Henry VIII: February 1534, 26-28 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

'Henry VIII: February 1534, 26-28', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534, (London, 1883) pp. 91-114. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7/pp91-114 [accessed 25 April 2024]

February 1534, 26–28



25 Feb.	231. The Cinque Ports.
R. O.	Petition of Robt. Rocquelin and Henry Janson, factors of Robt. Du Mouchel, sen., and François Benoist, showing that on Sunday, 22nd Feb. 1533, a ship called “La barge de Croisset,” Oliver Thuboye dict Chouart master, was wrecked near the Camber. 1. She was of 100 or 120 tons burden, and was laden with corn, Rouen cloth, &c., belonging to Mouchel and Benoist. 2. On Monday, the 23rd, the crew went to recover some of the cargo, but were prevented by Englishmen, who killed one and wounded others. 3. On Thursday, the 25th (sic) Rocquelin, with two English and two Frenchmen, asked the bailiff of Lydd to return the goods, most of which he had in his house, but he replied that they were for the lord Warden, who would answer for what was done. 4. Rocquelin then went to the bailiff of Winchelsea, who has part of the goods. He likewise replied that he was the lord Warden's servant, and had acted for him. Rocquelin then went to Rye and asked persons who had his goods to return them, but they refused. 5. They beg the King to order the lord Warden to restore the merchandise on their paying a reasonable sum for salvage.
R. O.	Fr., pp. 2., Endd.
26 Feb.	232. Chapuys to Charles V.
Vienna Archives.	As the King heard lately that the ban and arriereban had been proclaimed in France, he thought it was for the enterprise of Milan, and told the Scotch ambassador so. The King not having been previously informed, as the friendship between the two countries required, the French ambassador sent in haste to his master, and received for answer that there was no intention of war, but that the Lutherans were threatening Lorraine. After telling the King, the Ambassador came to me and said it was difficult to live with such suspicious people; he was obliged to dissemble to avoid prejudicing the friendship and affairs, in consequence of the short time he has to stay here; that the interview at Marseilles was the cause of all these suspicions, of which the King was almost the chief promoter, and had been asked to be present; but he had since repented, although the great annoyance he felt had almost ceased.
	The French ambassador told me the day before yesterday that the King had sent to the French king a book he had composed against the Pope, which was more vehement than any previously printed. The King repudiates any intention to follow the Lutheran sect, for he says he does not intend to touch the Sacraments, but only the vices and abuses of the Church. Even if he had undertaken to do this, it would not be advisable, on account of the tumult which would result from the sudden change of old customs. The Ambassador said that in the end the Lady would induce him to be worse than (prie que, qu. pire) a Lutheran, as she herself was. He said also that he was surprised that although his master had undertaken to manage the King's affairs with the Pope, and sent the bishop of Paris to Rome, still the King continues to print books, and hopes perhaps to retract what he has written and remedy the errors which his subjects have imbibed; but it is to be feared that he will be deceived, and despised by the whole world for his inconstancy.
	He regretted that the friendship between is master and your majesty was not more intimate, and it was not the fault of the former. I replied that it was still less your fault, and that if the King wished you to place him in the duchy of Milan, you could not do this, on account of the investiture already given and the agreement made with the potentates of Italy. He replied that he himself would not advise the Emperor to do this, knowing that, as the Viceroy said to him a little before the battle of Pavia, when peace was treated of, the duchy of Milan was [only] the suburb of Naples. I asked why the friendship should not be closer, but he could give no reason. As the Queen's affair was before the Parliament, and the removal of the Princess from the succession would soon be discussed, I asked leave to go to the House, though I knew the King would not grant it. A refusal would show the King's obstinacy and unjust oppression in condemning these ladies without a hearing. Besides, I thought if I gave up my wish to go to Parliament, the King would be more easily persuaded to treat the Princess well and remove her, or at least that I should have the opportunity of making the remonstrances or protestations contained in your letters of Dec. 28, and of showing the Queen's friends that your majesty does not forget either of them, as the other party report. When my request was received, the Council advised that Cromwell and Norfolk should find out my intentions more particularly, and what I intended to propose to the Parliament; and if possible dissuade me from my fancy. The next day I went to the Duke's house. Cromwell was prevented from attending by ill-health. When I spoke of the wrong which was intended to be done to these two ladies, he could not assert the contrary, and referred to those who understood affairs better than he did. I told him that, besides the discourse about what had taken place, I should say nothing that was not honest and reasonable and tending to the conservation of peace. He thought the King would not grant me leave, but he would speak to him about it, and, if he refused, ask audience for me. At parting he said that your majesty having received many benefits from the King his master, might well refrain from causing him such annoyance, and that the King would have preferred you to make war rather than do what you had against him. If you were well advised you would act differently, for it would be your total ruin, considering the friendship between the kings of England and France, which displeased him, as he had always had an affection for your majesty's service. I begged him to say nothing about war, for your majesty had never thought of it, thinking that when the King had found out everything, he would go back of himself to the right path. (Le roy ayant congneu le tout se rangeroit de luy mesmes au vray sentier.) At this interview the Duke showed me both honor and affection.
	On Tuesday, St. Matthias' day, went, according to orders, at 1 p.m., to Norfolk's chamber at court. On hearing of my arrival he immediately left the King, and, all out of breath, began to beg me, as if amazed, to use discretion and prudence and moderate my words, so as not to fall into any trouble or inconvenience, telling me that I had just spoken of such odious matters that neither sugar nor sauce could make them go down, and beseeching me, for the love of God, to be careful. This he repeated several times. Thanked him for his advice, which I said I would always follow, knowing his affection towards your majesty and your majesty's confidence in him. This I promised very willingly, for my intention was no otherwise, and I was very glad of his saying this, so that it might be thought I only forbore to insist (parler haultement) on account of his request, which I suppose proceeded from the King and his Council, although the Duke protested without my asking him that he was acting merely by himself. While talking about the remedy of these affairs, he said we ought not to despair, and God could provide a remedy. This he said the better to persuade me not to irritate the King either by sharp words or by persisting in my wish to go to Parliament. As far as I can judge by his words, their hope is only in the death of the Queen.
	The Duke also reminded me that his master had conferred many favors on your majesty, and that your good fortune could not always endure. The King had now no enemy, and if affairs went wrong your majesty would be in difficulties. I replied that your majesty would make a return for the favors you had received, if you were requested to do anything feasible, without injury to your honor or conscience; so many reproaches lessened obligations, and It could not be denied that your majesty's friendship was as advantageous to the King as his was to you, which he frankly confessed. As to your majesty's fortune, I said that, since the past ought to be attributed to God, it was to be hoped that if you persevered in His service, His divine goodness would continue. If any prince should fear the inconstancy of fortune, it was his master, who had had no trouble or adversity, nor had he been involved in war except of his own seeking. This was not the case with your majesty, who had suffered much. I was sure that your majesty was pleased that the King had no enemy, but he must consider that friendships between princes do not last long unless their foundations are old. I did not say to him what Lycurgus said to a man who boasted of having no enemy; that in that case he ought to have no friend, knowing that he had your majesty as a friend; but I replied, as I had done before in similar circumstances, that you had as good means of conciliating your friends as any prince in the world. As to what he said about your difficulties in case of a rupture, I told him he might have known already that your majesty was not so easy to ruin as he had said the day before, and that if God or evil fortune wished to try this game, which I hoped He would not permit, perhaps those who did not boast would acquit themselves as well as the others, and they could not complain that you had defied them or contributed money to their enemies, or carried on any plots against them. He perceived that this last remark referred to their practices in Germany, and said they were obliged to do thus. On my telling him that they would soon be tired of these practices, as they had been of others, he said that previously they had spent much money with little profit. I asked him about the secretary of Lubeck, but he said he knew nothing about what he had brought. I believe this, as the Secretary only goes to Cromwell. He cannot have brought what these wish.
	After this conversation the Duke was summoned to the King, and took me into the antechamber, where I stayed for half an hour with the earl of Oxford (Auffort), the Great Chamberlain, and the dean of the Chapel. I was then introduced by the Marquis to the King, who received me graciously, as usual, and said Norfolk had told him I wished to speak with him. I began by saying that six months ago, hearing of the alteration in the treatment of the Queen, and the proposal of depriving the Princess of her name and title and treating her as had since been seen, I had asked Norfolk and Cromwell to represent to him that such conduct was not lawful, and I spoke to them rather than to him, thinking that they could choose a better opportunity and would know better how to proceed. Trusting to this, and hoping that time would discover the ruth, and that the virtue and patience of the Queen and Princess would assuage his anger, if he had any, I had waited until now, that it might not seem that I wished to hinder the attempt to induce them to renounce their rights. Now that their case was before Parliament, I could not any longer put off speaking, and asked for leave to make such representations to Parliament as the case required, according to the general power which I showed to the Council a year ago. He replied graciously that I was not ignorant that he was lawfully married to his present wife, and as the first marriage had been pronounced unlawful, the first wife could not be called queen nor hold the property given to her in consequence of the marriage, nor could the Princess be called legitimate, nor able to succeed. Even if she were legitimate, her disobedience merited disinheritance. As to my going to Parliament, it was not the custom: the power which I had was too old : opinions and wishes changed hourly, and your majesty might have sent a new power since his marriage. He thought he had quite satisfied me by this answer, and would have willingly stopped the conversation. I was not contented, and rejoined that he must not make my power an excuse, as it was ample and sufficient until he could show a revocation of it (que ne monstreroit la revocation), although this case was not specified, as your majesty could not know of it; there was no need of sending a new power since his marriage, as the former was enough. With regard to the sentence of divorce given by the archbishop of Canterbury, it should be as little regarded as the sentence which king Richard caused the bishop of Bath to give against the sons of king Edward, declaring them bastards; but I did not choose to declare this so plainly. Even if the divorce had been lawful, considering that the impediment was notorious at the time of the contract, and considering the tenor of the promise and assignation of the Queen's rents, they could not justly be taken away. There was no doubt that Parliament would do what he wanted, as he had married again and forbidden her to be called queen, and she was not summoned nor had any person to speak for her. As to the custom he alleged, that foreigners were not allowed to enter Parliament, perhaps there never was occasion as now. All the Parliaments could not make the Princess a bastard, for the cognisance of cases concerning legitimacy belonged to ecclesiastical judges. Even if his marriage with the Queen were null, she was legitimate, owing to the lawful ignorance of her parents. The archbishop of Canterbury had foreseen this, and had not dared to be so shameless as to declare her a bastard. The King himself also had considered her as the true Princess until the birth of his new daughter. The King was rather more moved by these words than by what I had first said, and, after repeating part of his first reply, he said there was no need for the Queen or any other to be summoned to the Parliament, for he himself being a party would not be there; notwithstanding all his prohibitions (ses defenses), Parliament would not fail to order what reason enjoined, and that neither Pope nor other prince had anything to do with his laws and constitutions. According to the laws of the kingdom, the Princess was unable to succeed, and there was no other princess except his daughter Elizabeth, until he had a son which he thought would happen soon. He did not care for all the canons which might be alleged, as he preferred his laws, according to which he should have illegitimacy judged by lay judges, who could also take cognisance of matrimonial causes; and as I thought this was strange, he said he would send me books. I asked him to do so, and also to show me the law which he says makes against the Princess; but he will do neither the one nor the other, for he will not find what he wants.
	Seeing that there was no means of persuading him, I begged him to allow the Princess to be better treated, and if possible to live with the Queen her mother, or elsewhere, in a place free from suspicion. Alleged in support of this a law of Constantine, from whom the kings of England boast to have had their imperial crown, and said if he did this he would avoid the blame and suspicion which would follow if anything happened to the Princess, though I was sure he would not wish it for all the gold in the world. If a natural illness happened to her where she was, it would be difficult to prevent the people from talking, and he should take example by Henry II., who, though one of the most triumphant kings of England, underwent a grievous public penance by command of the Apostolic legates, besides promising to go to the Holy Land, because by his lack of reverence for St. Thomas of Canterbury he had encouraged his murderers. Similarly those who hated the Princess would be emboldened by his indignation against her and the hatred of the Lady to execute their wicked will, considering the convenience of the place where she now is. He replied that she was his daughter, and was well and in a good place, and he might dispose of her as he wished, without anyone laying down the law to him, and without giving account to anyone. I said this was true, but I could do no less than recommend her to him, and remind him of inconveniences that might happen. I said that although there was no one who spoke now in favor of her legitimacy except your majesty, if she died (venant a deffallyr) there were persons who might try to prove her legitimacy (meaning the Scotch king, whom I would not name), and he ought therefore to take good care for her preservation. He did not reply to this formally, but began his accustomed complaint, saying that he had not deserved such trouble from your majesty, and that lately at Marseilles yon tried to do the worst you could to him; but he hoped that shortly I should see that the practices in Rome were not as efficacious as those in Marseilles, and then your majesty's great ingratitude would be known in having labored so long in so unjust a quarrel in return for all his benefits, clearly implying that he would have what he wanted from Rome.
	As to the reproaches of ingratitude, I replied as I had done to the Duke, in courteous words, that your majesty, neither in this affair nor any other, had ever conducted any practises that were not good and honorable, that you had no choice about the interview at Marseilles, and it was not held at your instance, as he knew. To show that he knew who were the promoters of the interview, and that he was one himself, he said, laughing, that it was true the Emperor could not be blamed for this meeting, because he was not invited and was far off, and he would not speak of what you had done against him, so as not to renew his regret, and he would do what he could to forget such grievances, for the remembrance of them caused him great trouble and almost illness; if he had been revengeful, he had had occasions enough to do what he could easily have accomplished, but it was enough for him that the world knew his wrongs, and that he could defend himself and injure those who wished to attack him. I said that if no one wished to attack him more than your majesty he had no need of great preparations, and I thought also that he would not give you just occasion; and seeing that there was no pretence or quarrel between you and him, that it remained only for him to act as became his greatness, virtue and goodness, so that no one could attribute his actions to hatred or spite. This I begged him to do, on my own part, as one wishing for the preservation of peace. After a few more words, I saw it was useless to persist, and he told me that I ought to be contented, us I had no express orders to press such a demand, and if I had he would have answered me in another way. This he said rather more haughtily and drily. I then told him that the Spaniards in England did not understand certain new constitutions made by Parliament, and asked him to explain them, or to exempt the Spaniards from them. He seemed quite happy at being relieved from the other matter, and said he would willingly do so. London, 26 Feb. 1534.
	Fr., pp. 14. From a modern copy.
26 Feb.	233. John a Borough to Lord Lisle.
R. O.	There has come hither from the Turks an ambassador to the Signory, who has had his answer, and is ready to depart towards Constantinople. The Turk, fearing I should do him any displeasure in his return, has caused the Signory to stop me here 20 days unless I give them bonds and 10,000 ducats not to do the Turk or any one else an injury. This is a great hardship, considering how well they are treated in England, that they favor more a Turk than an Englishman. By means of the ambassador I have leave to depart. Master Powle, my lord Montague's brother, has been here. I perceive he is a great friend of yours. He took his pastime one day in our ship, and for the love he bore you I made him such poor pastime as I could, insomuch that the duke of Venetia sent to inquire what the matter did mean. “There was never gentleman out of England more regarded for his learning, and wisdom than is master Powll in these parts, the which may be a great jow (joy) to all his friends.” The arsenal of Venice was burnt down last St. Blaise's day, and the Signory has lost by it 100,000 ducats. Sends a pair of gloves for lord Lisle, and another for her ladyship. Would have sent other things, but there is no carriage. Hoped to have heard of his lordship by Anthony Gowddott's servants, but there is no trusting their promises. I hope to see your lordship soon after my return home. Would be glad of “some part of a living” at Calais, to wait on his lordship near home, these long voyages are so expensive. Venice, 26 Feb.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Un to, &c., lord Lysle, lord lyeff tenantt yn Callys thys be d'd, yn hys absence to my good lady Honor hys bedffellow. Endd.
26 Feb.	234. James V. to [Albany].
Royal MS. 18 B. vi. 23 b. B. M.	Has sent his ambassadors a final resolution concerning his marriage, with orders to inform [the Duke] thereof. Desires him to assist in the matter, considering the long delay and the great danger of his house and succession. [The Duke] will see that he has done all in his power. Desires credence for his ambassadors touching these matters and the archbishop of Sanctandrois. Edinburgh, 26 Feb.
Royal MS. 18 B. vi. 23 b. B. M.	Copy, p. 1.
Ib. 217 b.	2. Another copy.
26 Feb.	235. James V. to Albany.
Royal MS. 18 B. vi. 23 b. B. M.	Has considered the credence Albany sent by the comptroller of Dunbar, and thanks him for his diligence in advertising him of all that concerns his honor and weal. Edinburgh, 26 Feb.
Royal MS. 18 B. vi. 23 b. B. M.	Copy, p. 1. Add.
Ib. 217 b.	2. Another copy.
26 Feb.	236. Order of St. John of Jerusalem.
Otho, C. ix. 58. B. M.	Proceedings of the chapter held in the island of Malta, commencing 26 Feb. 1534, Indiction 7, by don Baptista de Viilaragu[t] conventus dicti ordinis, Aurelius de Butigella, “prioratus Pisarum,” and Sir Edw. Belingem, lieutenant Turcopolier, commissaries of the Great Master, in consequence of letters received from the duke of Norfolk, dated Greenwich, 6 Nov. 1533, and Sir Wm. Weston, prior in England, dated London, 5 kal. Nov. 15[33], complaining that Sir Clement West had been deprived of the office of Turcopolier, and imprisoned for carrying the King's arms on his mace. An extract from the acts of chapter is quoted, giving an account of West's punishment on 11 Feb. 1532[–3] for violent language and behaviour, and the evidence of those present is added to the effect that West was not punished for carrying the mace. The depositions of the following are signed by the witnesses: Antony Rogers, Ric. Broke, Hen. Pooll, John Babyngton, Wm. Tyrell, Ant. Bentham, Hen. Gerard, Donston Newdegatte, and Philip Babyngton. The depositions of the two last refer to letters sent by West. Malta, March, indiction 7, 153[4].
	Signed by the commissaries, and attested by two notaries.
	Lot., pp. 34. Mutilated.
27 Feb.	237. Ordnance at Calais.
R. O.	Warrant addressed to Geo. Broune, keeper of the ordnance at Calais, and to the keepers of the ordnance at Guysnes, Hamps and Newnham Bridge in pursuance of a commission granted to Henry Johnson, gunner in the Tower, to survey the ordnance in Calais and the Marches, and to bring broken brass guns to the Tower to be recast, and also to bring strakes and boxes of iron and brass, whether on old wheels or otherwise, to the Tower to be new made. Westm., 27 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.
R. O.	Copy, pp. 2. Endd.: The copy of Henry Johnson's commission, the 24 Marchii.
	238. [Cromwell to Fisher.]
Cleop. E. iv. 85.* B. M. Burnet, iv. 195. Wright's Supp. of Mon., 27.	I have received your letters dated Rochester the 18th, showing what craft and cunning ye have to set a good countenance upon all that matter, citing some Scriptures which, truly weighed, tell not for but against you. And where in the first leaf of your letter ye write that ye doubt not to declare yourself that ye have not deserved such heavy words or terrible threats as have been sent from me to you by your brother, I think your declaration in these letters is far from sufficient. In truth I sent you no heavy words, but willed your brother to show you how merciful the Prince was, and that I advised you to write to his Highness, recognise your offence, and desire his pardon, which he would not deny you now, in your age and sickness. I wish you had followed this course rather than excused yourself, as if there were no fault in you. Your excuse for sending your chaplain to the Nun is that you wished to ascertain whether her revelations were of God or no. But whether you chose the right means appears by the result, for you write that you had conceived a great opinion of her holiness, for six reasons: 1, the common fame of her; 2, her entering into religion after her trances and disfiguration; 3, the testimony of her ghostly father; 4, the report of other virtuous priests (though you never spoke either with them or with her ghostly father); 5, the praises of my late lord of Canterbury; and 6, the saying of Amos, Non faciet Dominus Deus verbum, nisi revclaverit secretum suum ad servos suos prophetas.
	In the end of your letters you show that you made no further trial of the truth of her revelations, except in communing with her and sending your chaplain to her with idle questions, as of the three Mary Magdalens. By this you tried out nothing of her falsehood; nor apparently did you intend so to do, for little credence was due to her own statement that her revelations were from God. Instead of being content with vain reports of her trances, you should have examined credible witnesses, and enquired by what craft she was made a religious woman. You should have looked at the book of her revelations, which was offered to you, from which you would have learned more about her than by sending your chaplain. The late Archbishop knew no more about her than you did; and, notwithstanding the text in Amos, God has done many notable things in the world which he did not show to his prophets. I appeal to your conscience whether you would have believed her if she had shown you as many revelations in confirmation of the King's present marriage, and would have let her trial stand over so many years when you dwelt but 20 miles from her in the same county? If you say that the cases are not alike, for the law of God, in your opinion, stands with the one and not with the other, surely this was no cause for rejecting the one more than the other; for the Bible shows that God may by his revelation dispense with his own law. I think you will find it hard to purge yourself, before God and the world, for concealing things that tended to the destruction of the Prince. It has been proved before as great a council as has been seen for many years out of Parliament that her revelations were purposed to that end; and what the lords deemed them worthy to suffer who heard, believed and concealed these revelations, be more terrible than any threats spoken by me to your brother.
	Replies to the seven causes which Fisher thought made it unnecessary for him to report her revelations to the King:—1. That she had told the King herself. Fisher only knew this by her own statement. 2. There are other means by which her revelations might endanger the King than by exciting princes or lords against him. 3. Would not Fisher be bound to tell the King of a plot for his destruction, although his informant said he was commissioned to go and tell the King himself? 4. He confounds his temporal duty to his Prince with his spiritual duty of declaring the Word of God to the people. 5. He would have incurred no blame by showing the Nun's revelations to the King. 6. Concerning an imagination of Master Pacy, it was known that he was beside himself, and people incurred no blame for not reporting it; but you did not take this Nun for a mad woman. 7. You say you were afraid to show the King the Nun's revelations, because he had threatened and treated you unkindly for showing him the truth. I know his natural goodness so well that he would not handle you so unkindly as you unkindly write of him; but in any case you were bound to tell him of these revelations.
	“Finally, where ye desire for the Passion of Christ that ye be no more quykkened in this matter, for if ye be put to that strait ye wyl not lose your soul, but ye wyl speke as your conscience leadeth yow, with many moo wordes of great courage; my Lord, if ye had taken my counsel sent unto you by your brother, and followed the same, submitting yourself by your letter to the King's grace for your offences in this behalf, I would have trusted that ye should never be quykkened in this matter more.” I cannot promise the same now, as you defend the whole matter; and if it come to trial your own confession in these letters will be sufficient to condemn you. I advise you, therefore, to lay aside these excuses, and beseech the King for mercy. As to your speaking of conscience, it is thought you have written and spoken many things against your conscience, and that at the last convocation you said many things that you could not well defend.
	Draft, pp. 7.
27 Feb.	239. John [Fisher] Bishop of Rochester to Henry VIII.
Cleop. E. vi. f. 162. B. M. Archæol. xxv. 90.	Is unable to travel in consequence of the perilous diseases which came to him before Advent. Has written to Cromwell beseeching him to obtain the King's licence for him to be absent from Parliament. A bill has been put in against him concerning the nun of Canterbury. Hopes the King will not be displeased at his showing the considerations which moved him not to reveal what she said touching the King. It is true this Nun was with him thrice in coming from London by Rochester, of which he informed Cromwell. The first time she came to his house unsent for, and told him that she had been with the King and showed him a revelation which she had from God. She said that if the King went forth with his intended purpose, he should not be king even months after. He did not think any malice or evil was intended against the King, but that they were the threats of God, as she affirmed they were. Did not know that they were feigned, did not counsel her to feign them, and was ignorant that they purposed as it is now said they did. If she had not told him that she reported the same to the King, he would have thought her worthy of extreme punishment for not doing so; but as she did tell him, he thought that the King would have suspected him to have come to renew her tale for confirming his own opinion.
	“It sticketh yet, most gracious sovereign lord, in my heart, to my no little heaviness, your grievous letters, and after that your much fearful words that your Grace had unto me for showing unto you my mind and opinion in the same matter, notwithstanding that your Highness had so often and so straightly commanded me to search for the same before, and for this cause I was right loth to have come unto your, Grace again with such a tale pertaining to that matter.”
	He had many other considerations, but this was the principal. The archbishop of Canterbury also told him that she had showed the same matter to the King, and he (the Bishop) learnt from the Archbishop greater things than she herself had told him; and then he showed him that she had been with him. Hopes the King will therefore find no fault with him.
	“This if there were a right great offence in me should be to your merit to pardon, but much rather taking the case as it is. I trust verily ye will so do. Now my body is much weakened with many diseases and infirmities, and my soul is much inquieted by this trouble, so that my heart is more withdrawn from God and from the devotion of prayer than I would. And verily I think that my life may not long continue; wherefore oftsoons I beseech your most gracious Highness that by your charitable goodness I may be delivered of this business, and only to prepare my soul to Goland to make it ready against the coming of death, and no more to come abroad in the world. This, most gracious sovereign lord, I beseech your Highness by all the singular and excellent endowments of your most noble body and soul, and for the love of Christ Jesu. that so dearly with His most precious blood redeemed your soul and mine, and during my life I shall not cease (as I am bounden), and yet now the more entirely, to make my prayor to God for the preservation of your most royal majesty. At Rochester, the 27th day of February.” Signed.
	Add. Endd.
	240. [Fisher to the Lords of the Parliament.]
Cleop. E. vi. 166. B.M. Lewis' Life of Fisher, II. 332. Colliers Eeel. Hist. IV. 244.	Is obliged to make suit to them in writing by reason of his weakness. Wrote to Cromwel, who gave him comfort to obtain the Kings respite for his absence until his recovery. If he had been present himself, his manifold infirmities would have moved them to pity. Hears that a bill is put in against him and others concerning the nun of Canterbury, and trusts that they will not suffer any act to be passed against him until the cause is duly heard. Sought not this woman's coming to him, nor thought in her any manner of deceit. Believed her to be honest and virtaeus, because of the bruit of the country, which called her the Holy Maid; because of her entrance into religion upon certain visions; because of the good religion and holiness of her ghostly father and other priests who testified of her holiness; and because the archbishop of Canterbury, who then was her ordinary and a man reputed of high wisdom and learning, told him that she had many great visions. Learned greater things from him than he did of the Nun herself. Doubts not they see that it was no fault of his to believe her to be honest, religious and of good credence. Is bound to believe the best of every person till the contrary be proved. The words which she told him touching the peril of the prince and of the realm were, that if the King went forth with the purpose he intended, he should not be king seven months after. This revelation she said she had told the King herself.
	Never gave her any a lyice in the matter, nor knew anything of it being forged or feigned. Knew of no evil intended to the King by her or any other earthly creature. Her words did not apparently refer to temporal power, but to the power of God. Did not see the necessity of showing this to the King, as she said she had herself done so. which was confirmed by the words of the prioress, her servants and others, who reported that she had been with the King.
	His suit is that no act of condemnation may he suffered to pass against him before he is heard, or some other for him. If they think there was negligence in him for not revealing it to the King, beseeches them to ordain no new law, but let him stand to the law heretofore made. Beseeches the King that his laws may be administered to him with favor and equity, and not with the strictest rigor. Needs not advise them to look to God and to their own souls in ordaining laws for the punishments of negligence or of deeds already past, nor to look upon the perils which may happen to them in like cases. “There sitteth not one lord here but the same or other like may chance until himself that now is imputed to me.”
	Beseeches them to tender his suit as they would be tendered if they were in the same danger, for the reverence of Christ, the discharge of their own souls, the honor of this most high court, and for their own sureties and others that hereafter shall succeed them. Trusts so to declare himself that every nobleman that sits here shall have good reason to be satisfied. Signed: Your most humyl peticioner (the name cut off).
	Pp.6.
27 Feb.	241. [Sir] William Eure to Cromwell.
R. O.	In favor of the bearer Oduell Selby in a dispute with one Edward Punter, which was first brought before the bishop of Durham's court, but is to be referred to his mastership. Norrem, 27 Feb. Signed.
R. O.	P. 1. Add.: The right worshipful Mr. [Crom]well, one of the most [honor]able Council.
27 Feb.	242. Michael Lyster to Lord Lisle.
R. O.	Desires the reversion of his lordship's house at Subberton, of which Mr. Hussy has spoken to him. His lordship's indenture is for 10 years. Desires to be commanded to my lady. From the Court. 27 Feb.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Scaled. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
27 Feb.	243. Sir Adrian Fortescue.
R. O.	Book of his personal expenses.
	Brought in my purse to London, 17 June, 50l. 2s. 8d. Borrowed there of Ric. Bisshop, draper, and Ric. Holt, merchant tailor, 21 June, by indenture upon plate, 55l. Borrowed on a bond, 42l. Received of John Ford for Midsummer quarter rent of my lands in Devonshire, 6l. 13s. 4d. Total receipt. 153l. 16s.
	Costs: At Colbroke, 17 June, 2s. Boathire to my lodging, 2d. For my supper and 3 servants, 2s. To the horsekeeper for costs home, 9d. For a marking iron for stools and forms, 12d. For mending the. fire fork at London, 4d. For two pair of schone to my daughter Mary, 4d. Boathire on Sunday to Greenwich, 2s. For writing the indenture between me and Ric. Bysshop and Holt for the plate laid in gage, 2s. 8d. Lost in the borrowing of that 55l., 100s. Lost in the 42l. borrowed of Will. Broun, 4l. 13s. 4d. Sent home to my wife in a box with a letter by W. Thomas' son, 100s., and by Brasyar, 27 June, 6l. For 10 quires of writing paper, 16d. For 2 English books, viz., the Plowman's Tale and Colyn Clowte, 10d. To the bonfires to drink, two nights, besides wood, 8d. For 1½yd. cloth ell broad for 3 pair hosen to my wife, 3s. 8d. For 12 yds. tawney chamlet, 32s.; for 2½ yds. tawney velvet geane, 30s.; for a roll of buckram, fine, 3s.; and for making the gown, 5s.—in all, 70s. For 3 hhds. of claret (70s.), with costs to the barge, 73s. 4d. For a weigh of Essex cheese, 8s. and for 12 bundles of rushes, 2s. Sundry payments for joint stools, lodgings, ships for greyhounds, &c. To the agent of John Audelet of Abingdon, at London, to redeem my plate, 100l. For water carriage of wood from Henley, houserent, &c. For writing a release of Huntley and others for Lasbarowe two times, 2s. For carrying the letter to Bradestone by a wainman, 20d. To the warden of New College at Winchester. 3 July 25 Hen. VIII., 33s. 4d. “Gevyn to the wyfes to drynk on Saynt Thomas Evyn at the fyer,” 8d. For W. Frognall's coat and lining, 15s. For 3¼ yds. for Austeyn's gown, 11s. 11d. To Benson for carrying home a mail of mine. To Thos. Knighton for costs in the suit of Palmer and Rowley, 4s. 4d. Payments for wages. &c. Costs at Colbroke homeward, 11 July, 2s. 8d. For a black velvet hat, 2s. 8d. For a new pair of spurs, 6d.
	“To Mary Fortescu her nurse,” for 3 months, 8s. Two padlocks for the barns at Bright well, 8d. A bonnet for John Fortescu bought at Reading fair. 8d.
	Costs in summer, 25 Hen. VIII.: Given to the Black Friar of Oxford to be in the Fraternity, 12d. Costs at Oxford assizes, 14 July, 16d. To—. Cornische's marriage at Schirburn, 4s. 8d. To Mother Joan of the vicarage at her departing thence, 12d. To the bridge at Wallingford, 4d. “To divers wandelessers at Stoner on St. Jamys Even,” 10d. For a horsehire to Benston, 4d.
	26 July, to the midwife and nurse at the christening of Walter son to Sir Will. Wyndesore, besides a little gilt flagon weighing ½ oz. that I gave to my said godson then, 6s. 8d. Expences in August at Borxstall and Horsyngdon, 18s. 7d. For making the closet at Schirburn, besides meat and drink, glass, solder, boards, lime, bricks and lath of mine, by estimation worth 13s. 4d., 10s. 11d. Hire of 2 horses to Ewelme, 8d., and costs there on Ymberyng Wednesday. To the King's messenger, 20 Sept., for bringing the Queen's letter of the Princess's grace's birth, dated at Greenwich the 7th, 3s. 4d. To Mary Fortesen's nurse for one month, 2s. 8d. Spent at the sessions at Thame, 2 Oct., 7s. 4d. To Robyn for carrying letters to London, 7 Oct., 4d.; for bringing two fardels from London, 12d.
	Michaeimas term, 25 Hen. VIII.: Receipt of rents from John Ford of Devon and lord Went worth, &c. “From my wife, of John Kebill for Sir Edward Chamberleyn, k., toward Lathom his 22l.,” 66s. 8d. Received of Sir Will. Kingston, 6l. Total receipt. 102l. 10s. 1d.
	Costs, similar in general character to the preceding. But among them occurs this memorandum: “I was arrested by Raffe Lathom of London, goldsmith, the 21st day of November, for the debt of Sir Edw. Chamberleyn, knt., and there paid to him in the Counter in Bredstrete with the said 5 marks that I received of John Kebill, in all 22l.”
	Paid for a longer day between Sir W. Stener and me, 12d. To Basset my attorney for Ambrose Pope's matter, 6s. For my brother's dinner and Mr. Frestone, 2s.
	Costs from 1 Dec. to 27 Feb. : To John Clerk, surgeon, for seeing Mr. Whitton's leg, 6s. 8d. To Gyllam for making J. Fortescue his coat of satin, 8d.; and for mending Bridget's gear in Nov., 12d. To H. Lewen's servant for bringing a letter, 4d. To Ant. Pynnock, Sir Humph. Forster's servant, at his delivering my stuff to the new sheriff, 11 Dec., 3s. 4d. For 2 pair of knit sleeves to give my lady Reede, 2s. 6d. To Dolphyn for carrying half a doc to London, 8d. Paid for overweight of the spicebox, 1 oz. 3½ grs., besides 12 oz. of mine own before, 6s. 10d. For 2 horseshoes, 4d. For an apron of worsted wrought with gold for Ford's wife, given her by my wife, 2s. 6d. Given by my wife to Margery Hull “for srtretching her launds and other business,” 20d. Sent to Ric. Bysshop to London, 4 Jan. to pay this Christmas rent of my house there, 16s. 8d. To the warden of Bradestone for his costs to the bishop of Hereford, 11s. For 2 ells ½ qr. linen for John Fortescue's shirts, 2s. 6d.
	Pp. 13. Endd.
27 Feb.	244. James V. to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P. iv. 665.	Has sent for the weal of peace his treasurer Will. bp. of Aberdeen, and with him, by the Bishop's desire, Rob. abbot of Kinlose, to Henry. Desires him to admit the Abbot into all secrets concerning James's affairs. Stirling, the penult day of Februar, 21 Jas. V. Signed.
R. O. St. P. iv. 665.	Add. Endd.
27 Feb.	245. Henry VIII. to John King of Portugal.
R. O.	The King's servant Sebastian Roderike Pynto, knight, desires to send for his wife, whom he has left in Portugal, the daughter of Lewes Alvarie Victorie, that the marriage already begun between them may be solemnised, and that they may live together in England. Desires a passport for her and her parents. Westminister, the last day save one of February 1533.
R. O.	Draft, pp. 4.
27 Feb.	246. Robt. [Sherbourne], Bishop of Chichester, to Lady Lisle.
R. O.	As to the contents of your letters, I assure you I ponder not the lucre of the thing so much as the favor of my lord and you, and am sorry anything should occur by which I should incur your or his displeasure. What I do is but for the preservation of my liberties, but I am willing that my lord shall have the one half as of my gift , seeing that lord La Warre has written to me that he is content. If an indifferent appraiser is appointed, I will sell it and give his lordship half. Amberley, 27 Feb. Signed.
R. O.	P. 1. Add.
27 Feb.	247. Mark Meger.
	See Grants in February. No. 27.
[28] Feb.	248. Henry VIII. to John King of Portugal.
R. O.	In favor of James Roderico Pynto, brother of Sebastian Roderico Pynto, knt., who is a faithful servant of the King. Westm., last day of Feb.
R. O.	Draft, pp. 2.
28 Feb.	249. Marino Giustiniani to Carlo Capello, Venetian ambassador in England.
R. O.	A letter much obscured by dirt. of which a large part is in cipher. The writer in the beginning speaks of his following the Court into Normandy, and after a passage in cipher states that the French king has sent the bishop of Limoges to the duke of Ferrara and Marco Antonio Cusano to the duke of Urbino. The French are making naval preparations. Letters from Constantinople of the 19th Dec. contain no news of the Turk. Paris, 28 Feb. 1534.
R. O.	Ital., partly cipher, pp. 2. Add.: A Londra.
28 Feb.	250. Hunsdon.
R. O.	A “declaration” by Hector Hassheley, master surveyor of the King's works at Hunnesdon, of all sums of money received by him of the King's treasure by Henry Norres, and of the expenditure thereof on the buildings there, from 5 Aug. 17 Hen. VIII. to 28 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.
	i. Money received of Norris on 19 several bills signed by Hassheley during the above period, of which the dates are given, 2,900l.
	ii. Payments, viz., for “parelles” of freestone for the chimneys in the King's watching chamber, palett chamber, privy chamber and in the other chamber beneath the same; for lime, plaster, “rigge tyles.” corner tiles, paving tiles and plain tyles; for timber, and for wood bought by the acre; for wainscoats, laths, pails, tile pins, hooks, hinges, locks, clasps, keys, iron crows, pickaxes, &c.; new glass bought of Galyon Hone, “and sett with symond” at 5d. the foot; lead, mats and sundries. Also wages to bricklayers, plasterers, tilers, makers and burners of bricks, carpenters, sawyers, palers, fellers and hewers of timber. Payments to joiners working by task, seaffolders and hurdle makers, plumbers, painters, gardeners and weeders, clerks, purveyors and laborers. &c.
	Large paper, pp. 6.
28 Feb.	251. St. Mary de Pratis, Leicester.
28 Feb.	See Grants in February, Nos. 9 and 28.
	252. Lady Dacre to Lord Dacre.
Calig. B. vi. 135. B.M.	Was delivered of a daughter upon Ash Wednesday. (fn. 1) Her uncle Sir Christopher wrote on their behalf to my lady Curven of Wirkeington and to the prior of Weddall “for the making of her a Christian soul,” which was done on Friday last in company with his daughter Dorothy. She was named Elizabeth. “Alle youre litil onys is in good helth, lovynge to God, and desires youe of youre blissin.” Keeps his servant till she has knowledge of his espialls from Scotland. John Myrres has been at Halton to speak with my lord Monteagle. Encloses his answer. The king of Scots has put the laird of Earnehirste in ward “in the castell of Glascowe or Donnebritten,” Mark Karre in Edinburgh because he is sick, David Kare of Graden in another, “the tuttur of Wedderburne” in a castle beyond Forth, John Home of Blaketter in another beyond Forth. The king of Scots is much pleased at his last letter from England. The common rumor is that peace will be concluded during the princes' lives and a year longer. No ambassador goes at this time from Scotland, except the bishop of Aberdeen on Tuesday or Wednesday next with a company of 60 horse. Four lately created knights are in his train; the abbot of Amloshe (Kinloss?) will be his chaplain. The sons of Joke Bell of Cowssethill and of Will of Johnstone of Lokerbye lay in wait at Lougher fote for Rowe Armestrange, Red Dande son chased him through Blakeshawe and slew him in Carlaverok myre on Thursday last. Lord Maxwell is greatly displeased. The laird of Johnstone wishes the murderers to be received in England. Her uncle will not consent till Dacre's pleasure be known. Encloses Johnstone's letter. Her uncle proposes that Sir William Musgrave should send strict commands to the deputies of waste land to obey Dacre's officers. Maxwell ought to ask no redress except of Dacre or his deputy; he has prorogued until “Thursday cuasenyghte” (some a se'nnight?) the day marches that should have been held for Liddesdale on Tuesday and for Anerdale unto Monday come 14 days by reason of the Ambassador's coming. The Scotch ambassadors for France go by sea. The bishop of Aberdeen will be at Newbottell on Tuesday, on Wednesday at Byger, Thursday at Dumffreyss,—then rest all Friday,—next day to Carlisle, and so to London.
Calig. B. vi. 135. B.M.	In the hand of a clerk of Dacre's, pp. 3. Headed: “Copy of a letter to my lord Dacre's good lordship for my lady Dacre, sent with George. Blenkynsope.”
	253. [J. Hackett to Brian Tuke.] (fn. 2)
Galba, B. IX. 146. B. M.	Wrote last on Jan. 28. Has since received a letter from him, dated 25 Jan., with instructions. Thanks him for the trouble he has taken about his arrears, of which Mr. Bowyer has received 100l., in Hacket's name, in part payment. Hopes the rest has been paid either to him or to Legh.
	The bishop of Brix, the Emperor's bastard uncle, and Gerard Mullart, the Emperor's ambassadors, left this place on the 6th, with about 36 horses, for Hamburg. Two days before they left a herald came from the king of Sweden with the ratification of the peace concluded with the Emperor, which is both offensive and defensive. The herald declared to the queen Regent that, if Lubeck and Hamburg will not agree to the Emperor's mind at this diet of Estland, the king of Sweden has all his ships ready to assist the Emperor's army. He said also that the French king and the king of England are urging the Lutheran princes, as well as Lubeck and Hamburg, not to yield to the Emperor's “cupitious” desires. The queen Regent answered that one of the burgomasters of Hamburg was with her with credence by which she doubts not that they will agree with the Emperor and the king of Sweden, without asking counsel of England or France; and if they did not they would repent it. The herald said they could not choose but repent it, and that his master had confiscated all goods belonging to Lubeck and Hamburg merchants in his realm, and will continue to do so.
	Hears that he is not of so great power as his herald makes brags. Mons. de Lassow is despatched with the Regent's letters to the Emperor. Another gentleman of the Emperor, Mons. de Garsbek, is waiting for news from the diet of Hamburg, which he will convey to the Emperor. Cannot perceive that the people here wish to begin a war with their neighbours. It were not meet for them to do so unless they were compelled, for they lack money.
	Hears from Spain that Mr. Cornelius Schiperius, who was don Fernando's ambassador with the Turk, and was sent a while ago by Fernando to the Emperor, through these countries, is new of late—.
	Hol., imperfect, pp. 4.
	254. Tuke to Cromwell.
Titus, B. iv. 110. B.M.	“A remembrance to Mr. Cromwel.”
	The petition which he has to make to the King is as follows:—
	All the King's officers who have to meddle with receipts and payments have a way to be charged and discharged once a year, except the treasurer of the Chamber, who is exempted by act of Parliament from accounting to any one except the King, or such as he shall appoint.
	In Sir Thos. Lovell's and Sir John Heron's time the books were made daily, and signed by the King weekly, monthly or quarterly, till lately, when Sir Henry Wyat left the office, he sent out a commission to Sir John Danncy to prove his books, which was done, and a precedent thereby established for a second account besides the King's signature. The act does not express whether the books shall be taken for a sufficient account, or whether the King will appoint others to take a further account.
	If the King intends to do the latter, Tuke begs that a commission may be given to examine his books from the time he entered into the office, for the King must know it is unreasonable to call a new reckoning after 7, 10, 16 or 20 years, when matters are out of memory, bills and remembrances lost, and the parties dead or gone. Things might be supposed to have been done untruly which examined in time might have been sufficiently declared.
	Heard lately that there was contention in the Chancery between Richard Trice and young Heron concerning the accounts in his father's time, to which no one could supply answer but Tuke himself, who has Heron's books, and often peruses them for better knowledge of the King's debts, and has by chance found what may be a testimony of Heron's truth. Begs that the person may be authorised to examine and sign the books monthly.
	The amounts far exceed any mean man's power to bear if he should have no discharge till the signing of his books, which is often delayed. Asks to have an ordinary warrant for ordinary payments, and a special warrant for extraordinary payments, or some other means of being truly discharged, if he deals truly. If he make payments by command, and afterwards sues for a particular warrant he may be undone in a day, lacking the warrant, and would have to molest the King every day to sign them. Would be mistrusted if he had to sue his own warrants and make and speed them also. It would be said that the King would sign them trusting him, even though they were false.
	Unless his books signed at the times limited and unsigned before, with his oath, are sufficient discharge, he cannot bear the burden of one day's payment without warrant beforehand, for he might die before obtaining a warrant. Had his books ready to be signed at Christmas, but the King put it off that they might be viewed, which is not yet done. Lives in consequence in great fear and heaviness, and is ashamed to show his face at Court. If he died, it would be no loss to him, but it would be a great discouragement to others to enter into like danger. Begs the King therefore to relieve his heaviness in consideration of his old service, which has been more painful than ever was reported to his Grace.
	Hol., pp. 3. Endd.: Sir Bryan Tuke.
	255. Ric. Reynold to Cromwell.
R. O.	Requests that Oliver Leder be caused to bring from Sir Brian Tuke without further delay a receipt for 2,000 marks which Francis Bawdwyn, deceased, owed the King, and that Reynold be discharged according to the judgment of Sir John Alen, Will. Roche and Paul Withypoll, given under their hands and seals as arbitrators, in Aug. 22 Hen. VIII. The discharge should have been given in by Leder to the arbitrators within 40 days after, but three years and a half have now elapsed. Geo. Medley also owes the King 2,000 marks, and stood bound with Rob. Palmer, John Kyme and Bawdwyn. Reynold and Palmer have paid 500l. apiece in part payment of their 2,000 marks, according to agreement made five years ago; but Leder and Medley have paid never a penny, though the latter is well able.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Headed: To my right honorable and singular good master, master Thomas Cromwell, gent., of the King's most honorable Council.
	256. Act of Apparel.
Harl. MS. 442. f. 118. B.M. Soc. Ant. 67.	Proclamation licensing officers and servants of the King, Queen and Princess to wear the apparel they now have until Palm Sunday, notwithstanding the act for reformation of excess in apparel. (24 Hen. viii. cap. 13.)
Harl. MS. 442. f. 118. B.M. Soc. Ant. 67.	Pp. 2. Later copy. Headed: A proclamation concerning apparel published in the month of February, 25 Henry viij.
	257. Cromwell's “Remembrances.”
R. O.	“First, to remember my lord of Lincoln for his præmunire. Item, to send for the men of Mynhede for to make satisfaction to the King for the money paid to the Breton for the piracy. Item, to remember to send to Hampton for the proof of the weight of the wools. Item, to remember my lord of Suffolk's reckoning to be perfected and an end to be taken with him. Item, an end to be taken with my lord of Northumberland. Item, for my warrants to be assigned for all such money as I have issued for the King sithen the signing of my last warrants. Item, for the signing of the restitutions of Burton. Item, for sending down the Commissioners to Wylton. Item, for sending down the Commissioners to Tewkesbury. Item, Berthelott's bill of Calais to be assigned. Item, to remember my lord of Cumberland's pardon to be assigned. Item, to remember all the poor prisoners in the Tower to be rid against this time. Item, move the King's highness to give the benefices now void by the promotion of the bishops of Chester and Ely elect. Item, to speak with my lord of Burgevenney by the King's commandment. Item, to remember Woolffed the priest for some promotion. Item, to remember Thomas Solyman for some prebend. Item, to remember Dr. Brereton for some promotion. Item, to remember the Fizchauncler (Vice - chancellor) of Cambridge. Item, to remember Dr. Bonner for some promotion. Item, to remember Mr. Thurlby for some promotion. Item, to speak with Mr. Attorney for the man of Kent which was in the Tower. Item, to call for the money that Mr. Attorney's clerk which sued the King's process received of Sir Thomas Wentworth. Item, for the money received of a man remaining in master Attorney's hand. Item, for the engrossing of my lord of Sussex his warrants for Wrykyll. Item, for bowstaves already proved for the store of the Tower. Item, to write to Sir Charles Bowkley for the revenues of the bishopric of Bangor, sede vacante. Item, to declare the news to the King comen to me from Dr. Lee and Pachett.”
R. O.	Endd.
	258. Adventures at Sea.
R. O.	Confession of Ric. Sare, late of Mynet in Somersetshire, now in sanctuary at Westminster, relating his adventures at sea and on land since he was acquitted of piracy at Exeter. He first went to the North and served under Sir Arthur Darcy at Forde castle, and after they were all discharged there went to Beaumaris in North Wales. Afterwards Lad conflicts with Spaniards and Bretons at sea, and being engaged by one Ric. Saw as pilot to Rochelle, was driven back by contrary winds round Scotland to Orkney, where Saw was taken prisoner, but he himself escaped, and landed at Flamborough Head last Midsummer.
R. O.	pp. 3.
	259. Friar Charnock.
R. O.	Declaration of friar Thomas Charnock, D.D., of the order of St. Dominic, in compliance with an order of the King's Council to explain his intention in “the recollects or gathering of many authorities of holy Fathers” touching the primacy of the Pope, in opposition to “a little book newly made of 9 articles set out in print under the name of the King's Council.” (fn. 3) Thought the book could not be set forth by them because of the slenderness of the matter, and that if it was printed by their authority they must have intended that it should be ratified by the next Parliament, to which the heads and doctors of all religious houses, especially those near London, would have been summoned, and received warning not to preach against the statutes. Expecting, therefore, to be called among the number of the doctors, he had written his book as an exhortation to the King, his Council, the Bishops and the House of Commons. Denies that he wrote in reproof of the King and caused it to be printed beyond sea, or that he ever stated that if he could preach at Paul's Cross he would have denounced the King's last marriage, even if he died for it.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Endd.
	260.—to “Master Provincial.”
Cleop. E. vi. 202. B. M.	I hear that you wish to have an account of the words that were spoken against you by Mr. Charnocke or me in the close at Exeter. If you will give credence to what I write, I will certify you touching every word that I spoke, of which anything may be gathered contrary to the common commandment or against any other peculiar estate. Mr. Charnocke was desired to preach the third Sunday of Advent in the Cathedral church, but had promised to be with his master at Sow the Hams. By his device and Dr. Rascheley's consent he preferred me and allowed me bachelor of divinity, without which title I could not be admitted. I was admitted, but I wish I had not been, I should have more ease now. After I was admitted Mr. Charnocke tried to put me from it again, but I thought, as I was admitted, he should know I was able to perform what I enterprised. I preached there and was then well allowed “(you may say, well spoken of another man's mouth).” This was my process: The gospel was “Cum audisset Johannes in vinculis opera Christi, &c.” In declaring this literally I came to Christ's saying. “Quid existis videre in desertum, arundinem vento agitatum?” In expounding this I said nothing that could offend you or any other. In what followed, “Quid existis videre in desertum. hominem mollibus vestibus indatum,” I declared that Christ showed the people that John was not clothed in or carrying about him soft garments, that is, was no flatterer or gloser as some are. ut cautius comedant et bibant, et corporis commodum faciant, on whom the prophet asks everlasting damnation, saying, “Væ vobis qui apponitis pulvillos sub utroque cubitu (sic) mantis universæ “ætatis (fn. 4) ad capiendas animas.” This I said was spoken of flatterers, liars and glosers who are subtle of wit, who can persuade and dissuade the falsehood to be truth and the truth to be falsehood, who can apply themselves to the affections of those on whom they wait, who are as cushion-bearers to their masters to cause them to rest softly in sin without reprehension, for they approve all their deeds, as they can wrench Scripture to lewd liberty. I asked a question where a man should find such, and I returned to the gospel, where it followeth, “Qui mollibus vestiuntur in domibus regum sunt.” I made a further process but said nothing else of which anything might be gathered, saving at last, I asked (so led by process) where Peter denied Christ, and I said. “In domo principis.” but then said, “Have not we served him well or be not we Christ's friends and taking his part against Peter, in that we consider that St. Peter denied Christ, therefore like loving people we deny Peter and take Christ's part?” I spake no more words but returned to some other thing.
	I was desired to preach again on Quinquagesima Sunday. (fn. 5) I perceived that they were not inclined to the fashion of the world that goeth now, and specially the masters of the— (fn. 6) close, for I heard Certain of them preach before me. I was but little acquainted, so I thought I must somewhat approve their sayings, unless I would be asinus inter simias. I should have been taken as a wondering stock among them all. The epistle that day was “Si linguis hominum loquar,” &c. In this sermon I said nothing worthy of reprehension, except that before the beads, I began with the end of the 12th Chap. of Corinthians, which speaks of the natural compagination of the parts of the natural body and how one member depends on the goodness of the other, and every part has his distinct act necessary for the perfection of the whole. As you know, “Non potest dicere oculus manui, opera tua non indigeo, nec caput pedibus, non estis mihi necessarii,” and so declared the process. I compared the mystical parts of Christ's body to the natural parts of the natural body concerning unity and agreaunce. and said that what unity was in one it should be in the other. I said that the eyes of this mystical body are the spiritual men who have the key of knowledge and science. That the hands are the temporal princes, lords and gentlemen, to whom it belongs to defend their subjects. I likened the mystical feet to the common people, and at last I said thus: “Masters, I fear me that the mystical body of Christ is made a monster, for that is called a monster after the mind of the philosopher when there lacketh a part of the natural body, or else when there be too many parts, as two heads or four legs, of a man, or else when the parts standeth out of order. And so the mystical body of Christ is or may be called a monster, and why, for because there as the eyes should stand, there standeth the hands, and thus all the other parts standeth out of order.” If I said any more words from which anything may be gathered contrary to the common commandment I would I were put to death. I spake these things with small advice and for lack of learning. I pray you take it so, and impute it to mine ignorance. If I make not amends according to the right way, let me speed thereafter, but for this once, I pray you, if you be a man, release me from such bondage and captivity which maketh me think I am no man.
	I have the copies of both my matters, word for word as I spake them, by which you will know I do not fable.
	Hol., pp. 3. End.: Letters to the Provinciall.
	261. The Vicar of Newark.
R. O.	Information by—against master Letheraud, vicar of Newarke, for reviling the deponent openly in the church and saying of him that he was no Christian man, whereupon some said “it were almes to burn me yf I would not do as the vicar will have me”; and some “yt were almes to put a daggre in me yf that I would spek anythyng agaynste the vicar and the freres, so that I am marvellously hated”; that the vicar had told the freres they might “speak against these books cum privilegio,” and charged all his parishioners not to use them; also that a “Schottesh frere,” preaching in Newarke church, had said that these books were heresies; and that if the King, his Council and my lord of Canterbury did that which is agreed by Parliament and contrary to the holy pope of Rome it was heresy; but that the King never knew of such books.
R. O.	P. 1. End.: “The sayings of Mr. Letheraud, vicar of Newarke.”
	262. Grants in February 1534.
Feb. Grants.	1. Roger Brereton, Ralph Gravener and Philip Egerton. Commission to inquire and examine witnesses on a petition annexed (not now attached). Westm., 4 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—R. O.
	2. Will Tyllesworthe, of London, goldsmith. Authority to take as many “monyers and coyners” as shall be required for the mint of Canterbury, belonging to Thomas archbp. of Canterbury; also to take sufficient wood and coal, at a reasonable price, for use of the said mint. Westm., 3 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—Del 4 Feb. Bill of Prity Signct signed by the bishop of Winchester. Add.: To Thos. earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, keeper of the Privy Seal.
	3. James Pergetour and Elizabeth his Wife. Livery of lands, the said Elizabeth being daughter and heir of Thos. Lovell, jun., late of Eufield, and Eleanor his wife, one of the three daughters and heirs of Geoff. Ratelyff, deceased, s. and h. of Thos. Ratelyff, deceased, and Joan Arundell, late wife of the said Thos. Ratelyff. Also grant to the said James and Elizabeth of all the issues of the possessions from the time of the death of the said Thos. Ratelyff and Eleanor Lovell by the hands of Sir Will. Paston and Rob. Reignold of Estbarholt, and the other officers of the cos. in which the possessions are. Westm., 28 Jan. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 4 Feb.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 24.
	4. Hen. Blankston, a native of the bishopric of Colon. Denization. Westm., 2 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 5 Feb.—P.S.
	5. Jacobo Manzi alias Manxi, of London alias of Luck, merchant. Fiat for a protection for one year; going in the retinue of Sir Arth. Mantagenet viscount Lisle, K.G., deputy of Calais. Signed by Lisle. Teste Westm., 6 Feb. [year uncertain].—S.B. b.
	6. Wm. Pope of Westminster, cooper. Pardon for having broken into the house of Edw. Stokwoode, parish of St. Martin in the Fields. Midd., and stolen wearing apparel, the property of John Johnson. Endd.: Westm., 6 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 8 Feb.—S.B.
	7. Ric. Hoghe of Leghton, Cheshire, alias of the city of Chester. Pardon for the murder of Ranulph Daneporte, at Molyngton Banaster. Cheshire. Westm., 11 Feb.—Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 44.
	8. Ric. Glover alias Parkare of Halawe, Wore. Pardon for the murder of Ric. Taylour of Halawe. Westm., 26 Oct. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 11 Feb.—P.S.
	9. Monastery of St. Mary de Pratis, Leicester, Linc. dioc. Assent to the election of John Bourcheher or Bourcheher, canon regular of the Augustinian priory of St. Bartholomew the Great, London dioc., as abbot, on the resignation of Ric. Pexall or Pexhall. Westm., 8 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 11 Feb.—P.S.
	ii. Petition for the above by Ric. Bramley, prior of St. Mary de Pratis. Dated 31 Jan. 1533.
	10. Ric. Tate. Licence to import 300 tuns of Gascon wine and Toulouse woad. Westm., 3 Feb. 25 Hen. VIlI. Del. 12 Feb.—P.S.
	11. James Rogers of Braynston alias of Brandforde alias of Berwike, Dorset. Pardon for all offences committed before 1 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Westm., 10 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 13 Feb.—P.S.
	12. Sir Thos. Audeley. Grant (apparently to the same effect as the Grant in April 25 Hen. VIII., No. 10). Westm., 14 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Badly mutilated.
	13. John Copynger, keeper of the mint in the Tower of London. To deliver to the archbishop's mint at Canterbury, coining irons, that is, pyles and trussells, necessary for the coining of twopence, pence, halfpence and farthings. Westm., 3 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 15 Feb.—P.S.
	14. Tho. Walkeley of Berkeley, Glouc., yeoman. Pardon for abetting Rob. Wotherley, of Trellyk, marches of Wales, smith, and John Evans, late of the same place, tukker, in the murder of his (Thomas's) own wife, Eliz. Walkeley, whereof, 18 Oct. 23 Hen. VIII., he was indicted before Sir Edm. Tame. Westm., 13 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 16 Feb.—P.S.
	15. John Cotton. Livery of lands as son and heir of Sir Rob. Cotton, deceased, and brother and heir of Tho. Cotton, deceased; with livery also to Alice Cotton, widow of the said Robert, and to William lord Sandes, Edmund lord Bray, Sir Rob. Drury, Sir Philip Calthorp and Wm. Higham, in respect of that portion whereof the said Alice and Margery Henley, widow of the said Thomas, are seized in survivorship. Westm., 4 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 17 Feb.—P.S. Pat. p. 2. m. 10.
	16. Maurice ap David ap Heilin, clk., and Wm. ap Henry, clk. Grant, in survivorship, of the perpetual chantry or custody of the chapel in Denbigh castle, marches of Wales; on surrender of patent 4 June 15 Hen. VIII. granting the same, on the death of Ric. de Hee, to the said Maurice only during good conduct. Westm., 3 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 18 Feb.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 35.
	17. Nie. Fitton. Wardship and marriage of Tho. Dansey, son and heir of John Dansey. Del. Westm., 18 Feb. 25 Hen VIII.—S.B. Countersigned: Wm. Poulet.
	18. Richard bishop of Norwich. Protection, he having been convicted upon a bill exhibited by the Attorney General in the King's Bench, in Hilary term 25 Hen. VIII., of offences against the statute of provisors, 16 Ric. II., in consequence of which he was on Tuesday, 10 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII., placed out of the King's protection. Del. Westm., 19 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 29. Rym. xiv. 484.
	19. Sir Rob. Drury, Sir Giles Alyngton, John Hynde. serjeant-at-law, and Tho. Chichely. Mortmain licence to alienate to Robt. the prior and the convent of the cathedral church of St. Etheldred, Ely, lands, &c. to the annual value of 30l. Westm., 14 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 21 Feb.—P.S. Pat. p. 1. m. 28.
	20. Wm. Pykkeryng, of Bath, tailor. Pardon, for having on the 2 May 25 Hen. VIII. broken the gaol of Yovilchestre, where he was confined, in custody of Sir Tho. More, sheriff of Somerset, upon an indictment of felony. Westm., 18 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 21 Feb.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 35.
	21. Chr. Wellifed, clk. Presentation to the rectory of Litlebury, rice Rob. Bright. deceased; in the King's gift by the voidance of the see of Ely. Add. to John bp. of London. Del. Westm., 23 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
	22. Hen. earl of Northumberland. To be sheriff of Northumberland, for life, paying 40l. a year to the King. Del. 24 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 36.
	23. Ellen Clanor or Claner, late of Normanton juxta Plumtre. Notts, spinster. Pardon for having, 5 June 22 Hen. VIII., stolen from the house of Margery Cole, widow, articles to the value of 5s.: for which offence she has been kept in Nottingham gaol ever since. Del. Westm., 24 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Signed by Robt. Norwich and Ant. Fitzherbert.
	24. Rob. Pole, jun., one of the sewers of the Chamber. Reversion of the office of collector of quit-rents in the town of Calais, with fees as enjoyed by Roger Basyng. John Andlaby, Adam Clarke or Tho. Inglisshe: after the said Roger, who holds the office by patent 11 Feb. 22 Hen. VIII. Westm., 22 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 24 Feb.—P.S.
	25. Yorkshire: Commission to Anth. Hamond, John Berton, Tho. Wentworth and John Donyngton, to make inquisition p. m. on the lands and heir of Anth. Menvile. Westm., 24 Feb.—Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 26d.
	26. John Russell. Lease of the lordship of Werepedill, with all lands, rents, reversions, &c. called Abbey Welle Milles, parcel of Warwick's lands, in co. Wore.; with, reservations; at the annual rent of 7l., and 10s. of new increase. Del. Westm., 24 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. b. Signed by John Dance and John Hales.
	27. Mark Meger. Grant of the order of knighthood with a pension of 250 crowns of the Sun. Del. Westm., 27 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
	28. Monastery of St. Mary de Pratis, Leicester, Lincoln dioc. Restitution of the temporalities, on the election of John Bourchier, a regular canon of the Augustinian monastery of St. Bartholomew the Greater, in Smithfield. London, as abbot, whose fea'ty is ordered to be taken by Sir Tho. Audeley, the Chancellor. Del. Westm., 28 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 14.
	ii. Confirmation of the election by John Rayne, LL.D., the bishop's official, 25 Feb. 1533.
	29. Sir Tho. and Philip Denys. Grant, in survivorship, in consideration of their services in the King's wars, of authority to grant licences in the King's name to export tin, charging duty of 4d. on every 100 lbs. of tin. Del. Westm., 28 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
	30. Rob. Cliff and Hen. Mynne, clks., Tho. Megges and Edw. Twyford. Pardon as executors of Nicholas West, late bishop of Ely. Westm., 16 Feb. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. 28 Feb.—P.S.
	263. Remembrances.
R. O.	First, to obtain Walter Luke's letter to be justice of the King's Bench to Sir Humfrey Conysby. To remember the executors of my lord Dacres of the south, and to show the King their offer. To remember Mr. Hacket's diets and to make suit to the King for the same. To remember the signature of my warrants for such money as I have disbursed of the King's. To remember the gentleman of Phriselande that sometime was Mr. Compton's servant. Touching my lord of Northumberland's end. what shall be the King's pleasure. To remember the order taken for the Nun, monks and friars. To remember my lady Pounder; Rukwode, the sergeant-at-arms; the prior of Blythe; my lord elect; (fn. 7) John Freman's warrant; John Alen's letters from Ireland; and the signing of Wm. Lylgrave's bill.
R. O.	P. 1. Endd.
	264. Ireland.
R. O. St. P. II. 182.	“Hereafter ensueth articles and instructions to our sovereign lord the King for his land of Ireland.” 1. It is not expedient that any Irishman should be deputy. A new deputy should be sent as soon as possible after the present deputy arrives in England, for his son, who is governor in his absence, is young and wilful. 2. The King's subjects are attendant on the earls of Kildare, Desmond and Ossory, so that the Deputy must make petition to them for men when he wishes to attack Irish rebels. The King should have all his subjects at his own commandment. 3. The King should have all the castles and garrisons which are now in the hands of Kildare, Desmond and Ossory by acts of Parliament, grants and usurpation. Kildare and his brethren hold Portlestyr, Moylaghe, Poweryscourt, Fasagh Row and other manors. Ossory has Kilkenny, Callan and other places. Desmond has all the King's manors in Limerick, Cork, Kerry and Waterford; exacts coyn and livery over all persons there; and the King's laws are not used in these shires, which once were as obedient as Middlesex. The earl of Ossory has dominion over Kilkenny and Tipperary. The earl of Shrewsbury has dominion in Wexford, with liberty to hold pleas, but no justice is kept, and the King has no revenues except the poundage of the town of Wexford. The earl of Kildare has also the counties of Kildare and Carlaghe as far as the bridge of Leighlin. 4. Kildare has meat and drink for his footmen and spearmen from the King's subjects, but none of them are at the King's command except when it pleases the Earl. He has also service of carting from husbandmen, which amounts to 800l. Irish. 5. The said three earls spend much of their time at monasteries and other men's houses taking meat and drink at their pleasure. 6. Pleas of the Crown, &c. in Kildare are held before the Earl's seneschal, and he pardons felons under his seal. 7. Before the using of this liberty the lords and gentlemen appeared in answer to the King's general writ in their array, but now they only obey the Earl. 8. The earls of Kildare, during the 60 years they have been deputies, have built castles, but have never won the King one town, and have allowed his castles to fall into decay. 9. The common saying is that the wild Irish lords and captains have destroyed the land; but it is not they only, but the treason, rebellion and extortion of the said earls and other English lords. 10. The said earls and other English lords have married their daughters to Irish captains, contrary to the law. 11. All the captains of the wild Irish are in subjection to the earls, and when the latter are reformed must yield tribute and service to the King. 12. The King should resume fee farms and customs. 13. He should also resume grants made since 1 Edw. II. 14. No judges, nor the King's sergeant-at-law, nor attorney should be allowed to be retained by these earls. 15. Two or three judges should sit by commission in Kilkenny, Waterford and Tipperary, and the counties where Desmond has power. A sheriff, coroners, &c. should also be appointed. 16. No men of war should he “found upon” the King's subjects in Kildare, except when the Deputy and Council think expedient. 17. The King should hold the castles standing between the Pale and the Irish rebels. 18. When Kildare and Ossory are before the King they should be examined what tribute they have of the Irish rebels, and should find sureties that English laws be obeyed. 19. Kildare should have no meddling with English captains in Meath, as Tyrrellis, Daltons, Twtys, Dillons, Pettytys and Dailamars, for before they were wasted by the Earl's father they were always ready to solve the King. 20. When the earls of Kildare and Ossory and the county of Wexford are reformed, the King may at his pleasure reform Desmond and his kinsmen. 21. Kildare and Ossory should be asked why Desmond has been suffered to rebel so long. 22. Before the reformation of Desmond is attempted, peace should be made with all Irish rebels, and Limerick and other towns should be warned not to supply him with powder or victuals. 23. When the King has reformed the earls, English lords and other subjects, he can then proceed to the reformation of the Irish rebels, beginning with Makmoro. O'Moro and the Byrneys. 24. No Irish rebels are to be taken under the King's protection without an indenture and pledges for paying service and revenues; and none of the earls should be allowed to make covenant with Irish captains for the supply of men of war. 25. The King has no revenues but in Meath, Dublin and Louth, where his law is kept. When places are reformed the King's laws should be enforced. 26. Lords and gentlemen should be constrained to put their children to cities and towns to learn English speech and order. Judges and learned men should have a house where lords' and gentlemen's sons might be brought up in good manners and learning. 27. The Scots at Lekayle, where an English rebel named Savage is lord, should be expelled. 28. Judges, &c. ought to have their offices immediately from the King; and no Constables or other officers should reside in England receiving the fees of their offices. 29. Great men are pardoned of their offences, but if the escheat of their lands comes to the Deputy's hands, great men will have execution as well as poor wretches. 30. When Sir Anthony Fitzherbert, Sir Rath Egerton and Dr. Denton, dean of Lichfield, were sent by the king's Commissioners to Ireland, Kildare and Ossory were bound to abide by the decree of certain of the Council, but have never observed the bond. This should be inquired into.
R. O. St. P. II. 182.	Pp. 11, slightly mutilated.
	265. Sir Thos. More to Cromwell.
English Works, 1,423.	Headed by the Editor: “Another letter written by Sir Thos. More to maister Thos. Cromwel in February or in March, in the yere of our Lord God 1533, after the computation of the Church of England, and in the 25th yere of the raigne of king Henry the Eight.”
English Works, 1,423.	Is informed that there is a bill put in against him into the higher house before the lords concerning his communication with the nun of Canterbury and his writing to her. Marvels not a little, the truth being what he has plainly declared in former letters. Asks Cromwell to let him have a copy of the bill, so that if he finds any untrue surmise therein, as he probably will, he may make humble suit to the King and declare the truth. Is so sure of his truth towards the King that he cannot mistrust the King's favor upon the truth known, nor the judgment of any honest man, “nor never shal there loss in this mater greve me, being myself so innocent, as God and I know me, whatsoever should happe me therein.” Chelsey, Saturday.
	266. Theology.
R. O.	Sermon on the words (Rom. iii. 23), Omncs peccaverunt et egent gloria Dei; in the course of which arguments are given against marriage with a brother's widow, and reference made to the decisions of the universities and of Convocation and Parliament on the subject.
	Inc.: “Although the holy apostle St. Paul may be thought sufficiently to have expressed.”
	Ends: “And in so doing God shall reward you with eternal glory.” Pp. 19, the first page being a collection of authorities. Endd.: The sermon preached at Paul's Cross.
	267. Henry VIII.'s Divorce.
Add. MS. 28,587, f. 151. B. M.	Matters for deliberation [by the Emperor and Council.] 1. Concerning religion. 2. Resistance of the Turk. 3. The English affair.
	Whether the decision of the principal matter of the divorce shall be solicited and the execution of the sentence super attentatis left in suspense, as matters in England are now going against the Pope and Holy See, and his Holiness, either from duty or indignation, ought to be moved to give sentence. (In the margin is written : “Ynstar en la principal.”)
	Whether it would be advisable to try to influence the king of England, or to leave him, us persuasions and admonitions have hitherto been useless and rather angered him. (In the margin; “No es menester.”) Whether anything should be said to the English ambassador here about the cruel treatment of the Queen and Princess, so as to obtain better treatment for them. 1. Private matters.
	Sp., pp. 16. Modern copy from the archives of Simancas.
	268. Cromwell to—.
R. O.	Since your departure I have received several of your letters, the last dated Rome, 20 Feb., and communicated their contents to the King, who commends your diligence. His Highness specially notes that the bishop of Rome in speaking with you showed a disposition to gratify him, and had sent to Etruria for two lawyers, whose opinions agree with the King's that the bishop of Rome ought to confirm this present matrimony, albeit it depended upon the validity of the dispensation of Julius. The King, therefore, although his cause has been sufficiently determined and his conscience discharged, understands your letters to imply that the said bishop of Rome begins to appreciate the justice of his cause, and if he do, or rather if he love the truth as every good man should, it is his duty to show it to the world of his own free will by public testimony, pronouncing the first marriage invalid and the second valid, according to the judgments of the said two learned men. He will thus gratify the King and benefit himself, and if you can prevail upon him by your good policy to follow such a course, it will give satisfaction. It will be the more acceptable to the King and the whole world that the said Bishop acts freely from a sense of duty without man's procurement.
R. O.	Draft, pp. 4. In Wriotkesley's hand. Endd.
	269. Margaret Grout to Cromwell.
R. O.	For your charitable goodness towards my poor bedfellow and me we can never reward you except by our prayers. I beg you to be good master to my poor brother Roger Horewelle, who has been out of service since Michaelmas. “I have made my friends to my lord of Canterbury,” who has made half a grant, and if you will let one of your clerks draw up a letter from you to my lord, and you would sign it, I have no doubt it will be favorably received. I beg you to remember my poor husband's matter, for unless you favor him, he “shall not go abroad to receive his Maker at Eastor.”
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Begins: Master Cromwell. Endd.
	270. John Rokewood to Lord Lisle.
R. O.	I have received your letter, and will endeavor to fulfil your will when I see time and place convenient, but I fear that, touching the garners, it will take small effect. Since my coming both my wife and I have been sore sick, for which reason you will excuse my not having written. Within these 10 days two ambassadors from Scotland are expected to come and treat for peace, but people think it will have but small effect. The bishop of Norwich is condemned in 10,000l. because he fell in the praemunire, and was commanded to the custody of the Knight-marshal till yesterday, when he agreed to pay that sum. Some think the bishop of London will bear him company. I pray God there be no worse news. The King is your good lord, and says you are the best man for that room he knows. I beg you therefore not to show to anyone any matter or news except it be to the Council, for there are some who, whenever they hear a thing, make the worst of it, as I will show you at my return. From master Treasurer's house in Canon-row. Signed.
R. O.	P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.