. I beg I may be put in the room of one of the two fathers (fn. 15) now in hold, not from any wish for promotion, but for the King's honor and yours and the safeguard of my person; for if I return as I am, I shall be so handled amongst them that I shall not be able to serve the King nor you, nor help myself. And though our minister promise you and the King to treat me well, I will never believe him if he spake to me as fair as Judas did to Christ. I have found in him little stability and less fidelity either to me or to the King, as I partly showed you on Wednesday last, and would have shown you more if you had had leisure. If in this promotion I do not make it appear to you and the King that I advance the King's honor, then put me out of it.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right honorable. Endd.
140. Dan Thomas Tye, Monk of St. John Baptist's, Colchester, to Cromwell.
R. O.Complains of the slanderous reports of dan John Frances, sub-prior of the said house, declaring the King and his Council to be heretics by reason of a new book of articles, whereas before he said they were only schismatics. This he stiffly maintains. By whom he is supported I cannot tell “by reson of the grette wager he doth gebarde.”
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Unto his worshipful master, master Cromwell.
141. Searching of Ships.
R. O.“Articles concerning the demeanor of John Waters, alderman of Lyn, Robert Permetar, mayor of the same, and Peter Cure, done to John à Falley, one of the King our sovereign Lord's gunners, for searching of a ship of the said John Waters named the Edmond, of Lynn,” which was found to be charged with tanned leather “and balassed with sowes of lede.” Falley seized the ship in the King's name at Lynn on the 15th Jan.; for which he was summoned before the mayor, who would have made him give sureties. Next day he went to the mayor with Ric. Bradford, gauger of the town, and desired him in the King's name to go with him to the ship. But the mayor refused, and the ship sailed to Scotland without further search.
John Water sent another ship of his into Scotland at All Hallow tide with 32 barrels of tallow, unsearched and uncustomed. Will. Tyler, a partner in the Edmond, has obtained a safe-conduct from the Scotch king to convey to and from Scotland what goods the Scotch king will demand of him. There were also two hoys, laden at Lynn and Burnham Haven, which discharged their cargoes in Seland, after the customers had taken bonds that they should be delivered in England. Supposes the bonds will never be put in suit, but be drowned as many others have been.
Pp. 2. Endd.
142. Singing for Souls.
R. O.Proceedings in Hil. term 25 Hen. VIII., against Edw. Cowper, of Benaker, Suff., clk., at the suit of Ric. Jermyn (by a qui tam) for contravention of the statute 21 Hen. VIII. [c. 13], in having accepted a stipend of 4s. to sing for the souls of brethren and sisters of the guild of St. Michael in Benaker.
Large paper, pp. 2.
143. The King's Buildings.
Titus, B. I. 448. B. M.Remembrances touching the buildings.
What a great charge it is to the King to continue his buildings in so many places at once. How proud and false the workmen be, and if the King would spare for one year, how profitable it would be to him. What necessity there is to cause treasure to be laid up for all events. What treasure is daily issued for building and other charges, and what they amount to in two years. That divers having ordinary fees, and that right largely, do take daily wages, and yet deceive the King in provisions and otherwise, and yet they do daily stay. If his Grace is disposed to build, let him... yt in winter, for stealing and other inconvenience.
ii. Special remembrances to be done with the King's highness.
To speak with him touching the duke of Bavyer's ambassador, what shal be the effect of the King's letters, and what gift he will give him. The despatch of the gentleman of Polonya. Whether Vaughan shall go forward or return. The saying of Augustine touching the French ambassador. The answer of my lord of London for the benefice of Fulham. Friar Resbye's examination. Peytow's letter to Payn the friar. The bishop of Rochester's saying to Resbye. To send for friar Ryche to Richmond. The taking of the vicar of Croydon. Whether the King will have all the rest of the monks and friars sent for. The letters late come from Rome to the minister of the Friars Observants, and the communication between Beke and a friar. What the effect of the letters from Elston was. What way the King will take with all the said malefactors. My lord of Ely's executors. Signing the French ambassadors' passports. To cause George to seek the copy of Dr. Lee's benefices, now my lord elect, and to move the King to give them. To obtain Walter Luke's letter to be justice of the King's Bench to Sir Humfrey Conysbye. My lord of Waltham's recompense for Coppid Hall park. The executors of lord Dacres of the South, and to show the King their offer. Such as have caused cloths to be flocked in the North, and to know the King's pleasure. Such as have been taken for counterfeiting money, which was said to be done at Roane in Normandy. Herforde, for his end to be taken with the King for 1,300l.. Money to be provided for the prior of Newark for the payment of arrearages due by Mr. Townley at Hampton Court, which is said to be 300l.. To declare Christover and Stephen Vaughan's letters, and to know the answer. To make suit to the King for Racket's diets. Friar Laurence's letters. Dr. Boner's last letters. Dr. Bennet's jewels. Warrants for the King's money disbursed. Pricking the sheriffs.
Pp. 3, partly in Cromwell's hand. Endd.: A remembrance of things to be moved by Mr. Attorney.
144. John Bernardine to Henry VIII.
R. O.Petition of Johannes Bernardinus Ferrarius of Pavia, who was secretary to Sir Gregory Casale at the court of Rome, and served the King iu that capacity, as the bishop of Winchester or Sir Francis Brian {D. de Briano) can testify. He now desires some aid, intending henceforth to live under the King's rule.
Lat., p. 1. Endd.: Petition of John Barnardyn.
145. Books issued by Authority.
R. O.A complaint of the town of Langham in Essex, against John Vigorouse, questman, for molesting them in the use of certain books put forth by the King's authority. They further complain of his using unfit words at the preaching of a sermon by Mr. Warde, calling it newfangleness; also of his asserting that if the King had made certain acts, he would be glad to pull them down again. He also called Sir Thomas of Stratforde a heretic knave.
Pp. 6. Endd.: “Sir, I beseech your mastership to send me word what your pleasure is to be done in this matter after you have perfectly read it; it is matter touching God and the King my master.”
146. Dr. London.
R. O.Confession of Edward, nephew of Dr. London.
States that on reading the treatise of articles devised by the King he had been convinced that the supremacy of the bishop of Rome was without foundation, and had written a little declamation. For this he was suspected, his papers searched and delivered to Dr. London, who sent for him at 5 a.m. and kept him in his garden till 10. “Edward,” he said, “you be my nephew. . . . . . . . I have now sent for you only to give you counsel, that if God has endued you with any grace you may return to grace again.” He then charged the deponeut with writing many detestable heresies against the bishop of Rome, which made him so pensive, that he knew not what to say for the deponent's shame or for his poor mother. And further, at his last being with the bishop of Winchester at his visitation, the Bishop did rejoice “that this our university was so clear from all these new fashions and heresies.” But now he would hear that it was infected by one of his own college. He urged that their ancestors could not have erred so many hundred years, and that this world could not continue long; for though the King has now conceived a little malice against the bishop of Rome because he would not agree unto this marriage, u I trust,” he said, “ that the blessed King will wear harness on his own back to fight against such heretics as thou art.”
Pp. 2. Endd.
147. Grants in January 1534.
Jan. Grants.1. Edni. Conyngesby and John Olyver, LL.D. Nest presentation to the parish church of Upton-upon-Severn, Wore. Greenwich, 1 Jau. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 3 Jau.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 37.
2. Wm. Brabyn, elk. Presentation to the parish church of Fordham, London dioc., void by death, and at the King's disposal by virtue of a grant made of the next presentation on the 9th Dec. 10 Hen. VIII., by Henry Fysche, Simon Fysche, Chichester dioc, Ilecry Brabyn and George Norman, York dioc., who held the same by grant of Sir Edw. Ncvi'.e. Greenwich, 12 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 5 Jan.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 35.
3. John Dyer, clk. Presentation to the parish church of Orcheston St. Mary's, Salisbury dioc., void by death, and at the King's disposal by reason of the minority of Wm. Thornebrough. Westm., 26 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 5 Jan.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 38.
4. Margaret lady Grey, late one of the servants of lady Katharine late princess, dowager of Arthur late prince of Wales. Annuity of 40l., on surrender of pat. 18 Oct. 22 Hen. VIII., granting her an annuity of 20l. Greenwich, 6 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 8 Jan.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 37.—Rym. XIV. 482.
5. Thos. Miles alias Milis. a native belonging to Barkiswell, Warw. Manumission. Westm., 23 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 8 Jan.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 32.
6. Wm. Selby, of Grendon, in co. Nor-ham in the North of England, merchant. Pardon, for having feloniously exchanged a black gelding for a grey one with Wm. Bromfeld, a Scotchman dwelling in Scotland. Del. Westm., 9 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 37.
7. James Williamson, of Rochester, Kent, tailor alias yeoman. Pardon for stealing a silver goblet of the value of 40s., the property of John Dixson, of Rochestre, innholder. Del. Westm., 9 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
8. Rob. Trafford, clk., perpetual vicar of St. Michael's Laxton, Notts, York dioc. To be King's chaplain, with licence of non-residence, notwithstanding the statute 21 Hen. VIII. Greenwich, 2 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 10 Jan.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 36.
9. Bishopric of Coventry and Lichfield. Congé d'élire to the prior and convent of the cathedral church of Coventry and the dean and chapter of Lichfield, on the death of Geoffrey last bishop. Del. Westm. 14 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
10. Monastery of Our Lady of the Fields or St. Mary de Pratis, near Leicester, Linc. dioc. Congé d'élire to the prior, president and convent on the resignation of Ric. Pexall, last abbot. Del. Westm., 14 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
11. Bishopric of Bangor. Congé d'élire to the dean and canons, on the death of Thos. Skevyngton, last bishop. Del. Westm. 15 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
12. Chr. Hales, attorney general. Grant, in reversion, of the site of a messuage, a dove-cot, and 450 acres of land, &c. in Byrchyngton and Monketon in the Isle of Thanet; which were granted by pat. 18 July 8 Edw. IV. to John Brokeman, in tailmale, on the attainder of Hen. Beauford late duke of Somerset Del. Westm., 18 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
13. Rob. Hale, rector of Lee, Kent. Licence of non-residence. Del. Westm., 18 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Endd.: “Apud Gr. 9 Sep. 25 Hen. VIII.”
14. Wm. London, soldier of Calais. To be keeper of the place called Staple Inne, formerly called Princes Inne, Calais, with 4d. a day; vice John Knolles, deceased. Greenwich, 8 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Jan.—P.S.
15. Nic. Sympson, one of the grooms of the Privy Chamber. Grant for life of the manor of Canon Hall in Wanstede. Essex, and all lands, &c. in the parishes of Wanstede and Westham, Essex; which manors, &c. came to the King's hands by the gift of the prior and convent of the late monastery of Holy Trinity, London. Westm., 14 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 18 Jan.—P.S.
16. The Benedictine monastery of St. John the Baptist, Colchester. Restitution of temporalities, on the election of Thos. Marshall as abbot.—S.B. Del. Westm., 23 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Pat. p. 2, m. 10.
17. Mr. Nicholas Heth, King's clerk and counsellor. Passport, going beyond sea on the King's affairs as ambassador, with his servants, horses, money, &c. Westm., 24 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
18. John Morgan, of Parva Comberton, Worc. Pardon, for having, in a pasture at Comberton Parva called Askendiche, killed Ankeret Palmes (or Palmer) in self-defence with an “Elmeley byll,” as certified by Sir John Fitz James, C.J. of the King's Bench. Westm., 26 Jan.—Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 35.
19. Master Thos. Houghton, clk. To be King's chaplain, and serve Ric. Sampson, dean of the Chapel Royal, and remain in his service at his pleasure; with licence to be non-resident on any of his benefices, and to procure dispensations, pluralities, &c. from the court of Rome, notwithstanding the statute 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. (one half of which, with the date, is missing). Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 42.
20. Cuthbert Ogle, clk. Annuity of 5l.. issuing from a fifth part of a moiety of the barony and manor of Bollom, Northumb., during the minority of Mary Ridley, daughter and heir of Margaret Ridley, deceased, with the wardship and marriage of the said Mary. Del. Westm., 27 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 23.
21. Wm. ap Roberts ap Meredyth. To be sheriff of Anglesea at the desire of Rob. Seymer, who will surrender a patent 12 [Jan.] 18 Hen. VIII., granting him that office, in reversion after Owen Hollande, now deceased, who held it by patent 28 Nov. 20 Hen. VII.; with profits, &c. as enjoyed by Owen Holland or Rees ap Lli. ap Hulkyn, late sheriffs. Westm., 27 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 27 Jan.—.—P.S.
22. Michael Rustici, merchant, of Lucca. Licence to buy and export 1,500 quarters of beans. Del. Westm., 27 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
23. Will. Strangways. Pardon to Sir Nich. Styrley and Elizabeth his wife, for a fine levied without licence in the quinzaine of Easter, before Rob. Norwiche, Anth. Fitzherbert, Tho. Englefeld and Wm. Shelley, justices of C.P., between Sir Wm. Malyverey, John Norton and Wm. Strangways, clerk, demandants, and the said Nicholas and Elizabeth, deforciants, of lands, advowsons, &c. in Burton Constable, Hunton, Gareston, Clifton, Wodhall Unthank, Nosterfed or Nosterfeld, Enderby with the Steple, Upsall, South-kilvyngton, Thornburgh, Oversylton, Nethersylton, Scroton, Scabbed Newton, Costerdale, Wadesworth, Masham, Watlows, Southuresby, Dryffeld, Boxsted, Magna Horsley, Parva Horsley, and Colchester, Essex; Barnolby, Walton, Wath Howgeton, Grymysbe and Briggesley, Line.; Whawton, Newham and Huntlans, Northumb.; Bilton in Ansty and St. Martin's church, York, church of Magna Bowdon and Herboro, Leie. Premises acknowledged to be the right of the said Wm. Strangways and his heirs. Westm., 26 Jan.—. Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 14.
24. Sir Rob. Norwich, chief justice of the Common Pleas. Annuity of 17l. issuing from lands and tenements in Samwelles, Barkyng, Halstede and Horndon Markett, Essex; during the minority of Alice Shaa, daughter and heir of Edmund Shaa, deceased; with wardship and marriage of the said Alice. Westm., 30 Jan.—Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, mm. 22, 23.
148. Instructions to Paget, sent to the Princes of Germany.
Vit. B. xiv. 68. B. M. Burnet, VI. 91.“First the said Pag[ett, taking with him the King's] highness' letters of [credence to the princes aforesaid] with the copies of certain other [books and] writings prepared for his despatch, shall [with] all diligence taking his journey from hence, repair to the said princes.” On his arrival, taking the best opportunity he can for his audience and delivery of the King's letters, he shall say that, considering not only the old love and perfect friendship which has long been established between the King and the said princes, but also the affection and zeal which he daily perceives in them to the searching, furthering, defence and maintenance of the sincere truth and right understanding of God's word and the justice of his laws, and the extirpation of such inveterate, old and corrupt errors, customs and abusions whereby Christ's people have been now of long time seduced and kept more bound, thrall and captive under the yoke of the bishop of Rome than ever the Jewish people were [under the ceremonies of Moses' law, his highn]ess [hath sent now presently the said Paget] to the [said princes, and to every one of them severally, as a]foresaid [to declare his desire to cultivate friendship, and that the common cause of all Christian men] may be [reduced to such end as shall be agr]eeable to the gosp[el]. And for as much as the greatest demonstration of true friendship is friends to communicate and break friendly each to other, et deponere [in] sinum amici the whole state of their causes, and what things are pleasant or grievous to them, Paget shall further say that the King has commanded him to declare to them the whole progress of his great and weighty cause of matrimony, with the intolerable wrongs done to him by the bishop of Rome called the Pope, how the case now stands, and by what means he intends to defend his cause and resist the malicious attemptates of the said bishop.
In entering on the matter, he must specially note two points—the justice of the cause and the order and process used therein. Concerning the first point, he shall show bow the King “hath so used himself as no man [may lawfully complain of the same]. For [as touching the justice of his Highness's] cause, [that is to say, the declaration of his marriage with the princess Dowager to] be n[ought, of no moment nor effect], but [against the law of God's nature and] man a[nd therefore indispensable by the Pope] and in no [wise available, the said Paget] shall she[w how the King's Highness hath] done therein as [much as becometh a Christian] prince to do f[or discharge of his conscience], and hath found so certain, [so evident], so manifest, so open, and so app[roved] truth therein, as whereunto he ought of necessity to give place and to allow and receive the same, not as a matter doubtful and disputable, but as a plain and discussed verity of the true understanding of God's word and law,” which all Christians should follow and obey in preference to all worldly respects. In attaining the knowledge whereof, if the King had used only his own judgment, or the mind of his own subjects, he would not have much repugned if others had made a difficulty to assent without farther discussion. But now, as he has, besides his own judgment and the agreement of the whole clergy of both provinces, the determinations of the most famous universities of Christendom, and the evident words of God's law. his Highness hath [thought himself bound to receive the same to the singular contentation of all his subjects. He has accordingly been divorced by the archbishop of] Canterbury [to the relief of his] conscience, “which was before marvellously grieved and offended with the opinion of incest matrimony,” and for the avoiding of the imminent danger of the succession and the ruin of his realm, has married Anne marques of Pembroke, “whose approved and excellent virtues, that is to say, the purity of her life, her constant virginity, her maidenly and womanly pudicity, her soberness, her chasteness, her meekness, her wisdom, her descent of right noble and high parentage, her education in all good thews and manners, her aptness to procreation of children, with her other infinite good qualities more to be regarded and esteemed than the only progeny, be of such approved excellency as cannot be but most acceptable unto Almighty God [and] deserve His high grace and favor to the sing[ular weal and benefit of the King's realm] and [subjects.” But if any objection be made by the Princes de ratione scandali] by reas[on that the King has not observed] in all p[oints the common order of the] Pope's [laws, he may in answer found himself on] Scripture “[Quia justo lex non] est posita, sed ubi Sp[iritus D]ei ibi [libertas est; et si] Spiritu Dei ducimini, non estis sub lege. [Hoc est], Spiritus Sancti et conscientiæ motum sequentes, sub [lege] publica, quæ privatæ cedere debet, nequaquam sumus constituti. In prohibitis enim lege divina parendum est conscientiæ, in aliis vero ecclesiæ; et qui lege privata ducitur, nulla ratio exigit ut lege publica constringatur.” Thereupon Paget shall infer that though the law of every man's conscience be but a private court, yet it is the highest and supreme court for judgment or justice, condemning or approving of men's acts in the sight of God, according to the saying of St. Paul to the Romans, “Gentes quæ legem non habent sibi ipsis sunt lex; qui ostendunt opus legis scriptum in cordibus suis, simul attestante ipsorum conscientia ex cogitationibus eorum inter se aut accusantibus aut excusantibus. in eo die quo judicabit Deus occulta hominum.” And therefore Paget shall say that the King's cause being fully examined and resolved in his own conscience, and the same court of his conscience being enlightened and instructed by the Spirit of God, who possesses and directs the hearts of princes, and afterwards confirmed as is aforesaid, he is discharged before God from the contract of his said first matrimony, and is “at liberty to exercise and [enjoy the benefit of God, for procreation of children and the lawful use of matrimony necessary for the relief of man's infirmity.” Every man ought therefore to take “this his doing” in the best part, as] no man [is bound to obey] any precept [if] the same do militare contra conscientiam [et Deum offend] at; primum euim quærendum est regnum Dei, etc. Et quid prodest homini si universum mundum lucretur animæ vero suæ detrimentum patiatur, etc.” He may also say that the King knows that respect is to be had to the world, and doubts not that his acts have sufficiently declared how much he has labored therein, but though these things are worldly in their outer visage, inwardly they concern the peril of soul. No man sinceri et candidi pectoris can blame the King that, after long labor with intolerable cost and no result, he has followed the law of his own conscience, in this case consonant to the law of God, and therefore superior to all laws of man, rather than endure in perpetual suit and continual trouble of body and mind, doing injury to nature and incomparable damage to this realm, “not doing so much as in him [is] to provide for the same.
And to the intent [the said Paget may with the more efficacy declare unto the said Princes the ungodly and unlawful demeanors of the Pope, in the whole progress of the King's said cause, handling his Highness by the space of seven years and more in delays and dalliance; and how for friendship and justice he hath always ministered unto him unkindness and injury; by reason whereof the King's highness hath been thus] constrained to d[o as he hath done; the said Paget] shall understand [how that first in the] beginning of his hi[ghness's great cause his grace] being daily inquieted and molested [with the] scruple of incest and unlawful matrimony, did send unto the said bishop as unto him which presumed upon him the title and name of Christ's viear in earth, and which had the keys of knowledge and power to discern the very word of God from the word of man,” that he might immediately have dissolved the doubt which the King had conceived, and restored him to quietness and rest. He refused to take knowledge of the King's cause, But pretending that it could not be treated at Rome, but only in the King's realm, delegated his whole power to the cardinal Campegius and the cardinal [of York, giving them also a special commission in form of a decretal, wherein the said bishop of Rome pronounced the marriage unlawful and the King free to marry again]. “And [in this open commission he g]ave also unto [the said legate full auth]ority to determine [this matter] and to give sentence for the [King's] highness, and yet secretly he gave them instructions to bring the said commission decretal, and not to proceed by virtue thereof or of any other commission unto any final end or sentence, but to suspend and put over the same.” And at the time of sending the commission he sent also to the King a brief in his own hand approving the justice of the King's cause, and promising never to advocate the cause out of England, and yet, contrary to his conscience and his knowledge of the truth, and that he might molest and trouble the King, he decreed out sundry [citations for the] King [to appear at Rome in] person [in violation of the privileges of the realm, or exhibit a proxy; both which things are quite indefensible. It is] notorious that the lib[erties of the] King's realm, to the observance [of which he is] bounden by his oath at his coronation, and also the privileges of princes being public persons, besides other great and urgent causes, “do necessarily let the King's person to appear at Rome” and lawfully excuse his absence. Besides, it is enacted by the Councils of Nice, of Africa and of Milevia, and agreeable to law, reason and equity, that kings should not be compelled to repair to Rome at the Pope's calling, nor be bound in such an important matter to send writings, instruments and muniments out of their realms, or to make and trust a proctor in so far distant parts, and abide by what he agrees to. Paget may add that this matter touches the dignity of all Christian princes, to suffer themselves to be yoked with the said bishop's authority, and that it is time for princes, now that the bishop makes this enterprise upon them, to search and know the ground of his and their authorities. “For what and the Pope would [cite and call all Christian princes to appear] before [him at Rome?” That is to say, to abandon the office committed to them by God. So it would be always in the Pope's power] “to remove and depeche [what King it pleased] him from his crown [and to rule and] govern all kingdoms after his [own]e arbitre and pleasure.” Another notable iniquity is that the Pope, by his citation, tried to force the King to appear at Rome, a place unlawful by all laws, and most suspect and unsure, not only for the King himself, but for his proctor, if he sent one. It is a principle in the law, quod citando ad locum non tutum et procedendo, judex facit inique; et quia, legibus id prohibentibus, necnon antiquissimis consiliis et pontificis Romani diffinitionibus repugnantibus, id facit, non solum inique sed etiam nulliter facit. Further, the Pope was not satisfied with these injuries done to the King and to justice itself, but when the said citations were published, one Dr. Kerne, the King's subject, being resident at Rome, and understanding that the King was called to answer the princess Dowager's complaint before Cappasuccha, dean of the Rota, and exhibiting reasonable causes and lawful matters excusatory why the King should not be bound to appear at Rome “or to send [a proctor thither; which thing he did as the King's subject, and as one who by law of] nat[ure was bounden to defend his king and] sov[ereign lord, and by all laws admitted to allege] that [in defence of him that is absent, which in] equity [ought to preserve him from condemnation]; yet this [notwithstanding the said Cappasucha], idque approbant e Pontifice, not regarding nor consi]dering the m[atters so by the said Dr. Kerne] alleged, but dem[anding whether he had any] proxy from the King['s highness for such purpose] or no, the said Cappasuccha [for default] of such proxy (which was not neces[sary] in this case), rejected the said Doctor K[erne] from the office of an excusator there, and proceeded in the principal cause; by reason whereof the said Doctor Kerne appealed to the Pope,” alleging that injury was done to the King and to himself, because his allegations were not regarded. To this appeal Cappasuccha gave an ambiguous answer, promising afterwards to open it and the sentence more plainly, and to give determinate resolution therein. Nevertheless he would not do this, though he was often required, but passed the time and suddenly returned to process. Kerne often appealed and supplicated the Pope for the admission of the appeal. The matter was debated in the Signature, where although it was not shown that any law forbade Kerne's admission, yet they gave their voices there, as the Pope said that Dr. Kerne should not be heard “without the King's proxie; whe[reunto when Dr. Kerne replied saying] that [whatsoever they might decree or say, there was] noe [law to maintain and bear it, it was answ]ered [by the said bishop called Pope] that [he might judge all things after his own c]onscience. [And upon this resolution, without any othe]r decree [given, or at the least notified and de]clared, they [proceeded in the principal cause], intending by [this injury and wrong to en]force the King's [highness to the exhibition of a] proxy there, to [his high] prejudice and the derogation of the [lib]erty and prerogatives of his realm, and to the pernicious example of the like to be done unto other princes in time coming,” though at the same time the King's resident ambassadors showed the Pope the determination of the Universities of Paris and Orleans, with the opinions of the most learned men of Italy and France, all agreeing that the Pope's doings were mere injuries and wrongs and contrary to his own laws, wherein it is ordained “quod pontifex Romanus non potest cogere aliquem principem Christian ut Romam reniat, ut in causa matrimonii ibidem respondeat, aut in causa tam gravi procuratorem constituat. et quod subditus cujuscunque principis poterit sine mandato et sine satisdatione ejus absentia sive non comparitionis allegare, et quod debeat ad id admitti, quodque præpositis per eum justis causis absentia, non poterit contra absentem principem ulterius procedi, sed quod omnis talis processus, si quis contra eum factus fuerat, sit jure ipso nullus.”Yet he, continuing still the discussion of these points, and perceiving the King's adversaries to be in the wrong, nevertheless rejected Mr. Kerne [and ceased not to make process in the principal cause against his Grace, accumulating new griefs and injuries, and sending out very slanderous briefs]. Finally he decreed to publish against the King the sentence of excommunication. The King, being advertised of his purpose, appealed to the next general council lawfully congregated; but the Pope would not admit the appeal, but alleging a certain bull of pope Pius, and that he was superior to all general councils, most arrogantly and contemptuously rejected it, “alleging the same to be [nought, and they were heretics and traitors to his person which would appeal from him] to any [general council].”
[The iniquity of these things being set forth by Paget], “he shall further show unto [the] same that since it is now evidently seen that the said bishop of Rome, for the defence of his own corrupt affections of glory and ambition,” regards not what injury he does to Christian princes, but as far as he can subverts the truth and the due order of God's and man's laws, showing himself to be rather the child of wrath and discord than a follower of Christ, all good Christian princes should now have more special regard to the preservation of their own estate and dignity, and the maintenance of God's laws, than they have in times past, and should study rather to confound and destroy these presumptions of men, which forge themselves such extreme power, greatly to the blasphemy of Christ and the Church, rather than suffer it any further to increase.
For as much as the King, not only for want of justice from the Pope, but also for defence of the injuries which he has suffered from him, and for the maintenance of his estate royal, is determined [to reduce the Pope's power and not allow him to exercise any jurisdiction other than is granted to him by express Scripture, Paget is to show the said Princes that the King trusts to their amity,] and exhort them to adhere to the King in the said righteous cause, when it is treated of in the general council, and meantime to assist and advise him how to proceed to the accomplishment of his purposes according to the articles in a schedule given to Paget and signed by the King, which he shall show to the said princes; and also to require the said princes, that if there are any abuses, evil customs or opinions in those parts necessary to be reformed for the commonwealth of Christendom and the maintenance of God's word, “the said Paget shall say that the King's mind and full determination is, his Highness [being advertised of the specialties of the same, either] by the [letters of the said Paget, or otherwise by letters of the same princes, or by the messengers,] servants [or orators of them or any of them, will n]ot fail,” [but like as his Highness seeks their assistance in this his suit, so he will admit their causes to his most favorable audience, and do his utmost] for the reformation of abuses, and establishing the good intents and purposes of the said princes, for the maintenance of God's word, the faith of Christ and wealth of Christendom, as appertains to the office of a Christian prince and the friendship contracted between him and them. Finally, as it is doubtful of what mind the said princes, or at least some of them, are, whether they are so dedicated to the Pope's devotion that there is no likelihood of any good success, Paget shall, before delivering the King's letters or declaring his charge, find out the disposition of each of them. The original signed.
Later copy. Pp. 16. Mutilated.
Add. MS. 29,517 f. 1 b. B. M.2. Modern copy of the greater portion of the above letter made before the mutilation.

Footnotes

1 John Withers, prebendary of Mape[...]ury in St. Paul's, who died in 1534.
2 His election took place on the 17th March.
3 See Grants in Jan., No. 20.
4 Died before February 1534.
5 See Grants in February, No. 27.
6 “nostre dit,” misprint for “vostre dit.”
7 Hawkins.
8 Sir John Basset.
9 He was sheriff in the 25th year of Henry VIII.
10 He was archdencon of Durham from 1515 to 1555.
11 This and the five letters immediately following seem to have been published for the first time in Bourchier's Hisloria Ecclesiastica. de Murtyrio. Fratruai. printed at Ingolstadt in 1583. They were reprinted in the second edition (published in 1588) of Sanders's Historia Schismatis Anglicani, and afterwards by Wadding in the 16th volurne of his Annales Minorum. With regard to the date of the correspondence, it is clear that Forest's apprehensions of immediate death were premature, as he survived queen Katharine herself, and only suffered martyrdom in 1538. Nor is there my other indication in the first four letters by which it seems possible to ascertain the exact date. But if the two last were written at the same time, as the former ones (a point by no means certain), it was probably in January 1534; for though 1 find 110 such evidence of the imprisonment of Forest as I do of that of Abel at that time, it seems highly probable that the complaints of friar Lyst (see Vol. VI., 168, 334, 512), may have led to his incarceration.
12 See Vol. VI., No. 1541.
13 This document is perhaps a little out of place, as it evidently refers to the oath administered to Queen Katharine's household in December 1533. (See Vol. VI., Nos. 1541, 1571.) It was, however, overlooked when the last volume was published; and it may even be later than December, as the oath was not put, at first, to the bishop of Llandaff.
14 John Gold.
15 Friars Ryche and Risby.