Henry VIII
May 1534, 16-20

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James Gairdner (editor)

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1883

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'Henry VIII: May 1534, 16-20', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7: 1534 (1883), pp. 259-270. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79314 Date accessed: 01 August 2014.


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May 1534, 16–20

16 May.675. Sir Thos. Palmer to Cromwell.
R. O.I implore your help, for if I were as sick as I am poor I should not live till Whitsuntide. Calais, 16 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
16 May.676. William Lord Dacre.
R. O.Inventory taken 9 May 26 Hen. VIII. of the “moveables” of lord Dacre remaining at his house at Naworth, Cumberland, by the earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland and Sir Thos. Clifford, the King's commissioners.
i. “In the said lord's treasure-house, commonly called the little house.”—Three bags of ready money with labels of contents, 300 marks. Gold and silver plate, including two gold standing cups, one wrought with the rose, the other plain with Douglas arms, two great silver standing cups, double gilt, with the lion holding the arms of Scotland on the top of both their covers. A pair of silver pots, with H. and K. and roses on the tops. A great standard pot, parcel gilt, with the lion of Scotland on the top. Three little bowls, parcel gilt, with Adam and Eve engraved in the bottoms. Bowls, basins, candlesticks, salts, spoons, &c. Plate in the pantry, kitchen, cellar and buttery. Beds and hangings, &c. in the lord Dacre's bedchamber. Ready money in the chamber called the Carll tower, 2,640 marks, 12s. 6d.
Household stuff.—In the wardrobe, carpets and hangings, some with the story of Julius Cæsar and the story of the planets. Cushions. Testers and traverses. In the outer and inner chamber of presence, my lord of Cumberland's chamber, and Geo. Douglas' chamber. In the la . . . . . chamber in the Carll tower. In the lower chamber in the Newarke. In the Great Chamber. In the hall and nursery. In Sir Chr. Dacre's chamber, the cook's chamber, Ric. Cruykdark's chamber, and the chambers of Sir Thos. Carlill, priest, the falconer, Sir Edw. Dalton, priest, Rob. Dawn, Edw. Coke, Mr. Steward, Will. Richardby, Edw. Horselay's, Humph. Faulom, the yeoman's chamber, the brewing house, Ric. Dacre's and Percival Lancaster's chamber, the land serjeant's chamber, Mr. Denton's. The cant (?) chamber, the hunt chamber, Gyllom's chamber.
Saddles and harness in the stable storehouse. Napery in the battery and in the custody of Mrs. Skelton. In the chapel:—A silver chalice, nine altar cloths, five vestments with their albs, two “peace hangings,” three mass books, and two hangings for the altar. In the kitchen two whole garnish of pewter vessel, chargers, platters, brass pots, &c. Corn in the garners, and provisions in the larder.
Stuff in the groom's chamber, over the lord Dacre's bedchamber, consisting of various gowns, coats, &c.
Account of Sir Rowland Thrilkeld, general receiver to lord Dacre.—The whole charge due to Dacre at Martinmas 25 Hen. VIII., 1,847l. 14s. 3 3/4d., of which 762l. 15s. 10d. was paid to him before 15 May 26 Hen. VIII.
ii. Inventory of Dacre's goods at Graistoke Castle, viewed by Sir Thos. Clifford 13 May 26 Hen. VIII., viz., in the auditor's chamber, the innermore chamber, the great chamber, my lord's chamber, the wardrobe, the kitchen, the buttery and the receiver's chamber.
iii. Inventory of Dacre's harness and gear at the Grey Friare, Carlisle, in the keeping of his servant John Thomson, 12 May 26 Hen. VIII., viz., 41 salletts, 64 archer salletts, 180 beavers, 16 complete bodies of harness, six backs for bodies, 180 breasts, 52 pair splints, 10 pair leg harness, two sarks of mail, three halberds, and a number of other articles, including two stillatories and two heads for stillatories without bottoms, 32 chessmen of ivory, 147 bills shafted, the copy of the peace, the indenture of the wardenry, the authority under seal in writing to Sir Chr. Dacre for the lieutenant's office, and certain bills of musters.
iv. Inventory of household stuff and other gear at Morpeth in the keeping of Rob. Leehe, [servant] of the said lord Dacres, 16 May 26 Hen. VIII., consisting mainly of bedding, pantry stuff and kitchen stuff, but ending with wheels, axles, pulleys, and the like; and lastly, 10 pair of rusty splints remaining with Geo. Lech, armourer.
v. Gear of the said lord Dacres remaining there in the keeping of Sir Philip Dacre, 12 May 26 Hen. VIII.
vi. Inventory of Dacre's goods at his house of Kirkoswald, taken 13 May 26 Hen. VIII. by the earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland, viz., in his bedchamber, wardrobe, treasure-house; “in the chamber above the middle chamber, called my lord Scroope's chamber;” in the chamber above lord Dacre's bedchamber; in the little privy wardrobe; in the chamber in Clifford's tower; in the chamber over that; and in the auditor's chamber.
vii. Stock of cattle, 1 May, in Kirkoswald Park; and at Barondwode, at Naworth, at Guylcambyn with John Cokke, at Ary, at Ternhouse, at Middlem (?) with Rob. Hodgesoun, at Kellay, Temple Garth, Caruntley (with “Seffray” Crowe), Sofftelay (with Will. Snowden), Dacre and Graystoke.
viii. Horses in Cumberland, vis., at Ara, Gowter, Guylicambyn and Dufftoun Fell.
ix. Sheep in Cumberland, viz., at Crachemele with Thos. Oliphaunte; at Blesoffell with Ywen Nyksoun; at Wragmyre with Rob. Hodgesoun; at Nethertoun with Matt. Persoun; at Mekylthwayt with John Ricardby; at King Harrye with Rob. Gray; at Brome Rigge with Adam Symsoun; at Croglingdale with John Bird; at Cannarbeagh with Will. Harrysoun; at Orton, in Westmoreland, with Thos. Atkinson; in the park at Dacres; and at Graystokk.
x. Stock of cattle in Northumberland, viz., at Morpeth, in Clyfftoun felde and Hepscott, with Cuthbert Ascue, and also in the keeping of John Haslop, Thos. Yrvand, Thos. Nelesonn, Thos. Askew, John Nicholsoun. Rie. Nichollesoun younger and elder, and Thos. Alcsson. This store was presented by Ant. Nyksoun, storer to the lord Dacre, 1 May 26 Hen. VIII.
xi. Grain at Kirkoswald, and furniture of the chapel.
xii. Stuff of the lord Dacres viewed and seized in the castle of Carlisle, 14 May 26 Hen. VIII., viz., in the greawt chamber within the captain's tower, and in a little closet adjoining.
Pp. 33. The consecutive pages are signed at the bottom by Elizabeth Dacre, Thomas abbat of Holm Coltram, Christofer prior of the cathedral churche of Karliol, John Legh, Thomas Sawkeld, Cuthbert Hoton, Wylliam Hutton, Wylliam Pykeryng, John Skelton, John Waux, Thomas Blauarhassett, John Best (?), John Hoton, Thomas Carleton, Roland Threlkild and Christopher Threlkeld, John Denton, Thomas Harynton, John Coldall, Ric. Blenkow, Sir Nycholes Rydley, Alex. Federstanehaughte, Hary Walys, Robert Thyrllewall, Nicolas Crawhall, Thomas Dudley, Lanslott Lancaster, Jamy Pykeryng and John Warcop.
16 May.677. Lord Darcy.
R. O.Account of John Plumsted, deputy of John Conyngesby, receiver general of the duchy of Lancaster, of money received 16 May 26 Hen.VIII., from John Byrnande particular receiver there, by Thos. lord Darcy, for the farm of the parks of Rothewelhey and Roundehey for the half year, Easter 25 Hen. VIII., 7l. 13s. 6d.
P. 1.
[16 May.]678. Geoffrey Matthew to —.
R. O.I certify you of such things as I heard of the King and the Queen, 16 May, of Will. Cople, prisoner in the King's Bench. He says it was a pity that the King's head were not from his body, and that the Queen were not burnt. And when I said, “Thou traitor! wherefore say'st thou so?” he said to me, “Because he did not use his laws like a true prince.” I showed these words to the Marshal, and when I had so done, he made but “state” of it. Then I said he did “noft” (naught) in so doing, and charged him to report it. On which he commanded me “in to coler,” and kept my friends from me, to prevent writing to you. I charge you to bring it before my lord Chancellor and master Secretary. I think they can make no less than treason of it.
Hol., p. 1.
17 May.679. The Earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland to Henry VIII.
R. O.According to instructions signed by the King and brought by the bearer Sir Thos. Clyfford, have attached the goods of lord Dacre, Sir Chr. and Thos. Dacre, and Rob. Grene otherwise called Gyers. Send an inventory of them made by John ap Rice, who has also searched their letters, but found little of importance, except what they send. Could not have repaired to their places with greater secrecy; came different ways to avoid suspicion, and with less company than would have been expedient in such a wild country, had not lady Dacre showed herself conformable. Sir Chr. Dacre, however, seems to have had warning, as they could find nothing in all his houses otherwise than he was esteemed, and no writings to speak of, though he was a man “most occupied in the doings and business of this country.” From the lord Dacre's house at Naworth, 17 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add. and endd. Sealed.
R. O.2. The weight of Sir Christopher Dacre's plate: Gilt plate, 240 oz. at 4s. White plate, 230 oz. at 3s. 6d. Wool, 42l. Oxen, 40s. Sheep, 150l. Total, 335l. 11s. 7d.
Allowed for the plate, 141l. 11s. 7d. For costs, 112l. For money received of John Apryce, as parcel of lord Dacre's debt, 60l. 6s. 9d. Total, 313l. 18s. 4d.
Remainder in ready money, 21l. 13s. 4d.
Pp. 2. Endd.: Lord Dacre.
17 May.680. The Earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland to [Cromwell]
Vesp. F. XIII. 84 b. B. M.Have executed the King's instructions lately sent to them and exhibited by the bearer Sir Thos. Clifford, as he and John ap Rice “your” servant will show. From lord Dacre's place at Naworth, 17 May. “By your assured frendes and lovers.” Signed.
P. 1. Endd. Mutilated.
17 May. R. O.681. Ric., John, Robt., Jasbar and Mellsher Allen to Thos. Allen, Warden of the College of Youghal.
The earl of Desmond marvels greatly at your long tarrying. Thos. Fyz Gerrald, Kildare's son, is with my lord O'Bryan, and is trying to obtain Desmond's goodwill, which we try to prevent. He has burnt your corn in Lytyll Bewerley, and threatens to slay you with his own hand for causing Desmond to be his foe. We your brethren and kinsfolk are in jeopardy of our lives, and advise you to ask the King to write to Desmond to take the said traitor, and cause O'Bryan to withdraw his favor from him. I lost 300l. in the river of Burdes (Bourdeaux) this year, but I sent by the bearer 3l. 3s. 4d. I paid to your priests at Easter 20l. 6s. 8d., and to your workmen 12l. 3s. 2d. Youghyll, 17 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
17 May.682. Sir Francis Bryan to Lord Lisle.
R. O.Begs he will see delivered to Anthony Cave, whom Bryan has ordered to provide him in wine, two tuns which are staid in alais for the provision of the town. On Saturday last my lord of Rugemont (Richmond), my lord of Norfolk and the marquis of Exeter rode to Windsor to keep St. George's feast. Thence my lord of Rugemont departed again into Dorsetshire, the King and the Queen being merry. Greenwich, 17 May.
The King and Queen remove this day from Greenwich to Rugemont, and there keep their Whitsuntide. Has spoken with the lord Chief Baron respecting his patent, who “pretendeth the same by writing agreed between you,” and trusts you will be good lord unto him. He is sorry that lady Lisle is displeased with him. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
18 May.683. The Bishop of Aberdeen.
See Grants in May, No. 24.
18 May.684. Henry VIII. to the Duke of Richmond.
R. O.As we understand that notwithstanding his services done to you at his no little cost, you have discharged of his office Sir Geo. Lawson, late cofferer of your household, whereof we cannot a little marvel, we desire that for his faithful service to us in the North you will for our sake continue his yearly fee of 20l. Greenwich, 18 May 26 Hen. VIII.
P. 1. Add.
[18 May.]685. Cranmer to my Lord —.
Hart. 6,148, f. 20. B. M. Cranmer's Letters, 290.Recommends the bearer, Sir Thos. Donkester, subprior of Newesham, to be abbot, vice the late abbot, Cranmer's suffragan, deceased, and requests him to do what he can to accelerate the election. Could obtain the King's and Queen's letters in his favor, but knows that his correspondent can do him this favor without further suit. From my manor at, &c.
P. 1. From Cranmer's Letter Book.
Lansd. MS. 1,045, f. 58 b. B. M.2. Modern copy of the above.
18 May.686. Cranmer to the Convent [of Newsham].
Harl. 6,148, f. 20 b. B. M. Cranmer's Letters, 291.Recommends Donkester as abbot. Styles him his friend of old acquaintance. Lamehith, 18 May.
P. 1. From Cranmer's Letter Book.
Lansd. MS. 1,045, f. 58 b. B. M.2. Modern copy.
18 May.687. Ralph Earl of Westmoreland to Cromwell.
R. O.Thanks him for his invariable kindness. Has fulfilled the King's instructions along with my lord of Cumberland and Sir Thomas Clifford. Rejoices that his Grace chooses him amongst others to execute his secret affairs in these parts. Has no doubt it was through Cromwell's furtherance. Begs his favor in his other matter of Kent, according to his former letters. Raby Castle, 18 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Master Cromewell, Secretary to the King's highness. Endd.
18 May.688. John Bishop of Lincoln to Cromwell.
R. O.I will fulfil your desire in your letter of the 17th for the farm of the prebend of Leghton to the use of Will. Johnson, servant to Dr. Chamber. Northampton, 18 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
18 May.689. Oath to the Succession.
R. O.Waldyngfeld Parva. Names of the persons who took the oath according to the late Act for the succession and inheritance of the King before Sir Wm. Waldegrave, John Spryng and Robt. Crane, commissioners in Suffolk, 18 May 26 Hen. VIII.
John Archer, clerk, Robt. Parke, clerk, Edw. Colman, gentleman, John and Roger Wyncoll, Ric. Spencer, Jemys Rudlond, Robt. Gale, John Holier, Thos. Gosse the elder, Andrew Hamunte (?) and 87 others, of whom 11 sign their names, one signt his initials and 35 sign with a mark. The rest do not sign at all.
Vellum Roll of 3 membranes.
19 May.690. Chapuys to Charles V.
Vienna Archives.On Thursday last I wrote to your majesty. On Friday the Council sent to ask me to come to Westminster next day at 7 a.m., which I did. I found there the archbishops of York and Canterbury, the Chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, the marquis of Exeter, the earl of Wiltshire and Cromwell, with the bishops of London, Durham and Ely, Dr. Sampson and Fox, the comptroller of the household, the captain of the guard, and all the principal judges; and after being seated, Dr. Fox began business by a long Latin harangue, which he had premeditated for some days, to the effect that the King, knowing the good service I had done in my office, and the laudable inclination I had always shown for the preservation of amity, desired to inform me that, after being separated by justice from his first marriage so detestable and abominable, and lawfully married to his present wife, more for the repose of his kingdom than for his own pleasure, and having, by the grace of God, issue of his body, he had been moved at the solicitation of all his kingdom, and in order to take away all scruples, to make a statute declaratory of the succession, in which the male children of this second marriage are to come, and in default of them the daughter already born, named Isabel, whom he called Princess; which statute had been approved as lawful not only by those present in Parliament, but universally by the frank consent and voluntary oaths of all his subjects, except two women, to wit Madame Katharine and Madame Mary as he called them, whose consent he had been unable by any means to obtain, either by remonstrances or by exhortations of the principal personages of his realm, and he wished to inform me, that if they persevered in their obstinacy, he would be compelled to proceed against them according to the form of the said statute. In reply I made several remonstrances, showing the manifest injustice of the said statute, which, as I gave the King to understand, could not make the Princess a bastard before it was passed, and therefore could not deprive her of the succession. Neither could it decide anything against the lawfulness of the Queen's marriage, which had been already decided at Rome, and belonged entirely to the cognisance of the Holy See, and even if the grounds of the said statute had been good it would be unjust, seeing that the persons whom it concerned were not called, and that the King had even refused to allow me to be present at the meeting of Parliament to declare the right of the Queen and Princess, which would seem very strange to those who heard of it; and this showed a distrust of being able to induce the Parliament to pass it if they had been well instructed of the truth, and that the King could not better show the invalidity of his said statute than by thus compelling people to swear to it, according to the presumption of jurists, from whom I quoted several authorities;—that even the rude people said it was evident the statute was of no value, since they were compelled to swear, which had never been seen before;—that if the laws of Plato were considered cold because there were too long preambles to them, what was to be thought of their law, in which, besides the length of the preamble, and what was worse, its total untruth in representing that the people had required the King to do so, they had added an oath which the whole people had given with great ill will, whatever Fox might say, but which there was no use resisting, as the penalty was loss of body and good? I added that many comforted themselves by the consideration that an oath given by force and against good morals is not binding, and that if it had been lawful, they might violate it quite as honorably as the archbishop of Canterbury there, who, the day after he had sworn fidelity and obedience to the Pope, decreed the citation against the Queen, notwithstanding all advocations, prohibitions, penalties and heavy censures. And after much to the same effect I informed them of the sentence given by his Holiness and unanimously by the whole Consistory, in which there were twice as many cardinals as there were bishops in certain Councils which they had been accustomed to allege in the King's favour.
As to the second point alleged by Foxe, viz.: the obstinacy of the Queen and Princess, I said they imitated the artifice of women, who when they fell to debate, first imputed to others the fault with which they themselves were charged; and that if there had been obstinacy in this affair, it could only be imputed to those who after marriage contracted by such wise princes, which had endured for 25 years, and after such a solemn decision by two sentences, refused to acknowledge the truth, and I knew not for what purpose they wished to give me to understand that the said ladies were obstinate, for even if they could convince me they were, I had neither influence nor power to alter their opinion; and I intimated to them that even if I had I would not employ it so for all the gold in the world, but would sooner die 100 times, especially as I had no such charge from your majesty. But if they notified this to me to write it to you, I would do so very willingly, desiring them to declare plainly the purpose of the King their master, that I might intimate it to you; and I did not the least believe, whatever they might say, that the King wished to treat the Queen or Princess worse than before, but a great deal better on all accounts, especially considering the extreme humility they had hitherto shown; otherwise the blame the King would incur from all the world would give occasion to you and other princes for a breach of that amity which it was no use magnifying with fine words if deeds did not correspond. I therefore prayed them all, as they said they were desirous of peace, to prevent the great patience your majesty had so long shown being abused, seeing that you considered the Queen as a mother and the Princess as a sister or daughter, and although I had no charge to speak of these affairs, I ventured to say that your majesty would do your duty as a good nephew and kinsman in what concerned the rights of the said Queen and Princess, especially as they concerned also the authority of Holy Church. To this you would be all the more stimulated by a reproach made against you by one of their ambassadors at Bologna, that by pursuing the Queen's cause, you would separate this kingdom from its obedience to the Holy Sec, and even if your majesty did not interfere they ought to dread the anger of God. Upon this answer they consulted together, but not very long, nor was it necessary, for they had for some days studied their parts; and the bishop of Durham rose, who is accounted one of the wisest, most learned and virtuous prelates of this kingdom. He has hitherto maintained the cause of the Queen both by word of mouth and by books, but now, not wishing to be a martyr or to lose such a benefice, which is worth more than 15,000 ducats, he has been compelled to swear like the others, although it is said with certain reservations, by which he thinks to satisfy his conscience. And the more to incite him to take this oath, besides the example of the bishop of Rochester and master More, they have given him another spur, which touches him very close, viz., that being ordered by the King to come here, which he was not allowed to do during parliament, but was even countermanded, two days after he left his house certain commissioners of the King entered it, opening everything and cataloguing all his goods, and every letter that they found was brought to the King. The Bishop began to say that the said statute had been very well considered, and passed for the tranquillity of the realm, for which cause no one ought to refuse to swear to it. I said the true security and peace of the realm would be that the King should take back the Queen, since whose coming into this kingdom, both for her sanctity and for her kindred, there had not arisen such troubles as the father of this king had experienced before her coming. And as to the universities, which they said had taken the King's part, I named to him many more, showing the practices that had been used at the universities gained by the King, and the fruitless efforts they had made to gain the universities in Germany. As to the brief sent by the Pope to this king at the commencement of the suit, by which he declared the first marriage null, on which the Bishop had laid great stress, calling it a decretal letter, I told him that it had been given at Orvieto on the Pope's departure from St. Angelo, when his Holiness was enraged with your majesty for his detention, and particularly to gratify the kings of France and England, who had always shown themselves his friends, especially at that time; and that it was despatched before he had had the matter discussed, as he has since done. And as to what the Bishop said, that the Pope had declared when he was at Marseilles that if the King would send a proctor to Rome with sufficient power, sentence would be given in his favor, I answered that it was not probable that his Holiness would have used such words, or else he meant that giving sentence in favour of the first marriage would be giving it in favor of the King, for the preservation of his honor and conscience, and also for the peace of his realm, and that his Holiness had intended to use herein the terms of criminal judges, who, to obtain confessions from criminals, speak some words to them giving them hope of liberation; and such tricks were just and laudable, like that used by Solomon in the dispute of the two women about the child, and that if the sentence was to be given by the proctor in favor of the King, the bishop of Paris would serve for 10 proctors.
On this the bishop of Durham remained mute. After him the bishop of London attempted to impugn the first marriage, and labored at great length to prove that the authority of St. Basil, St. Gregory and pope Innocent III. was on his side, but at last they were found to be directly against him. The Bishop said, that even if the King his master was wrong in attempting to dissolve his first marriage, yet the Pope, whom they all called bishop of Rome, had shown himself partial and unjust in proceeding to the second sentence and giving executorials upon the first notwithstanding the appeal of the King to the future Council, which appeal, he said, bound his hands entirely; and it was no new thing to appeal from a Pope's sentence to a General Council, for it had been done in the time of the primitive Church; and this he labored to prove until I told him that, although for the manifest abuses which were committed, the said appeal was most justly appointed, there could be no appeal from the Pope's sentence to the Council. But even granting that it was permissible, the King could not avail himself of it for several reasons, of which I mentioned four: 1, because in the commission obtained at the King's instance, when the case was delegated to the two cardinals, by virtue of which the cause was commenced and afterwards revoked by his Holiness, a clause was inserted expressly excluding all appeal; 2, because the first sentence was given “sur le spolio ct possessoyre,” in which an appeal was not permitted; 3, the appeal should be made in 10 days from the date of the sentence or notice thereof, and the King's appeal was interposed two months after; 4, that a true contu*** like the King cannot be allowed an appeal. Moreover, I said the King ought to wish, even if it cost him a great sum, that the appeal had never been made, for besides that he acknowledges thereby having received notice of the first sentence, which no one would have dared to notify to him in due form, he also confesses thereby tacitly the jurisdiction of his Holiness, and that I thought if a Council were assembled,—which will be as late as those can make it who wish Germany to remain as it is (que sera le plus tard que pourront ceulx quc ne vouldroient l'Allemagnc attire quelle estoit),—the King would not have his cause discussed there; for in talking with me sometimes of the General Council, he had said he would have nothing to do with it, and that he would give good order in his kingdom without aid of the General Council, and perhaps appeal from the said Council to the archbishop of Canterbury, who had taken upon himself to pass judgment upon the Pope.
Then the said Bishop was silent, and the archbishop of York spoke, using a single argument against the validity of the first marriage, which was so feeble that it was disposed of in two words, and the Archbishop had nothing more to say. And it seemed that the said Archbishop and Durham were very glad their arguments had been well confuted; for they were compelled to go against the truth. Afterwards the dean of the Chapel, following the steps of Norfolk, set up the plea that the Pope had no jurisdiction in this realm, for his power and authority, not being derived from God but from human ordinances, might be abrogated by a contrary ordinance, as they had done here, and as the Greeks had done before. To this I replied that even if the Pope's authority were only derived from human ordinances, as he said, which I denied, nevertheless the King could not avoid the jurisdiction of the Holy See, both on account of immemorial prescription and especially for the continual recognition made of it both by his predecessor and by himself, and, even if this had not been so, on account of the “prorogation” of. his Holiness's jurisdiction in obtaining the said commission, and consenting to the Queen's appeal and afterwards to the revocation of the cause.
During these discussions the archbishop of Canterbury, not feeling himself equal to the part taken by the others, and feeling the hit I had given him at the beginning, did not formally enter the lists, but only said some word to the others to show that he was part of the play and did not sit there for nothing. Among other things he requested the bishop of Durham to speak of the suspicion entertained of the Pope in this affair, both for friendship and also for fear of your majesty, and moreover because the matter concerned his whole authority to dispense in such cases, and that it would seem that to usurp such authority he would judge the first marriage valid. Having heard my answer he was sorry he had put such things forward, being so ill founded that they gave me occasion to allege 10 or 12 causes for which he was not impartial, and so was incapable of judging the matter of the divorce. Some of these causes touched him very close, and made him remain very pensive.
While the said lords, bishops and doctors were speaking, the Chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Wiltshire and Cromwell looked as if they had already gained the day, but seeing how the case turned afterwards, Norfolk began to say that it was needless to discuss the case of the marriage further since the thing was done, or to impugn the validity of their statutes, which they would defend to the last drop of their blood, and that if anyone opposed them in this kingdom, he would be held guilty of treason; therefore the said ladies must not despise the law or it would be the worse for themselves, for the King would be obliged to execute it not only on his own account, but for the sake of his subjects. To this I replied by repeating in part what I had said to Dr. Fox, and adding that they would match their laws with those of Mahomet, which he commanded to be defended by the sword and not by reason. Nevertheless there was in them one good thing which was not in theirs, viz., that he did not compel anybody to swear to keep them, while they wished to constrain not only their own subjects, but also foreigners, and that they showed very clearly that their law was weak, that they did not trust it without the fortification of a general oath, and that they treated everything as suspicious,—even these poor ladies, who were kept closer locked than any prisoner, though they had no power to trouble the peace of the kingdom, but desired it more than anyone, and continually prayed God to promote it; and that I could certify and swear to them that the Queen had always written and protested when necessary that no one should think of making war upon her account, and that she would rather suffer everything, and if your majesty desired to do anything,—which you had never thought of,—the intercession of the Queen would have prevented you. I therefore prayed them to consider everything, and preserve the amity as they said they had hitherto done. They told me it would not be owing to them that everything did not succeed well, and that having made report to the King, they would inform me of his intention; but I think they will do as formerly, proceeding with what they mean to do without giving me notice, and conceiving that they have done enough in communicating to me what they have done, and letting me know that the said bishops of York and Durham, who are held learned and virtuous, have turned their coats.
I should have liked much better if they had given me audience at the time the said statute was made, “toutesfoys encoirez a ce este quelque” chose de leur pouvoer bien expressement remonstre en telle assemblee partie de leurs erreurs, et estans iceulx attiltrez pour me donner entendre chose pour aultre.” After this I took Cromwell apart, and showed him expressly as in confidence the honor it would be to the King to treat the Queen and Princess better, and the danger of doing the contrary. He said he would do all he could to make things better, but I think he will not dare say a word for fear of the concubine. Cromwell promised me that the Spaniards here who were called upon to swear to the statute should be exempt, and that as far as lay in his power, he would favor your majesty's subjects; telling me that two Englishmen who had been taken in Spain for keeping a certain book had been delivered by command of your majesty, and that their ambassador with you had written of the good service I was doing, as also did the ambassador in Flanders in his explanation about the intercepted packet, for which the King his master thanked me. I thanked him also on the part of your majesty for the favor he had shown your subjects, and took my leave refusing to dine with them.
I learned today that the King is sending to the Queen the archbishop of York, the bishop of Durham and Dr. Fox to exhort, summon and threaten her to acquiese in the said statute, otherwise they would proceed against her by rigor of the law. Of this I have given her warning that she may not be taken by surprise. It is to be feared that after the refusal of the Queen and Princess, the King will do them some ill turn, at the instigation of his cursed concubine. At least many think he will send them to the Tower when he goes to France, for fear of what may happen. The King will be quite the man to involve several persons in the folly of giving sentence in parliament against the said Queen and Princess, and making every one subscribe the sentence, to which there would be no resistance; so some immediate remedy is necessary. The Scotch ambassador, who was here first, came to me two days ago and told me their country had concluded a peace during the life of the two kings, and for one year after, and that they wished to comprise your majesty, whom the King wished also to name on his side, but that he was against any mention whatever being made of the Pope. I asked him if any mandate came from the Pope against the English whether they would make any difficulty in obeying it. He assured me they would not, although they might first make some shows and grimaces to dissemble with them, and make it appear that they were very sorry they could not do otherwise. He said also that some communication had begun between the King and the Bishop his colleague, and that the King gave some hope of marrying the Princess to the king of Scotland, provided that the Scotch king would meet with him and the king of France beyond sea in this month of July; and that the Bishop notwithstanding the peace has demanded a safe-conduct to return hither in case it was necessary to treat of such matters. I made the ambassador understand that the promise or hope of the Princess was only a bait held out to lure his master from Scotland, and to marry him at the King's pleasure, because he had the power of allying himself with your majesty, which was the thing these kings of France and England most feared. He said he did not think the King his master ought to go, and that my opinion was right, and that he would inform me of what took place in this and other matters by way of Flanders, addressing his letters to Antwerp to the conservator of their nation. I asked him if he had no news that your majesty's envoy had arrived, but he said he had none from Scotland since the arrival of the said Bishop. London, 19 May 1534.
Fr., pp. 15. From a modern copy.
691. General Councils.
Hatfield MS.A treatise on general councils, declaring the corruption of the court of Rome, and particularly of the present Pope, who has given sentence against the King and who deserves to be deposed.
*** This is the paper of which Burnet has given an epitome in his History (i. 285), and which he supposes to be a speech of Cranmer's, written by one of his secretaries, and probably delivered in the House of Lords or in Convocation. As the Editor of this Calendar had not seen the original, and believed it to be of the year 1533, an abstract of it was inserted in the last volume (No. 1488) simply from Burnet's description. It is not, however, a speech, but a regular treatise in sections or chapters with separate headings, and it does not begin, as Burnet says, “My lords,” but “My lord,” being addressed to some nobleman (possibly the earl of Wiltshire) who had instigated the author to the work. Neither can I identify the handwriting with that of any of Cranmer's secretaries. It is somewhat like that of Wriothesley, but it is probably not that of the author himself. The following passages are from the introduction:—
Begins:—“My lord, I have done as ye commanded me, and that with right goodwill. I entered into the course of the canon, and east about on every side for the intent that if I could get any advantage, to take it for my profit, even as men do that enter upon their enemies' land to spoil. But I perceive that the bishops of Rome have done as rich men do when they are constrained to fly for fear of enemies. They carry away with them all that is of most value.”
* * * * * Here shall ye have drawn, and in manner painted, a model of my building, where (sic) I present unto you that it may please you to show me whether ye like this fashion, and whether that ye will have it made of such stuff, and whether ye like the foundation that I have begun.” If you like it (the writer continues) I may go on to discuss what is the duty of all bishops, what power Scripture gives them, and what further power they have by the liberality of `princes, at what time and how the bishop of Rome came to be the highest, and who they were that would never agree thereto. After this it might be showed how profitable it would be that bishops and men of all sorts were forced to do their duty, as at the beginning of the Church. A great part thereof must be fetched out of histories whereof I am not yet sufficiently prepared, so that the thing requires time. I see the writing requires to be polished, and an answer made to the opposite party's reasons. But whatever your pleasure is, I am ready to accomplish it.
As to the date of this paper, the use of the expression “bishop of Rome” shows it to be of the year 1534, the Pope in question being evidently Clement VII. Burnet, in his abstract, alters this name throughout into the more familiar word “Pope,” which made me suppose it was of the year 1533.
Pp. 80.
Hatfield MS.2. Another treatise concerning general councils, consisting of—
An introduction.
Ch. I. “Of the power of kings and princes.”
Ch. II. “What ministrations priests have power to execute among the people by the law of God.”
Ch. III. “What ministrations priests have used only by custom and laws of man, and yet many of the lay people have believed that they have had power to use them by the law of God.”
Ch. IV. “Of divers things that bishops of Rome and divers other bishops and also priests have used under the color of the law of God, which the law of God giveth them not, ne that their pretence therein cannot be affirmed by custom ne by assent of the people.”
Ch. V. “By what authorities the Catholic general councils first began, and what power they have.”
Ch. VI. “Of such councils as have been kept in time past by the power of the bishop of Rome and of the clergy, and have been called general councils.”
Ch. VII. “Of the gathering and summoning of general councils.”
Ch. VIII. “Of divers laws and decrees made by the clergy, which be not only untrue but that some of them be also against Scripture.”
Pp. 65.
19 May.692. Harry Ellyngton to Cromwell.
R. O.Memorandum that I, Harry Ellyngton, merchant of Bristol, in the 19th of this month of May received a confession of Ric. Thomas, goldsmith of Bristol, touching Lewis Farrure, who had received and changed certain church plate to the sum of 100l., and sold it to Harry Whit of Bristol, grocer, and Thos. Wynsmowre, goldsmith, by which he won 14 nobles. These goods he bought of a gentleman in the neighbourhood who can only be come at by the confession of this Richard. The said Richard desires to be admitted into Cromwell's presence, when he will declare such things as will benefit the King and the Holy Church, and discover many strong thieves and robbers of churches. He desires also that there be brought before the Council Harry Whit, Wynsmowre and Farrure, in order to prove that there have been things cloaked and hidden in Bristol and thereabouts. A carrier of Bristol, named Noram, can tell a shrewd tale of these men if he be well handled, for he has carried much plate from Bristol to London. Christ save the King and the Queen.
P.S.—Will fetch Richard Thomas if Cromwell desires it, without any privy seal.
Pp. 3. Add.: To the right honorable Mr. Thomas Cromwell.
20 May.693. Queen [Anne Boleyn] to Dr. Crome, Parson of St. Antonyne's, London.
Hart. MS. 6,148, f. 79b. B. M.Marvels that he has hitherto deferred taking the parsonage of Aldermary, (fn. 1) which she has obtained for him. Thinks by this refusal that he little regards his own weal and advancement. Considers that the furtherance of virtue, truth and godly doctrine will be not a little increased, and right much the better advanced, by his better relief and residence there. Desires him therefore to make no further delay, but take on him the cure and charge of the said benefice. At my lord's manor of Richmond, 20 May.
Copy.
20 May.694. Sir Roger Tounesend to Cromwell.
R. O.I received your letter with the King's command that I should apprehend the prior of Blackfriars, Norwich, (fn. 2) and send him to the Council. I have sent to the mayor to have the prior delivered to my servant, with due security. Since I wrote to you touching this matter, I have sent a letter to the mayor to lay secret wait for the prior whenever the King shall send for him. 20 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

Footnotes

1 Edw. Crome, S.T.P., was appointed rector of St. Mary Aldermary after Henry Gold. Newcourt does no give the date, but doubtless it was in 1534.
2 Edmund Harcock.