Henry VIII
May 1546, 21-25

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James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

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1908

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'Henry VIII: May 1546, 21-25', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 21 Part 1: January-August 1546 (1908), pp. 426-453. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=80853 Date accessed: 31 August 2014.


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May 1546, 21-25

21 May.869. Gloucester Cathedral.
See Grants in May, No. 48.
21 May.870. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A.P.C., 422.
Meeting at Greenwich, 21 May. Present: Privy Seal, [Winchester, Durham, Wingfield, Petre]. Business:—To the collectors in Kent and Sussex to forbear demanding in the Cinque Ports the Fifteenth granted by last Parliament. To mayor, &c., of Bristol, licence, in respect of their other charges this year, to omit keeping "their watches on St. John and St. Peter's eves etc." To Lord Gray to send hither in custody Godfrey Taillour, a soldier of Boulogne. To —— (blank) to send up John Mighel of Weymouth or else take sureties for his appearance. To Deputy (or, in his absence, the lord Justice) and Council of Ireland, that whereas Ric. Vaughan of Calais and other adventurers did spoil the Santa Maria de Leuse, master Alexio Gonzales, of alum and galls consigned hither by Fernando de Aza and Martin Lopez to the King's use, and have sold or intend to sell part of the same in Ireland, the said alum and galls shall be sequestrated, buyers of them caused to recompense bearer, Ant. de Marchina, Genoese, and Vaughan and his accomplices arrested.
21 May.871. Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII.
R. O.Hearing yesternight of Mr. Lee's and Rogers' coming to your camp, we sent to the French Admiral to appoint one of their commissioners to join me, the Secretary, in viewing the "limits and course of the water mentioned in their articles" as the bounds of the country to be left in your hands until they pay the money now to be agreed upon. They sent back Monluc to ask whether we had received your pleasure touching their articles, for if other points were agreed upon they would gladly view the limits. We said we could not so soon have answer, considering the calm weather, and peradventure the hindrance of their galleys. Monluc thereupon "fell in excandescentiam, saying that the Admiral had rather than 20,000 crowns he had never meddled in this matter; and that we trifled him forth with delays, making him send hither and thither 'jaunsying' in post for knowledge of his master's pleasure, and to break his head to induce him to some good points for the peace, and then we meant nothing less than peace." We answered that it was unreasonable to agree to a thing without understanding it; but Monluc said that if we joined to view the limits, straightway it would be reported throughout France that peace was made, and if the contrary afterwards proved it might be the Admiral's undoing, "as it was the Constable's in a like case." And he prayed us earnestly if we had your answer to declare it and they would declare theirs, either before or after as we liked; for, considering "the iniquity of the place and the air where the Admiral lay" he could not tarry without danger of fever and, unless your answer came tonight or tomorrow, would depart; he brought us the same plat of the country which his master had received; Mary, within a mile of the river's head were two or three villages kept by his master (the more shame to your garrisons if it be true) but all the rest of Boullonoys on this side the river should be yours until the money agreed upon were paid, the river to be common, and neither party to fortify more than is commenced: as for the haven, although his master desired it to be common, he himself thought the town and port of Bulloyn might remain yours with a proviso that their vessels might without search or impediment bring necessaries for their fort. As for the three places wherein he says that they keep garrison, I, the Admiral, had great disputation with him apart, his contention being that, having the possession, it would not be to his master's honour to surrender them. What the places be Sir Richard Lee "(who bringeth a trick with him of the same)" can best declare. The truth of the plat Monluc refers to trial at the treading of the ground. If we can detain the Admiral until we receive your pleasure we shall advance it to our utmost. Guisnes, 21 May 1546. Signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd.
Aug. I., ii. 75.
B. M.
2. A chart of the coast and country from Calais to Boulogne and beyond to Hardelot, with the names and rough pictures of the places. On the scale of an inch to a mile.
On parchment, 1 ft. 9½ inches by 1 ft. 2 inches. This chart may perhaps be that referred to in § 1.
21 May.872. Paget to Petre.
R. O.By our letters to the King you shall perceive our proceedings; and, therefore, requiring you to use diligence for the answer, I will no longer molest you with foolish letters, which, coming of a true heart, the King (if you have read them to him) will interpret graciously. Guysnes, 21 May 1546.
If my servants be come away, send an express messenger with this answer, who will come to Dover in 6 or 7 hours, whereas the common posts make 10 or 12, "which may fortune to forslo a tide or two, and so peradventure a day and night more than needeth."
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
21 May.873. Paget to Petre.
R. O.
St. P., xi. 172.
Perceiving, by the King's common letter and the form of treaty sent from thence, in what things his Majesty has "varied from the articles," prays him (the Lord Admiral and Wootton being both abed and asleep) in answering the letter sent out by Mr. Lee to signify the King's pleasure touching the first payment, wherein "they" are sure to make difficulty, as they cannot spare it, and also reckon the pension viager due now a year and a half in May as parcel of the debt, whereof Paget sent a copy. If the King would say by next letters "Accord upon these conditions or else if they will depart let them go," or "Get me these conditions if it be possible, and if not, then assay these or these, and otherwise agree not," it should be a discharge for us and might save a break, which undoubtedly is likely, for the Admiral calls apace for resolute answer, and this is not like treating by resident ambassadors when time matters not, Pray answer both these points and those in the letter carried by Mr. Lee, and whether, in case of agreement, we shall, if they wish it, proclaim peace here when we conjecture that our letter with the agreement has reached the Court. We expect your answer by Sunday night or Monday morning (fn. 1) ; and so to conclude or else come away.
Monluc sent word to my lord Admiral that if peace be made the French admiral is like, ere returning to his master, to go kiss the King's hand. Guisnes, at midnight, 21 May 1546.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
21 May.874. Hertford to Henry VIII.
R. O.Yesterday, Thursday, about 3 a.m., a French foist took at the haven's mouth of Bulloyne three hoys laden with victuals, and carried them towards two of their galleys lying at Portehill point. Four of the new shallops pursued and rescued two of the prizes, but not the third, in which were 31 oxen and 60 sheep. The same foist had previously boarded a boat of Rye, having but seven men in her, but she escaped and brought away their grapnel and certain pikes with wildfire. They say that if they had had 20 or 30 men aboard they might have taken the foist. About 1 p.m. my lord William, with the fleet, came before this haven and himself landed for an hour. As he was returning to his ship, the fleet discovered 10 galleys and made towards them, "and the galleys with a jolly brag towards them" till within shot. Then the galleys made as though they would go towards England; but, on perceiving five or six great ships about six miles to the eastward, they retired back. The King's ships ceased not to shoot at them without doing any hurt (the galleys not spending one shot) until, being becalmed and the flood at hand, they had to anchor. Next morning about 1 o'clock the ships returned with the flood towards the Narrow Seas: and at 8 a.m. the galleys, now increased to 18, appeared at Portehill point where they took in soldiers from the fortress. Three or four of the King's ships, supposed to be the Mastres, the Anne Gallant, the Salamandre and the Greyhounde, with 6 or 7 of the new shallops, lying two miles a seabord this haven, made towards those galleys; and, after exchanging shots with them, the ships and small sails retired towards the Narrow Seas pursued by the galleys which, by reason of the calm, overtook some of the shallops. Thereupon the ships turned and gave the onset, capturing one of the galleys and following the rest in chase, two of which struck, but, being left to the "small men" to take, afterwards escaped. Night hid the rest from this camp.
This afternoon one of Lord Grey's espials brought out of France the intelligence in the articles herewith. Wrote in last letters of the mutiny among the Almains here. Six of the principal offenders have already suffered and 24 or 30 more of the rascals shall be banished to their own countries. The rest are in good obedience to their coronell. Camp at Newe Haven in Bullonoyes, 21 May, 11 p.m., 1546.
P.S.—As the passage here served not, this letter was stayed until this morning, (fn. 2) when Lord Graye sends word that 1,000 or 1,200 horsemen are already come to the hill at St. Tiens, above Bulloyn, and 12,000 footmen are in sight. One of the company taken this morning confesses that they will encamp there. Will therefore hasten the fort here, which he hopes will within 5 days be tenable without any great number of men, and then remove to the Master of the Horse's camp. Order may therefore be taken for all victuals to be discharged at Bulloyne except sufficient for the 1,000 men he will leave here. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
ii. "The saying of my lord Grey's espial," 21 May 1546.
There went from Estaples yesterday to encamp at Tengrise and Saymour about 12,000 footmen and 2,000 or 3,000 horsemen. Twenty-four galleys went from Estaples to cut off victuals upon the seas. About 36 pieces of artillery are at Estaples, for the camp, as he supposes. There is much munition and victuals at Estaples. Many great ships shortly come out of Brittany. He thinks "the power by land will be at our camp on Saturday or Sunday (fn. 3) next."
P. 1.

21 May.
875. Carne and Richard Rede to Petre.
R. O.On the afternoon of the 16th, were sent for to assemble with Chancellor Nygry and Dr. Hernes, appointed by the Regent to arrange for search of the books and registers, and proceed with the execution of the King's commission. Met at the President's lodging. Were given the higher place, and both sides set forth the "continuance of the ancient amity" and gave copies of their commissions. Enclose the copy of that of Nygry and Hernes. Were told that the books should be seen at Bynkes, the Regent having sent to the chamber of account in Bruxelles for those of Brabant, and into Hollonde for those of Hollande and Zelonde, which would be there in 9 or 10 days. Maintained that Andwarpe would have been a meet place to proceed in these things as the merchants were there, and in England proceedings were in London; but were answered that the commissaries in England proceeded nigh the Court and so would the Lady Regent and her Council proceed here, and one attorney might sue for all the merchants. Said that in other places besides Brabande, Hollond and Zeland exactions were made contrary to the treaties, as in Newport, Donkyrke and Gravelinge. They answered that they thought the treaties extended not to other places than Brabant, Hollond and Zelond; but as the treaty comprised so would they do. And this we required as our commission goes for all places in inferioribus ditionibus.
In the meantime, the Lady Regent and Council being also "sperkeled," we have come hither to see what the merchants will do. The merchants seem to have no other griefs than were propounded in the Diet of Calais and Burboro; and they have few proofs of any particular matter, most of these being against Spaniards, and the merchants concerned in England. The merchants here will send their secretary with us to Bynkes. Beg him to advertise the King of the above. Andwerpe, 21 May. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1546.
21 May.876. Vaughan to Lord Cobham.
Harl. MS.
283, f. 228.
B. M.
The three galleys of the French king which lay in Seeland departed yesterday. Other news is none "but that they here (fearing th'end of the present talk of peace, lest, if it frame, the French king will straight break with th'Emperor) muster with great diligence their bands." I beg you, send my letter to Mr. Secretary by the first that goes to him. Andwerp, 21 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: deputy of Calais.
22 May.877. Henry VIII. to Lisle, Paget and Wotton.
R. O.
St. P., xi. 173.
1546.
Having seen their letters with the plat brought by Sir Richard Lee, and understanding that the matter not yet agreed upon rests much upon "the limits," signifies that, failing to obtain the limits set forth in his former instruction, which, especially those of the haven, would please him most, they may agree:—1. That the haven be his up to high water mark from the sea to Pont Brick. 2. That from Pont de Brick upwards the river shall be the limit and common to both sides, so as they attempt nothing therein to turn the course of it from its accustomed way. 3. Where they claim three villages between the head of the river and Guisnes, they are to be told that their possession of them is but precaria possessio by sufferance of our men, and as the King now departs with some of their towns which he held as far as Tyrwan, they cannot stick at such a trifle as these villages. If they reply that the villages are necessary for their way to Ardre, Lisle and the others may at discretion, if they prove conformable in the rest, appoint them ground whereby they may have a way "by sufferance as one friend hath with another," travailing earnestly herein and setting forth that, in view of the Kind's concessions, their refusal must declare that they meant not to deal bona tide, and that the continuance of these wars is only in their wilfulness; "remembering unto the Admiral (whom you take to be a wise man) how much the conclusion of this peace may be for the common profit of Christendom," and that their sticking may involve both parties in expenses which may be repented hereafter, "and yet they never like to come to so good conditions as they may now." Finally, where they are content that after the declaration of this peace no new fortification shall be commenced on either side, the King is likewise content.
Draft corrected by Petre, pp. 8. Endd.: M. to the Commissioners at Guisnes, xxijo Maii 1546.
Calig. E. IV.,
157.
B. M.
2. Letter of which the above is the draft. G[reenwich], 22 May 38 [Hen. VIII].
Much mutilated, pp. 3. Add.
22 May.878. Paget to Petre.
R. O.Perceives by his letters of the 20th and 21st the King's incomparable and gracious goodness. Prays him on his knees to beseech his Majesty to accept Paget's thanks and promise of service to the death. Guysnes, 22 May, 9 p.m., 1546.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
22 May.879. Paget to Petre.
R. O.Bearer is Erasmus Schettz son, with whom and with his father the great bargain of corn is made, and who now repairs into England about it as I wrote by Dunne. Pray help to his despatch. Calays, 22 May 1516. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: touching Erasmus Shetes son.
22 May.880. Hertford to the Council.
R. O.Has received their letters advertising the sending hither of 8,000l, and 2,000l. to Calais (which is arrived), and desiring him to make it stretch as far as possible. All was due before its arrival; and, to remind them of the amount, he encloses a note of a month's pay of the strangers. Now the treasurer is utterly disfurnished, not having wherewith to satisfy the Englishmen for the month ended on the 15th inst.; and the pioneers have as yet received nothing. Requires them therefore to see to the speedy sending of money. Camp at Newehaven in Bullonoyes, 22 May 1546. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
R. O.2. Received 19 May by Tho. Jefferaye, 8,000l. From issuing of victuals 411l. 17s. From issuing of "mattres," 50l. Remaining of former receipts 200l. Total 8,661l. 17s., whereof:—
1546.Issued to English captains and soldiers unpaid for last month ending 15 May, 1,700l.; to Almain footmen for month beginning 21 May, 3,647l. 7s. 4d.; to Spaniards, footmen, for month beginning 25 April, all prests deducted, 1,008l.; to Spaniards, horsemen, for month beginning 2 May, 330l.; to Salerno and his band whose month began 26 March, prests deducted, 327l. 16s.; to Tiberio whose month began 12 May, 202l. Total 7,315l. 3s. 4d. (sic, should be 7,215l. 3s. 4d.)
Leaving, 22 May, "in my custody," 1,346l. 13s. 8d.
ii. "To be paid."
To "Germanes horsemen" for the month which began 3 May, 1,499l.: Anthenorie from 28 April, 246l.; Spaniards footmen from 25 May, 1,775l. 10s.; Spaniards horsemen from 1 June, 330l.; Salerno from 21 May, 927l. 16s.; the English army from 16 May, 3,750l. Total 8,528l. 6s.
"Memorandum, as yet there hath not been paid, nor heretofore is included, the diet of the Lord Lieutenant, the wages of the Master of the Horse, the Marshal and his office, the ordnance, the labourers, besides incidents which may be esteemed upon."
Pp. 2.
22 May.881. Hertford to Lisle, Paget and Wotton.
R. O.Frenchmen to the number of 1,000 or 1,200 horsemen and 12,000 footmen are today encamped at See. Tiens. Our men of Bulloyn, at the straits and also all this day hardily skirmished with them, slaying six and taking prisoners three horsemen and one footman, who confess that they brought 8 pieces of ordnance and received 5 more out of the fortress this afternoon. They have a great number of mattocks, showles and spades, as if intending to fortify some place,—probably Morguyson;—but if they make not better haste Hertford may prevent them, as within two days he will signify. Their galleys lie beneath the point at Port Hill and victual their camp and fort by sea. Requires the Lord Admiral to order my lord William and a good power of the King's ships to hasten hither with all speed, and so stop their victualling by sea and force them to leave their camp; for they cannot be victualled by land. At the camp, 22 May, within night, 1546. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
22 May.882. Carne and Richard Rede to Petre.
R. O.This morning, being ready to depart towards Bynkes, were told by divers merchants that they had been secretly warned to beware of sending forth goods by sea, as 80 ships of war are suddenly and privily sent forth by the Frenchmen, besides the galleys; and, on Friday last, (fn. 4) "the Admiral of France" arrived at Rome (Rone) and immediately arrested all strange ships and hoys in all the havens thereabout lest they should carry tidings thereof. Some say that the Emperor removes shortly from Raynsbarghe towards Trent without obtaining anything of the Germans. Andwarpe, 22 May 1546. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
22 May.883. Doge and Senate of Venice to their Bailo at Constantinople.
Venetian
Calendar,
v., No. 393.
Letters of the 30th ult. from France and of the 20th and 27th from England report negociations at Calais and that the Admiral of England and Secretary Paget are at Calais where the French Admiral and others will confer with them. Nevertheless both sides continue to reinforce, and the English have engaged 4,000 Germans, and there have been skirmishes.

23 May.
884. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A.P.C., 423.
Meeting at. Greenwich, 28 May. Present: Chancellor, Privy Seal, Durham, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre, Sadler, Riche, Bakere. Business:—Letter to Earl of Hertford "to set Rogers in hand with the fortification upon the hill where the Almains lie, according to the plat." Warrant to Treasurer of the Chamber to pay Mr. Mynne for service at Boulogne 90 days, with two clerks and three servants, besides 40l. received from Mr. Rous, 50l.; also for posting charges of Francisco, Nicholas, &c., 112l. 6s. 8d. To Thomas Flemyng, deputy of the Ordnance, to deliver Sir Arthur Darcy one last of powder for Colne and other block-houses in Essex. To Williams for 20 mks. to the said Darcy for stocking guns, &c. Sir Ralph Warren, Sir Ric. Gresham, Sir John Gresham, and Sir Rol. Hill had warrant to Augmentations, Tenths and Exchequer for 12,000l. to be made over by exchange to Mr. Vaughan in Flanders. Powley, servant to the Earl of Arundel, who, having been with Crome before the time of his last sermon, was commanded not to leave London without licence, discharged of that attendance because the Earl meant to send him into Sussex.
23 May.885. Henry VIII. to Lisle, Paget and Wotton.
R. O.
St. P., xi. 175.
His pleasure is amply declared by letters and instruments heretofore sent, and his letters of yesterday answering theirs by Sir R. Lee. Where they expect difficulty about the days of the first payment, if it be impossible to get it as in the King's former instructions it may be made the 5th of November next according to "their own offer." If peace be agreed upon, our Lieutenant being with you as heretofore appointed, and sealed by the Commissioners, you shall, sending us word before, within two days proclaim it on that side. Keeping the material points of the capitulations, you may temper smaller matters as shall seem reasonable. If Munluc again hint that the Admiral is like to come over when peace is concluded, you may say you are sure that he shall be welcome.
Draft corrected by Petre, pp. 5. Endd., M. to the Commissioners at Guisnes, xxiijo Maii 1546.
Calig. E.
IV., 159.
B. M.
2. Letter of which the above is the draft. Greenwich, 23 May 38 Hen. VIII.
Much mutilated, pp. 2. Add.
23 May.886. Prince Edward to Dr. Coxe.
Harl. MS.
5,087, No. 5.
B. M.
Nichols' Lit.
Rem. Of
Edw. VI., 11.
Having but little time, writes only a little letter to his dearest Almoner; but a little letter with goodwill is better than a greater with ill, and this is written with goodwill. Hunsdon, 23 May 1546.
Lat., fair copy, p. 1.
23 May.887. Privy Council of Scotland.
Regist., 23.Meeting at Edinburgh, 23 May. Present: Governor, Cardinal, bps. of Galloway, Dunblane and Orkney, earl of Errol, abbots of Paisley and Dumfermling, lord Maxwell, lord William Hamiltoun. Business:—Order taken to proceed against those of the Marse and Teviotdale who sit under assurance of England, contrary to the Act.

23 May.
888. Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII.
R. O.Receiving this morning the enclosed letter, which shows that the Frenchmen have retired to St. Estiens, we thought good to "expostulate this bravery with the French Admiral"; and sent Sor Francisco Bernardo to "qualify" their wilfulness, "that cared not of themselves, like fantastical mules, to have destroyed themselves so their rider might have had a fall," and tell him that a prince of courage, as we know you to be, would thus only be provoked to seek revenge. Gave Sor Francisco this message in presence of the Admiral's gentleman who came to appoint the hour of our meeting this afternoon. The Admiral replied that it neither was to brave nor to do displeasure; but Mons. de Bies (by what means the Admiral knew not) learnt out of your Highness' camp that my lord of Hertford would take St. Estiens, and therefore had desired licence to take it first; and. to be plain, the necessity of their fort constrained them to it, which they could not revictual without a force. And as for bravery, said he, "if we would have taken an abstinence at the beginning without making restraint of victualling" they would gladly have agreed; whereas afterwards they refused it lest you should perceive some of their places to be in necessity. Guisnes, 23 May 1546. Signed.
In Paget's hand, except the date, pp. 2. Add. Endd.
23 May.889. Lisle to Petre.
R. O.In last letters, dated the 22nd, wrote that a letter received from Lord William was enclosed but his clerk enclosed "a contrary letter." Lord William's letter goes herein. Guisnes, 23 May 1546.
P.S. in his own hand.—Pray certify the Council that I have ordered Lord William to send wafters to the coast of Suffolk and Norfolk, albeit it is not mentioned when "they" will come forward nor in what ports they are. It were well "that they were warned to come forth all togethers."
P. 1. Add. Endd.
23 May.890. Lisle to Petre.
R. O.This day I received letters (herewith) from my lord William of the taking of the galley and the sinking of another. The Admiral of France makes no little ado for the taking of his galley, saying that his honour is more touched than ever it was; for if he had not sent them an express commandment not to meddle with the King's ships they would have provided for themselves, and his master may blame him. He sent one of the captains of the galleys to declare that, the day before, when they saw our ships come towards them as they lay at anchor they thought it was "to be merry togethers;" and so tarried until they had much ado to get the wind of our ships, and endured the shot of 200 or 300 pieces without replying. Next day seven of our ships assailed them while at anchor, "unto whom he could not deny but at length they gave the chase, and one of their galleys being foremost, seeing the rest of our ships coming towards, in shifting of her sails to turn about, the sails turned about the yard that they could (sic) clear it before she was enclosed with three of our ships and so taken; but of any that is drowned they will not be a known. The Admiral trusteth that his galley shall be restored again, because, he saith, they have not done anything since his commandment." He also desires a safeconduct for the three galleys which were chased into Flanders. I sent him word that he had better stay them there until our next meeting, when if things framed well "I was sure they might pass." He will be earnest therein at our meeting to-morrow. Pray let me know the King's pleasure. I beg you, as of yourself, to learn the King's pleasure as to the framing of the instruments, whether, according to last capitulation signed by his Majesty, which begins with my name, in case things take good effect, we three that have travailed shall conclude, or whether it shall begin with my lord of Hartforde and leave out one of us. I am not so ambitious of honour and glory, but that his Grace's pleasure shall most content me; "yet, what the other parties would think I refer to your wisdom." Guysnes, 23 May.
Hol., pp. 4. Add. Endd.: 1546.
23 May.891. Paget to Petre.
R. O."Mr. Peter, with my most hearty commendations you shall understand that, even now going to horseback to meet with the French commissioners, arrived here Fr[ancis] the courier with the King's Majesty's most gracious letters; for the which first I thank our Lord God who hath hold[en] His holy hand over us, and next that good a[nd] godly and most prudent King, our master, for [the care] he hath taken for the safeguard of Christian blood [and] for the regard he hath to the weal and qui[etness of] Christendom, and specially th'establishment in r[epose of] his own most loving and most faithful su[bjects], for whose contentation if we would not tr[avail] to the uttermost of our wits it were pity we ha[d] our heads either. It shall appear we will try [these] men's commissions to the uttermost for that purpose, b[ut if] it shall show unto us that their commission goeth ...... then will we yield according to these last letters. As touching the first payment to be made within 15 da[ys of] the confirmation of the treaty, it will not stand we[11 with] the account we make; for they having the acquittance for the payment of November in anno 4 .... then may we fortune upon desire to win ...... by prevention of 2 or 3 months to lose the ..... 200,000 crowns in the reckoning. We here, upon such reckonings as appeared unto us, thought good to pass this payment due now in May into the gross sum, [for] in our foolish judgment they overshoot themselves; which we [think] they do like shifters of London, which when they think never to pay use commonly to seal their bonds roundly without perusing their obligations. And besides this I think their charges now to be paid so far above their power as they can in no means spare their money. And if you say why do they not then yield? Because, I say, the Devil is in them and like proud horse will not confess themselves beaten [but] still kick and wince till they put both themselves [out] of breath and also their beaters. Among your [artic]les there is one left out, viz., for the time of the [ratif]ication, wherein we mind to follow other precedents. And [where]as you appoint all traitors, rebels and transfuges, so condemned or reputed before or after this treaty making, to be redelivered to his prince upon his request of the same, I believe his Majesty mind not to have such poor men as have served and do serve him at this time to be delivered by him to the death (methinks it should be against his accustomed natural pity), I mean Artigo, Bertyvil, Jehan Rybawd and such others at this time serving his Majesty, but suppose that clause to be for those rank traitors and [spi]teful wretches, Poole, Pates and others of theyr ... lyk faction. And therefore (trusting that his Majesty will accept our doing herein most graciously) we mind to except such men of war and soldiers as hath served his Majesty this war time and be sworn his servants and shall dwell within his realm to serve his Majesty at all commandments. Mr. Peter, I mean well and truly, and therefore, albeit I may do foolishly many times, my heart serveth me that my good, gentle, benign and most gracious and loving sovereign lord and master will bear as he hath done many times with my infirmities." Guisnes, going to hor[se]back, 23 May 1546. Signature lost.
In Paget's hand, mutilated, pp. 3. Add. Endd.: Mr. Secretary Mr. Paget to Mr. Secretary Mr. Petre.
23 May.892. Hertford to Henry VIII.
R. O.Hearing that the Frenchmen were encamped at St. Estiens, as he wrote yesterday, (fn. 5) and that they brought mattocks, shovels and spades, feared that to defer coming to the Master of the Horse's camp for [5] days might give them time to place themselves, and so prevent Bulloyne from getting wood, hay or grass a mile from the town. Went therefore today, with 1,000 Englishmen, 1,000 Spaniards, 3,000 lanceknechts and all horsemen save the scout, having previously appointed 2,000 footmen and the horsemen to leave Bulloyne before day and meet him secretly; and marched to the Master of the Horse's camp, and thence to Pontebrig, in the enemy's sight, and there skirmished with them, losing 4 light horsemen taken and taking one man at arms and slaying 6 or 7, whereof one was a man at arms. During the skirmish their camp and fort shot at us over 60 shot. Had appointed the surveyor of Bull[oyne] in the meanwhile to fortify a place which might be kept; and there left Conredpenyng and the lanceknechts with Sir Henry Palmer, master of the Ordnance at Bulloyne, and two captains with 600 Englishmen to keep it. Also left with Lord Graye at Bulloyn, Sir Henry Knyvet and all the horsemen save 100 who remain here for the scout. Thinks thus to disappoint the Frenchmen's purpose and protect the pieces here. The French galleys lie directly against their camp and will be loth to meddle any more with the King's ships of war. From what he saw of them, esteems them less than he did before. Hears that the Frenchmen would gladly have three holds on this side the water of Davern now in their possession. Will remove them, as their fortifying there would annoy the rest of the pale here. There is not in the French camp above 0,000 footmen and 2,000 horsemen; who look to be reinforced in a day or two by 6,000 Frenchmen, legionaries and feodaries, and will then come hither to win this fort, while their galleys keep us from victuals Failing that, they will fortify at Morguyson. They say that their camping now serves both to victual their fort and to extort such a peace as they wish. Newhaven in Bullonoyes, 23 May, 11 p.m., 1546. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
23 May.893. William lord Grey to the Council.
R. O.This morning about 10 a.m. came to Seint Estienne beside Pontbrig, 4,000 French footmen and 1,400 horsemen with three cannons and five other field pieces. Having skirmished with them all this day we have taken two or three and killed six. Those taken say that the Frenchmen will tomorrow depart towards Marguison, and thence to our camp at Hambletu; but their bringing of shovels, spades and mattocks makes me conjecture that they mean to fortify either at St. Estienne, the master of the Horse's camp, or at Marguison. Remember our great lack of victuals here. Bulloign, 23 (fn. 6) May 1546. Signed.
P. 1. Add. (as in great haste). Endd.: Marked as [despatched?] at Dover the 24 of May at 2 a.m.

23 May.
894. John Dymock.
R. O.On 23 May 1546 John Dymock, commissary of the King of England, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Supreme Head under God of his Churches of England and Ireland, being in the house of Walter Henricks in Cronenborch in the state of Dordrecht, about eleven o'clock midday, there came in the bailiff of Dordrecht, with Doctor Nicholas, physician, and the bailiff asked him and his host to dinner. They went, and about half an hour later were joined by the procuréur général and three others. The procureur asked Dymock not to take ill what should be said to him in confidence, and first one Van Henluyden asked if it were true that the King had taken again Lady Anne of Cleves and had two children by her. Dymock answered that they in England knew no more than he had heard here,—it was a matter between God and the King. Dymock was then asked the reason why the King put away the Lady of Cleves, and replied that that was asking too much of him, but it was not without reason, and he thought that men ought to be content with what the King did in his own country as with what the Emperor had done: there was a duke in Spain who was married and had two children by his wife, and the Emperor took the wife and her two children from her husband and married her to the duke's own brother and named the children to be his own. The procureur asked if he would stand to that, and he replied that he would, before the President, the Count of Buren and Scypperius.
Secondly, Dymock was asked whether the country kept masses for the dead and the service of God as here, and also whether all the monasteries in England were not done away with. He answered that in all things God's service was maintained as formerly, save only that the processions were sung in the English tongue, all giving glory and thanks to God; and as for the abbeys and other houses of religion they were dissolved, but the King put bishops, canons and secular priests in the chief abbeys, and therein founded free schools for children, and of the rest of the little abbeys and religious houses, some are given to hospitals for the poor and some to the prince and lords. Whereupon one Mark said, laughing, "Your king is a Lutheran." Dymock replied "Luther is dead and buried, and namest thou my lord the King's Majesty Lutheran because he maintains the word of God and has done away with the past religions and their ungodly abuses? Methinks ye say not well." Then the procureur asked tauntingly whether the King gives God's indulgence or remission since he is pope in England. Dymock answered that in England they knew only of that absolution which God gives, and held their King as the appointed and secular head of all his realm. "How holdest thou the Pope?" then asked the procureur, "Under correction, in confidence," said Dymock, "we recognise him not as pope but as a bishop and temporal lord, and should I otherwise recognise him I were a traitor to my King, for it is ordained by the lords spiritual and temporal and by Act of Parliament that whoso recognises him as he is here held shall forfeit life and goods." The Procureur asked if he thought it well done to supress the houses of Religion. "Mynheer," replied Dymock, "I mark well your object; more you have not of me, for I am not the Kaiser's subject and, under correction, I tell you, since you have asked me in confidence, and will maintain, that what the King does in his country is well done, and so is what the Kaiser does in his." The Procureur remarked that the King had done what would give him a warm arse one day; and Dymock said that that should be judged by God. After some further conversation (given) Dymock wished that the King and the Emperor would renew their old friendship, and then he would expect to see the Emperor in ten years time do as the King bad done; and the bailiff said that then the Emperor should be a heretic like the King. Dymock warned him that he was going too far, but he went on to say "A heretic! Is not that heretic's work to suppress the monasteries?" Dymock then said that if the King was a heretic, so was the Kaiser for leaguing with him, and so was Schipperius who made the league.
When Dymock said that the Kaiser would within ten years do as the King had done, the Procureur and Secretary Mark asked what that was. He answered in confidence that he had often heard say that the Kaiser would have St. Michael's cloister at Antwerp to make it a princely garden, and so might he also make St. Bernard's and the cloister of Bonwelo three princely houses for his Majesty, and give each abbot a lordly living elsewhere. The foresaid Mark asked what he would wager thereon, and Dymock said that, the other putting down ten crowns, he would return 100 cr. when the event happened, but Mark thought that the time was long and the Kaiser might not live, and so declined.
Dutch. Hol., pp. 5. Endd. by Dymock: Copie of the artickles demanded by the procureur generall in Holland
23 May.895. Edmond Harvel to Henry VIII.
R. O.By last letters of the 13th inst. signified this Signory's report that the Turk had commanded his soldates to be ready and sent 330,000 ducats to Hungary to pay his soldates, and that the Saniacho of Bossena had prepared a great band of men,—signs that the Turk will be doing this year. The truth must soon appear, as the year is far advanced for great enterprises.
By letters from Rome of the 15th the Bishop was indisposed both of body and mind "for the great troubles and fastidies which he taketh continually." It is bruited that the Emperor wrote to the Council of Trent to suspend proceeding in the [do]ctrine of the Faith and only treat of the abuses; thereby grievously offending the prelates of Rome. The rumor of the French sending 200,000 cr. to Italy to make men seems vain. Many here are in hope of peace between Henry and the French king. Lately was discovered a French practice in Cuni, in Piemont, a town in the Duke of Savoy's possession. Signor Ludovico de Larme returned two days past from executing his commission, and will doubtless write. He reported to Harvel that the Duke of Ferare offers to go to Henry and the French king upon the treaty of peace. Esteems this "to proceed by the French king's procuration." Letters from the Imperial Court mention that Henry is "confederate with the Protestants." Venice, 23 May 1546.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
23 May.896. Edmond Harvel to Paget.
R. OReceived his letters of 11 April in favour of Sir Thomas Speake's son, and "for respect of the common country and of Mr. Speke (doted as I understand with many great qualities)" promises to be as careful of the young gentleman as if he were his own son, furthering him in learning and virtuous manners and supplying him with money if needful. Desires indeed to gratify Paget, whom he knows "to be right noble and constant in amity, and also in supreme favour and authority to do the friend much pleasure and benefit," Writes occurrents to the King. Venice, 23 May 1546.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.

23 May.
897. Stanislaus Hosius to Cardinal Pole.
Poli Epp.,
iv. 14.
Was delighted with the elegance and humanitas of his letters in favor of the Abp. of Upsal. (fn. 7) Excuses his delay in replying. Has the best will to accomplish Pole's commands, but has no such influence with his King as Pole was informed. What he can do must be by the agency of Samuel bishop of Cracow, (fn. 8) procancellarius of the Kingdom, who is very friendly to him. Fears he should incur danger by stirring in the matter himself, as it would be against the law, good and pious as the cause is. The deanery is of lay patronage, and it is a capital offence to go against Roman law. Canonries of cathedrals cannot be obtained except by natives, or the patron incurs capital punishment. Has arranged, however, with the bishop of Cracow that the holder of the deanery shall pay a pension to the Abp. of Upsal. Hopes God will bless Pole's efforts at the Council. Cracow, 23 May 1546.
Lat.
24 May.898. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A. P. C., 424.
Meeting at Greenwich, 24 May. Present: Chancellor, Privy Seal, Durham, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre. Business:—George Huntingdon, soldier in Ireland, had letters to Lord Dacres in his favour touching a tenement which his father held. Two yeomen of the Chamber, sent to apprehend Sir Robert Wesdom, priest, had with them letters to one Kyme and his wife to appear within 14 days. Warrant to Williams to repay St. Leger, Deputy of Ireland, 500l. advanced there to Sir Wm. Brabazon to the King's use, as appeared by a bill of the Council of Ireland. Also to repay John Wentworth, surplusage of his account for draught horses for the army at Boulogne, 79l. 11s. 4d.
24 May.899. The Privy Council to Lisle.
R. O.
1546.
Understanding by your letters that the Admiral of France seems to think his honour touched because one of his galleys is taken, and desires to have it restored, and to have safeconduct for the three which were driven into Flanders, the King will have you signify to him that he should consider how their galleys have acted since he promised that they should return. If they have done otherwise than he promised, the fault is to be imputed to his captains, who have since lain upon the King's coasts and both taken victuallers and burnt houses. Two of them took two victuallers which were rescued by two row-barges. Thirdly, they sent one or two galliasses to the mouth of the King's port of Hambletu and took three victuallers, two of which were rescued. Fourthly, their galleys which were driven into Flanders took two or three victuallers upon the coasts of Suffolk and Norfolk. These things the King's admiral and captains could not suffer, yet, when when at the first skirmishing the galleys fled towards their own coast our men ceased to follow them; and now, when Lord William and the navy had passed three quarters of the seas towards Dover, the said galleys chased four ships which straggled behind, and if one of their galleys was taken, another drowned and a third well beaten, how can they pretend to have this galley again, making no offer of redelivery of his Majesty's ships and victuallers which were taken? The King sees no reason in their demand, and means (if your communication for a peace is not concluded) to provide that neither the said three galleys shall return nor the rest "abide as they have done." These brags upon the seas, and now of late upon the land, are not the ways to further this treaty, "and the end may perchance be such as they shall have small cause to rejoice of the same."
Draft in Petre's hand, pp. 4. Endd.: M. to my lord Admirall, xxiiijo Maii 1546.
24 May.900. Prince Edward to the Queen.
Vesp. F. iii.
18.
B. M.
Hearne's
Sylloge, 115.
Nichols' Lit.
Remains of
Edward VI,
12.
"Fortasse miraberis me tam sæpe ad te scribere, idque tam brevi tempore, Regina nobilissima et mater charissima, sed eadem ratione potes mirari me erga te officium facere. Hoc autem nunc facio libentius, quia est mihi idoneus nuncius servus meus, et ideo non potui non dare ad te literas ad testificandum studium meum erga te. Optime valeas, Regina nobilissima. Hunsdoniæ, vigesimo quarto Maii.
Tibi obsequentissimus filius, Edouardus Princeps."
Hol. Add.: Illustrissimæ Reginæ, matri meæ.
*** This letter is also printed by Strype, Eccl. Mem., II., i. 15, Seward, Anecdotes, I, 119, Ellis, Orig. Letters, 1st ser., ii. 132, and (a translation) Halliwell, Royal Letters, II. 9.
Harl.
5,087, No. 7.
B. M.
2. Copy dated 11 May 1546, with one expression varied.
24 May.901. Sir William Malory to the Council.
R. O.The mayors of Barwyke upon Tweyd, since his entry to the treasurership there, have yearly demanded their fees for the mayorship; and he has refused payment because they could show no warrant for the said fee of 10l., but has offered it upon a sufficient discharge from lord Eurye, captain of the town, who always refused "so to do." As far as he can learn, the said fee has been paid heretofore. Begs to know the Council's pleasure. Barwyke upon Tweyd, 24 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 15 .. (mutilated).
24 May.902. Parliament of Scotland.
Acts of
P. of Sc.,
ii. 466.
Held at Edinburgh, 24 May 1546, by John abbot of Paisley, Alex. abbot of Cambuskynneth, Mr. James Foulis of Colintoun, clerk of the register, Mr. Thos. Ballenden, clerk of justiciary, and Mr. Henry Lauder, advocate, commissioners; together with Patrick Baron, deputy constable, John Perduven, deputy marshal, Thos. Wauchop, sergeant, and Thos. Hall, judicator. Business:—Summons against Roderic McCloyd and his colleagues continued to 1 July.
24 May.903. Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII.
R. O.
St. P., xi. 176.
It were tedious to declare the wilfulness shown by the French yesterday, which, considering your frankness, grieved us not a little. In the first article they said it was meant that if they paid the money at any time within the eight years you should deliver Boulloyn. Neither touching the limits, the Scots, nor the gross sum, would they agree to the articles. Parted desperately, save that the President desired us to consider the matter and let them know in the morning whether we would agree for the term of eight years or within eight years, for the river and haven to be common and for the first payment to be at Michaelmas. Sent them word, by bearer, this morning that, as we said yesterday, we would only deal article by article. They agreed, and Francesco, commissioned to set forth our minds, brought them to grant the first article for the payment to be at Michaelmas 1554; bat they would not agree as to the limits and the first payment, and sent Monluc with him to us. Despatched him "with like answer"; but as he was going to horseback bearer induced him to return, and at last he accorded that the haven should be yours from the sea to Pontbrick, on both sides up to high water mark, their master bringing in furniture for their fort free, but their merchants paying the usual customs, and the river from Pont de Brike upwards to be common. This we accorded, and likewise for the first payment to begin at November, otherwise they should pay it twice "paying it once in the gross sum." Where they may not enter your ports with above 100 armed men, Monluc asked whether, in the event of their having war with another prince, they might not take refuge from tempest. We answered that, by friendship, they should enter, provided that they did not land without licence. He said they hoped for as much friendship from us as they now have from the Emperor, to whose comprehension they with difficulty accorded. Mr. Wotton and the President shall tomorrow and next day make the writings, "and upon Thursday (fn. 9) we think they shall be sealed." Tomorrow Paget and Bochetel go to the river's head and view the limits from thence hitherwards. The Frenchmen would fain have devised "the ways for the payment and delivery of Boulloyn"; but we say there will be time enough for that hereafter. It has been thought expedient to make an abstinence for four or five days while matters be in penning, lest soldiers who live by war give occasion to mar all. Highly commend "this honest witty gentleman," (fn. 10) who can relate all the circumstances. But for him the devil would have made these Frenchmen mar all, "they have such a natural pride in them," which now we must call "a great courage." Guisnes, 24 May 1546. Signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd.
24 May.904. Lisle to Henry VIII.
R. O.The King, as their common letters show, now standing in terms of a most honourable peace, whereby the most part of Christendom shall have cause to pray for him and he may, God willing, reign long in tranquillity, leaving his "acts and conquests" a memory to the world, to his own fame and the glory of Almighty God; Lisle reminds him of his great charges now upon the sea, and would know his pleasure for the bestowing of his "ships and gallyasses royal." Guisnes castle, 24 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1546.
24 May.905. Lisle to Petre.
R. O.Our common letter to the King mentions all there is to write, save that, a letter from my lords of the Council mentions a buck that should come from the King, "which if it come shall be accordingly used as in the same letter is specified." Tomorrow "he" and I meet a hunting in the fields;—so we shall all be occupied, "Mr. Secretary with the other secretary (fn. 11) to see the confines, Mr. Wotton with the President to see the penning of the treaties, and both the Admirals a hunting." Guisnes, 24 May 1546.
P. S.—Pray recommend me to my lord Warden and Mr. Comptroller, "whom in the Mr. of the Horse's letter I have forgotten, not for lack of good will."
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.

24 May.
906. Paget to Petre.
R. OIn his letter, which Signor Francisco Bernardo brings, has forgotten a point which should he remembered, viz., that upon the conclusion of this peace the French king will send a man to congratulate the King. A like personage should be ready to go to the French king. Suggests the Master of the Horse, accompanied by Mr. Wootton or some other meet to be left as ambassador resident, "for which office Mr. Wootton were meet at the beginning, though he tarried there the shorter while, both because he is a personage of peace and for that also, being a sober discreet man, beaten now in these matters and not over hasty in practices, the Frenchmen, who no doubt will straight be in hand with new devices, may with his demureness and temperance be put off the better. We will devise together and feel the French king's determination in this case by the French commissioners, and advertise further. When the French Admiral goeth hence (if he come not over) let us know whether we shall come away or no." Guysnes. 24 May 1546.
P.S.—"If it shall please the King's Majesty to send the congratulation to the French king, then undoubtedly the French admiral shall come to the King's Majesty."
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
24 May.907. William lord Grey to Henry VIII.
R. OMy lord of Hertforde laying yesterday upon the hill where the Master of the Horse encamped 3,000 Almain footmen, 600 English footmen of Boulloyn and the Clevois horsemen, commanded me to look to them: and this morning I sent forth 40 light horsemen of the Cavyliero's band to view the Frenchmen's camp at Seint Estienne, while 100 horsemen waited about the Gavells Ende between the fortress and St. Estienne. The light horsemen were chased homewards by Mons. de Vandome's band of horsemen (100 men at arms) and others, and, at the Gables Ende, I, with Mr. Knevet, Sir Jehan a Bridges, Sir Thomas Palmer, George Hawarde, and other gentlemen, charged them and took Vandome's lieutenant Mons. de Tras, Mons. de la Mote, Mons. de —— (blank) and fifty others and slew and hurt "of horse and men about one hundred." Mons. de Tras says that their camp is for no other purpose than to give battle if peace be not shortly concluded. They number 800 men at arms and 6,000 footmen, and expect more. Boulloyn, 24 May 1546. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
24 May.908. Hertford to Henry VIII.
R. O.
1546.
As he wrote yesternight, left at Bulloyn, with Lord Graye, his cousin Knyvet and all the horsemen; who, this day, by certain light horsemen of "Caveleries band," trained the Frenchmen into a narrow passage beside the Gable [End] between their camp and their fort, and within shot of both. They came on with about 100 horsemen, followed by their troop of 400. Sir Thomas Palmer, with certain footmen who lay there, passed the water and skirmished with them till Graye and Knyvet with 80 horsemen came over and charged, forcing them to retire "until they came unto the top of the hill, where, being the passage somewhat strait and our men so mixed with them as they had [no] place to turn upon ours for their safeguard, o[ne] of them overthrew the other, and, all 'onheaped,' o[ur] men slew and took of them as they listed." Lord Graye and my cousin Knyvet report, by the mouth of Sir Thomas Palmer, the capture of 40 or 45 men at arms, including Mons. de Trey, lieutenant to Mons. de Vandholme, and Mons. de le Mott, a man of reputation, besides others slain and hurt. We lost only one or two footmen "slain with great ordnance out of the fort." Bearer, Mr. Haward, who broke two staves upon the enemy and did good service, can declare the whole. My lord Herbert, my lord John and my lord Thomas Graye, Sir Charles Brandon and Mr. Chamborne "also brake their staves and did very honestly." Camp at Newhaven in Bullonoyes, 24 May 1546, within night. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
24 May.909. Hertford to Henry VIII.
R. O.This morning I received a letter from my lord Admiral and Mr. Secretary Paget announcing their agreement with the French commissioners for a surceance of war for 5 or 6 days. As I know not in what terms peace stands, and as your Majesty would not agree to last surceance "without exception of re-victualling their fort," I would only grant it for three days, thinking meanwhile to learn your pleasure. Nichasius, who brought the letter, thought it would be concluded that there should be no fortification other than is begun already. Has instructed bearer, Sir Thos. Palmer, to explain the disadvantage of this, and of their claim to have Selles and other pieces which should be within Henry's bounds. Camp at Newhaven in Bullonoyes, 24 May 1546, at midnight. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
24 May.910. Vaughan to Petre.
R. O.In the bourse here is news that the French king has arrested all hoys and hulks in France. The Queen makes ready the bands of these countries. "Whether it be to set upon the bishop of Cullen or for what other cause I cannot certainly learn." Andwerp, 24 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1546.
24 May.911. The Sieur de Beures and Scepperus to François vander Dilft.
R. O.For the surety of the fishery, so important to these countries, the Queen sent towards Scotland a burgess of La Vere of Scottish descent named Magnus David, because he knows the language, with certain safe-conducts (fn. 12) for the assurance of Scottish traders,—a course allowed by the treaty of closer amity and practised by the English during the war. David has been captured by the English and carried to Newcastle, together with the said safe-conducts and certain closed letters from the Queen to the Governor of Scotland; which will greatly frighten the fishermen, and especially in this dear season. Beg him to move the King's council that David may be released and do his message and also have his goods restored, amounting only to 500fl. Moreover, because the Scots have since taken and pillaged several fisher boats, the poor men have begged me, the sieur de Beveres, to lend them a gentleman of mine named Hame; and you will do a good work to obtain safe conduct for him and his, who will carry no merchandise for Scotland. La Vere, 24 May 1546. Signed: M. de Bourgne: Cornille Scepper'.
French, p. 1. Add.: "A Messire Francis Vander Dilft, Chevallier, conseillier et ambassadeur de l'Empereur chez le Roy d'Angleterre. En Court, a Londres." Sealed. Endd.: Skipper to th'Emperor's ambassador here.

25 May.
912. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A.P.C., 424.
Meeting at Greenwich, 25 May. Present: Chancellor, Privy Seal, [Durham, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre]. Business:—Warrant to Exchequer for 3,000l. to be paid at the appointment of Winchester, &c., for victuals.
25 May.913. Henry VIII. to Lisle, Paget and Wotton.
R. O.
St. P., xi. 179.
Francesco Bernardo arrived this afternoon with their letters. Thanks them for their diligence. Bernardo signifies that, in case Lisle is sent with the King's ratification and for the christening of the Dolphyn's daughter, the French Admiral will come hither bringing (probably) his master's ratification. If the French Admiral shall so come, Lisle shall go as above to the French king, accompanied by Wotton who is to reside there as ambassador for a time. Gives them this notice that they may have time to prepare, and will send full instructions later. As soon as the treaty is sealed and the Admiral departed, Paget shall return hither. And if the Admiral comes directly from thence, Lisle and Wotton shall go from thence; but if he first goes to his master they may repair hither. In case the Admiral shall not come, the King desires to know with speed whom the French king means to send, that he may appoint a like personage.
Draft corrected by Petre, pp. 4. Endd.: M. to the Commissioners at Guisnes, xxvo Maii 1546.
Calig. E. iv.
161.
B. M.
2. Letter of which the above is the draft. Greenwich, 25 May, 38 Henry VIII.
Much mutilated, pp. 2. Add.
25 May.914. Lord Justice and Council of Ireland to the Council.
R. O.
St. P., iii. 568.
Whereas your late letters signify the King's will for his Chancellor here to repair to his presence, who has served almost eighteen years, we think meet to report that he served the King diligently before he was Chancellor, and as Chancellor he has served nigh eight years "truly, indifferently and discreetly," and by long experience understands matters of this realm. Beg them to move the King in his favor. The King's subjects of the English Pale live in as good peace and quietness as at the lord Deputy's departure. Dublin, 25 May 38 Hen. VIII. Signed by Brabazon, Dublin, Aylmer, Lutrell, Bathe, Travers, Howthe, Cusake, Basnet and Lokwod.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
915. Chancellor Alen on Ireland.
R. O."A note of the state of Ireland with a device for the same."
To make "your honors" (the Privy Council in England?) understand the state of Ireland, the writer will divide it in five parts, viz., 1, Ulster, inhabited by Oneyle, now earl of Tyrone, Odonell, Ocaghan, Macquylyn, Maguynes, Ohanlon, MacMahon, Savage and others. 2, Conoaght, inhabited by the Burghes (Englishmen), Kellies, Bayleyes, Oruricke and other Irishmen. 3, 4, Two Mounsters which the Shenan divides, one inhabited by Obreen now earl of Thomond, Macnemarrowe, and other his kinsmen, and the other by the earl of Desmond and certain lords of English blood and many Irishmen. 5, Leynster (comprising Myth, Uriell, Dublin, Kyldare, Catherlagh, Wexforde, Kylkenny and Typperary). Except in that part of Leinster which is inhabited by Englishmen, the King's writ and laws are nowhere obeyed; "and that parcel of Leynster next the sea coast for reformation whereof I call so busily, and Ochonor, Omore, with all the Irishmen thereabouts, and my lord of Upper Osseries country, obey not writ ne law." The term of English Pale is often misleading, including as it does both "the March and the Maghry," and men write that the Pale is in peace when they mean only the heart of the country and not the March, as was the case with last letters which the writer brought. The English Pale, that is the four obedient shires, which is quiet by reason of the King's retinue lying there, is decayed in strength. This Pale, with the parts in Ormond's rule and the county of Wexford, except the earl of Desmond's own person, was the King's before, and is not amplified, "saving some tributes discharged four years past, and yet part of the lands there given to Irishmen." Cannot see that the King's writ is obeyed further than it was six years past,—"at least amongst Irishmen it is nothing obeyed,"—and the King's revenues are little more than at the last survey.
As to Irishmen; to begin with the earl of Tyrone, to whom the King has given lands within the Pale and great benefits, once a year perchance he comes to Dublin, at great solicitation, and he leaves his silk gown there or at Drogheda and never at home uses English apparel. "And where the King's pleasure was, upon his creation, that the rest of his lands of Ulster should be converted to his own use, hath the King one foot there more than he had?" The obedience of other Irishmen there was "reserved from" him "and he alonely lotted to Tyrone," which was more than he had before, when Neyle Connelagh and Feylym Roo were out of his peace; but he has since subdued them all, and has almost all Ulster under his obedience. If it be objected that Tyrone will not claim them to be upon his peace, but the King's, I will not contend in terms, but he has the signory, &c., of them, and exercises all kingly jurisdiction in Ulster. Orayley and all the Irishmen "by west" do the like. O'Chonor, who has ever been the King's sorest adversary and could never be persuaded to come to the King's presence, has been permitted to grow stronger than ever, having allied himself with his neighbours, fortified his country, and taken Odempsies country, "which was our key, being one of the strongest piece of ground in Ireland," which he has so fortified (besides building a bridge and castle over a passage) that he can pass upon Kyldare, Lexe and Kylkenny and join with the Cavenaghs if he list, and thereby preclude Kyldare from rescuing the castle of Lie, which was built to keep those fast countries from Irishmen. "I came not hither to complain of any man, but this I say" that if Tyrone and he were disposed to be as they have been, they might destroy most of the English Pale. Men of experience say "that it were almost as facile to reduce Leynster to a law as Ochonor to the state he was in five or six years past"; and surely he will not forsake this strength without fighting for it. All potenates see that their neighbours grow not too strong, and Englishmen in Ireland have ever practised to prevent any one Irishman from attaining great strength. If the severance of them is neglected "they will prove what they can do"; for Irishmen when kept in awe will speak fair, but "greater tyrants be there none than they where soever they have the upper hand." The rest of the Irishmen are as they were before, that is, they make no open invasions as long as they "see a sword to strike again." Desmond is, I doubt not, true to the King, but takes to himself all the profits under his rule. Lands within the Pale have been given to Irishmen, who may thus spy all the secrets of the Pale. Tyrone, for instance, has a place within four miles of Dublin, another by Drogheda and another by Dundalk, and might come from house to house with a small company, and so in a night draw all his host together in the midst of the country "and 'skule' all the country or men could help it." It were better to have given them annuities unless the King had fortresses in their countries, with captains and companies to see the conditions of their pacts observed. Men of experience say that they have seen Irishmen adjoining the Pale as obedient as they are now and more so. It may be said that while these Irishmen live, and my lord Deputy (in whom they have great affiance) rules, they will keep touch. "I pray God send it, but I doubt it much, and I think he do so himself." And is it good policy for the King to hazard his realm thus?
There is "a device moved, to defend Ireland upon the revenues," to have 100 English horsemen, 100 Irish horsemen, 1,000 galloglas and 250 kerne. But where is the reformation of Leynster and the Irishmen? Now it is to be foreseen that there ever be an English deputy there (I will speak of more English officers when asked secretly) albeit my lord Deputy has been of opinion that the room should descend from year to year upon the nobility there; and the Deputy should be removed every third year and have a privy council of six persons to direct him. Agrees with the device for 200 horsemen, but thinks the multitude of galloglas and kerne very periculous, as inducers of Irish manners into the Pale. Let there be but 300, and the Irish entertained amongst Irishmen, and 300 bowmen at 40s. yearly and certain maintenance (described) in Ormond's country, Waterford and Wexford. Ormond should retain no galloglas without licence (but it were well to hear him first in this). If the King ("now specially being peace, thanked be God of it") would bring Ireland to a more sure stay he should send for Desmond, Tyrone, the lord of Upper Osserie, Orayley, Ochonor, Omore and Okarell, and article with them to relinquish all that he has not given them, and that the King may either have a subsidy or a garrison of men of war found among them. The captains in Leinster should be "furnished and put to it afresh," and the harness taken from the inhabitants into the garrisons, giving them portions of the lands and keeping the rest to the King. If kept thus three years they be vanquished; but the Deputy must sometimes lie in those parts, and Ormond must exchange his lands [there]. A council resident at Lymericke is necessary, and, with Desmond conformable, profits may be had to support it. There are two or three fair abbeys there (only "their habits altered") wherein the King might erect some estate to keep the earls of Ormonde, Desmonde and Thomonde asunder, or else the Breenys will have that country again. Finally, if the King will have my lord Deputy and my lord of Ormonde to serve together, all matters betwixt them, and what rule Ormonde shall have, must be ordered here, or they will never agree.
Pp. 10. In Alen's hand.
916. Chancellor Alen on Ireland.
R. O.
St. P., iii. 564.
"Certain notes of the state of Ireland."
The English Pale is not amplified, but in strength decayed; and many Irishmen never stronger, and no provision to resist them if they revolt. The King's writ is no further obeyed than it was. The revenues, for the six years' charges, are little augmented. Leynster, the key to Ireland, after receiving the rest of the Irishmen that they might not impede that enterprise, is not reformed. These new reconciled Irishmen have been permitted to murder and subdue those who took the King's part against them in their rebellions or were of the King's peace, and especially Ochonor and Tyrone were never of such strength as now. These Irishmen have not kept promise, for they have neither opened their passages, laid down their harness, put away their idle men nor done any other thing. The King has no jurisdiction in their territories, nor even the abbeys there. Part of them are given lands and farms within the English Pale and so learn the secrets of the country; and "I cannot learn that ever such barbarous people kept touch any while or were ever vanquished with fair words; let Wales be example." It is strange to see how the King is beguiled, what money he has spent these six years, and his ancient enemies stronger, his subjects feebler, and his profits not augmented. I marvel why my lord Deputy, if Irishmen be so conformable as he says, should have all the revenues of Ireland and 5,000l. yearly out of England to maintain his estate; and the King to be rex nomine tantum, while the Deputy weeds out all his Grace's expert servants and will have only such as are obsequious.
Pp. 2. Endorsement pasted on. The Chauncelour's notes touching the state of Irlande.
917. [St. Leger to the Council.]
R. O.
St. P., iii. 569.
"Answer to such notes as concern the state of Ireland exhibited by the lord Chancellor against the King's Majesty's Deputy there."
1. If he will declare what he means by the English Pale, I will answer whether it is amplified. Its decay is no marvel, for the King's farmers that would maintain men if they might have the customs that the earl of Kildare had, and now the King should have, are letted therefrom by the Chancellor, "calling now the same extortion," and, paying for their farms, cannot give horse and harness and men as the owners did. The Chancellor, having of the King's gift 100 mks. yearly, and 500 mks. in office and farms, finds not one horseman. Irishmen were never so weak, the Byrnes not half the horsemen they were, the Tooles of no strength, the Kavanaghes, that could make eight or nine score horsemen, not able now to make forty. Old Omore rode daily with more horsemen than all Omore's country can now make. Mulrony Ocarwell had more horsemen than now the Omores and Ocarwells together. Oconour at my coming had four horsemen to one he has now. As for provision to resist them, I have made sundry devices, both for men and castles, which were either hindered or little advanced by the Chancellor, as may appear by Castell Jourdayne.
2. As to the King's writ, it were hard to make those wild men obey the King's process who know neither law nor letter; but most of them keep better rule in their countries than for 100 years past. When I came, no man could ride from Lymericke to Casshell without safe-conduct and payment of a crown for every pack; and now nothing is paid, and a sheriff is chosen who executes the King's process as well as he can. Why has the Chancellor, one of the principal of the Council, not advised me how it might be done better? Last year one of the Tooles was sheriff of Dublin county and did right well; and there is yearly a sheriff among the Byrnes who does the office prescribed to him by me at the Council.
3. To advance the revenues I have done my part, and more might have been done if the Chancellor had not letted, "as shall appear by mine articles." If he will say anything in special I will answer.
1546.4. As to Laynester I have amply answered "in my former answer." His own hand is to the letter to the King to know whether, during these wars, we should attempt the banishment of those Irishmen that first brought Englishmen into Ireland; and he knows the King's answer not to enterprise it, but reside about Dublin to resist the Frenchmen. Also he knows how Urmonde would not depart with the holds and castles wherein the soldiers for that enterprise must lie, and how he stayed the sending of victuals for the soldiers, "sitting at home himself and comptrolling me and others that took pain." How we were handled appears by "my former answer." The Chancellor knows what Thomonde and Ybrecan said to me and him and the rest of the Council "concerning the expulsion of those Kavanaghes in that periculous time."
5. As to permitting new reconciled men to murder those who had taken the King's part; Tyroen has done much hurt to Hugh Onele, whose father and he truly served the King, and whom, therefore, I favoured, whereas the Chancellor always favoured Felome Roo against him. All his other articles are too general to be answered; but as to Irishmen's force I say that they were never weaker.
6. Knows not wherein Irishmen have greatly broken their pacts, and perchance Englishmen there keep not all their promises.
7. If Irishmen use their old laws, so do Urmond and all the lord Marchers, but when did Irishmen so well obey the King's commandment and do so little hurt to English subjects? If the King has given some of them jurisdiction in their countries, it becomes not me to comptrol him, and the Chancellor knows that the King has abbey lands and other profits out of some of their countries. I will not speak of Orowerke who gave the King 100 mks. and 10 mks. yearly truly paid, and yet dwells 100 miles from the English Pale. The Chancellor was one of the first to move that the King should give them lands in the Pale to have a pledge upon them.
8. Again, he comptrolleth the King's gift, and would, if he durst, comptroll the King here, who hath retained certain Frenchmen, Spaniards and Italians, "for they may, thereby, as well be good guides in England." Within these eight years the Chancellor has been one of the chief to counsel the giving of fair words (and also treasure) to Irishmen; but, in my time, seeing them use more truth and obedience, he has been "against that either I should speak them fair or yet minister them justice."
9. I know not what he means by saying that the King is beguiled. I trust that I have mis-spent none of his Majesty's treasure and think that the Chancellor has 1,000l. more of it in store than I; and I am ready to prove the revenues augmented, subjects disburdened and Irishmen "enfeblisshed." What revenues are received of Irishmen and retained from them that they before had "I can declare if the Chancellor will not."
10. Where he marvels how the revenues and 5,000l. a year are consumed to maintain my estate, I marvel that he is not ashamed to lie; for he knows that no such sum is spent there, and that I spend 500 mks. a year more than I receive. He "spareth more every year than I have done there these six years." He would that I had fewer men about me that he and others might rule the King's deputy. Ye may see whether he was of counsel with Cowlies book, for these are the effect of that book and also of the articles sent by Urmounde to Lewes Bryan, his servant, so that I think he would have the King neither rex indeed nor yet in nomine, the "expert servant" meaning himself, whom alone I have gone about to weed out, having known him these 8 or 9 years to be a weeder and destroyer of expert and honest servants.
Finally, my good lords, let me no more be fatigated with writing answers but let us be called before you and, if I be clear, discharge me; and I beg your means to the King "to rid me from this hell wherein I have remained this vj. years" to serve his Highness elsewhere, even in Turkay.
Pp. 7. Endd.
918. Alen to the Council.
R. O.
St. P., iii. 573.
Petition of John Alen, Chancellor of Ireland, that, as he has served the King eighteen years in Ireland, they will hear him indifferently and allow him "to refelle the principilles" of his adversary who devises his utter undoing.
1. As to the charge of being a subverter of Deputies; at my first coming to Ireland, not at my own suit, Ormond's father was Deputy, whom I never offended. After him Thomas Fitz Geralde was governor, who favoured me as much as any Englishman in Ireland. To him succeeded Sir Wm. Skeffington, to whom I adhered as to my own father; and when he, by Kildare's means, was removed, and Kildare made deputy, I departed into England, until Sir Wm. Skeffington appointed me Master of the Rolls and one of the Privy Council there. Upon certificate of Kildare's evil doings by Sir Barth. Dyllon, chief justice, and the complaints of Ormond's father, both were sent for hither; and the Council sent the chief justice and me with instructions (yet extant) to declare Kildare's abuses. As the act of attainder goes, "he and the earl of Desmond" practised with the French king for an army out of France to take Ireland from the King, "and, after, his son, being Justice, attempted without help of the French king that which his father intended." After him, eftsoons succeeded Sir Wm. Skeffington, who, with the Council, sent hither me and the Chief Justice, once or twice, with instructions; and such of you, my lords, as yet live know how we acted towards him, "who was never removed but died honorably in his room." Lord Leonard succeeded him, who favoured me till the Commissioners came into Ireland, and after that he favoured me not so much, but why I know not; the rashness of his proceedings required no great favour. At his being here Mr. Treasurer and I were sent for and charged to declare what we could against him; and we made a book of articles (commissioned thereto by the rest of the Council), whereupon he was committed to ward. My lord Deputy who had the examination of them knows best if they were true, and I marvel that, unless he favoured their proceedings, he objects accusations of such men to me as a fault. My lord Deputy, except there was much dissimulation, took me as his friend and, "albeit privatum commodum caused variance," I have not been a complainer against him.
2. As to being an abettor to have the earl of Leynox deputy (albeit this seems no offence, the Earl being then the King's lieutenant, and reputed to have surrendered to the King his title in the Crown of Scotland, and having married the King's niece and become a baron of Parliament of England), upon hearing that bruit I caused two of the Council to ask the Earl whether any man in Ireland had moved it to him and he denied it. No books were shown him by my brother and no letter devised save that at his request (he lacking a secretary to make a letter to the King of his proceedings and impediments since he left London) I caused Nugent to make him a minute.
3. I was never of counsel with any article of Cowley's lewd book; and I am not so foolish but that, if I would have procured such a matter, I could have had the best counsel in Ireland; and I would have gotten proof ere I set it forth. I thought that if either party were there, the King could not come to the truth of the state of the realm.
4. When my lord Deputy shows how I was a maintainer of the wars commenced in the county of Waterford I will answer. Of Chaier McArte's going I knew no more than he, except he means that I and the rest of the Council would not agree to his own going, for scarcity of victuals, as we wrote to the King. The principal parties are in Dublin castle for their offences; but if my lord Deputy had been indifferent to either party the matter had never gone so far.
5. As to any unlawful maintenance of Ormond, the principal should first be put to answer before the accessory; and I have been most plain with him of any man in Ireland. His ancestors have used the liberty of Tipperary since Edward III.'s time, and all writs and precepts have been addressed to the seneschals. The justices have allowed it, but whether it be resumed or not I could never hear the judges determine. In cases where the Chancellor may award any process I gave no place to the liberty. As to the liberty of Wexford, I never infringed it (albeit I doubt whether it be good) and awarded no process thither other than the Chancellor of England does in liberties in England. Although the officers there often made false returns, I put none of them to loss by amercement, as I might have done.
6. As to Matthew Kynge's lease I acted upon your honors' letters, with the assent of the whole Council. The lease of Lexlepe I bought of him long before for 50l., in his necessity, and lent him 40l. besides. The lease of the "temporalitie of Kyll" is worth but 9l. a year and is not 5 mks. yearly gain to me. It is made according to the survey, and there is a reversion in it of St. Katharine's leased to a canon for the service of the parish churches of Lexlep and Confy.
7. Explains a lease to Peparde of certain lands of St. Mary abbey, which his lordship calls an obligation not to claim certain lands for the King.
8. Where his Lordship charges me with being "a great taker," if he will give particulars I will answer; but I trust to be found "the clearest handed Chancellor in matters of justice that was in Ireland within remembrance of man."
9. As to the variance between the Chief Justice and me, the Chief Justice's nephew maintained the burgesses of the Newcastell to take from me a parcel of pasture, and I thereupon restrained his passage to a mill through my demesne lands; but his lordship took no pains to make us friends.
10. As to his objection on behalf of my lord of Dublin (for which I think he has no commission), although my lord has spoken to me very "unreverently and strangely," I never requited him with such words. I think that I once said "such demeanour would have becomen him well when he was a friar." Yet I will confess the words on condition that the Deputy will "allow him for a witness against himself in a like case."
11. Ochonour never did me any displeasure that I should bear him malice; but I have known him so often break promise with the King and use himself so despitefully against his Majesty that I would he should have no suspect strength. When my lord Deputy was in England I wrought nothing against him but jointly with the lord Justice and Council, and that because he refused to come to them, and for other vehement presumptions. I suppose that Ochonour "singularly favoured the old earl of Ormond, but I never perceived any great favour betwixt this man and him."
Pp. 6. Endd.: The Chancelour of Irland touching the 1. Deputie. etc.
919. Sir Anthony St. Leger.
R. O.A declaration of Sir Ant. St. Leger's income, viz.
Of his inheritance 160l. yearly, and of the King's gift to him and his heirs 50l. yearly; whereof paid in rent 15l. and sold 40l., leaving 155l. Then he has his fee of the Chamber 50l., the farm of Yalding 25l,, the keeping of Ledes and Langley and of Canterbury palace (the fees paid to the keepers) nil, the "deputacion" of Ireland 666l. 13s. 4d. Total 896l. 13s. 4d. Whereof:—Subsidy——(blank). Charges of his house in Ireland for these 3½ years never under 1300l. or 1400l. and "some year" 1600l. Apparel of him, his wife and children,——(blank). Now yearly to his three sons, 30l.
P. 1. Add. at the head: To the King's Majesty's most honorable Council. Endd.: My 1. Depute of Ireland.
920. Walter Cowley (fn. 13) to the Council.
R. O.
St. P., iii. 578.
With a sorrowful heart that the King should conceive evil demeanour in him, begs that this plain confession may move the King to grant him grace. Until Michaelmas last no man in Ireland more than he sought the Deputy's goodwill. About that time Cantwell happened to meet, in England, John Conwey, Ormond's servant, and told him "that his master had needs to make friends in England, for there were great matters a framing against him." Conwey, who is now in London, reported this to his master; and Cantwell also, at Ormond's house in Dublin, said the same, and that the Deputy devised ways in England to hinder the earl, and sought to make him (Cantwell) accuse him. One Piers, son to Fras. Dormer of Kilkeny, delivered to Ormond the copy of a letter, which he affirmed to have found in Ross, to the effect that by policy the earl should repair into England, whose proceedings the King thought not to the advancement of his affairs. The copy is here with the earl. Another son of the said Fras. named Walter, prentice to Ric. Lokar, merchant of Waterford, wrote that he saw copies with one Whitte in Chester to the effect that Ormond should be brought over into England, and there never brought to his answer. O'More that dead is told Ormond that the Deputy hated him because he loved Ormond. The baron of Upper Ossorie said openly "that whiles he loved the earl of Ormond my lord Deputy hated him." Such tales made Ormond and those who loved him wish the Deputy's death rather than that he should undo Ormond; and, especially, the Chancellor told Cowley, last winter, at Lyons castle, that certain murders and offences might be laid to the Deputy's charge. Thereupon devised a book and showed it to the Chancellor, who commended it and sent him certain articles to add thereto; and the other articles were gathered by divers who supposed that the Deputy compassed to hinder Ormond. The article of the murdering of Rory McMahown and ravishing of a maid of the Plunkets was told by the Chief Justice to Ormond. The archbp. of Dublin sent the writer information by Walter Howth, uncle to lord Howth, who is now in London, for three notable articles in the book. Many in the parts where Cowley dwells, knowing Ormond's truth and the state of the land, feared that if Ormond was brought in the King's indignation they should be undone by Irish disobeissants. Protests that at the first framing of the book his conscience moved him to go to the Deputy and Council with it, fearing that those who affirmed that the Council would testify it true would deceive him. Signed: Yor honorable lordships pore wredche in misery Waltier Cowley.
P.S. (fn. 14) —At my coming now from Ireland my friends the Chief Baron and Master of the Rolls there advised me to recant and submit to my lord Deputy; which I had done but for the comfort of my lord Chancellor there. As I recant "in the noble audience of you all, I doubt not to find more gentleness and honour at your goodness than if I had so done elsewhere, and it is more surety and honor also for my lord Deputy." If I had not disclosed these things, they would have been kept in store to be set forth by others. Signed: "the same mooste wrechid pore Waltier Cowley."
It may please you to consider that this lewd enterprise shall so tend to the surety of the realm there and "yoyne togither the wittes of divers that wer severid, as thinges shall therby so prosper as it never shold oonles that this unhap had chaunsed." Begs for mercy. Signed: "I mooste pore Waltier Cowley."
Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.: Cowley's two l'res wrytten in his durance to the lordes, etc.
921. Walter Cowley to the Council.
R. O.——"but when the dean of St. Patrikes of Dublin came to my lord of Ormond, and desired him to come to Dublin and to have this matter taken up there, the very truth is, his Lordship had done so, and all things should have been well pacified, but my lord Chancellor sent to my lord of Ormond that he should delay the despatching of the dean unto such time as the books should be sent over in haste over (sic) before his return, and ever hasted the sending over of this matter." My lord Deputy has said that he wist that I was an instrument in this to set forth the devices of others. None are so soon trapped as they who mean well and think that others mean the like. Submits to the King's mercy; and, as the lord Deputy has been slandered, will on his knees here and before the Council in Ireland cry him mercy, and openly confess in every shire in Ireland this foolish attemptate against his lordship, and then return to Dublin castle, there to remain as long as shall please his Lordship and the Council.
"Here ensueth certain articles of my lord Chancellor of Ireland's sending upon the view of the book which was sent, and other articles":—
As the lord Deputy has Mr. Solicitor's book, whereto he and his brother have made their answers ready to be sent to England, the book should be altered to a new form, "in short compendious articles" so interlaced that this answer shall not serve. There may be added, "What revenues the King hath more now than he had when my lord Deputy came into Ireland?" "How far the King's writ is obeyed more than then?" What lands or castles are won or builded upon Irishmen for more security of the King's subjects? Those, both English and Irish, who hung always at the King's sleeve, had no favour of the Deputy, but only such as had been enemies.
Begs again for mercy. Knows divers offenders to whom mercy was shown who now serve the King well. False tales of the lord Deputy's hate to the earl of Ormond set these things a-work. Begs licence to write to them from time to time. Signed: yor honorable lordships' pore wreche, craving for yor noble mediacion and help, Waltier Cowley.
P.S.—"My lord of Ormond, also, upon certain variance that happened between his lordship and Mr. Robert," sent John Conwey, in my absence, with letters to my lord of Hartford, asking (as he afterwards told me) favour in his suits concerning the prize wines and liberty, and complaining that he was unkindly handled by Mr. Robert Sellenger. The letter found at Gaveran was devised (because the Earl understood that the King was informed that a policy was required to bring him into England) in order that the Earl might thereupon write for licence to repair to the King and so prove that no policy was needed. Signed: your honorable lordships' mooste wredchid and pore Waltier Cowley.
P.S.—Your lordships will understand, by the "light foolish proof I showed, that I trusted all to the proof of others that set me on." Will by diligence make amends for this fall. Signed: the same pore wredchid Waltier Cowley.
A fragment? Pp. 3. Add. Endd.: Cowley out of ye Tower.
922. Walter Cowley to the Council.
R. O.What he wrote yesterday is true; nevertheless, as they command him to declare what further matters he can show, he protests that he has not lied in his "said rather declaration," and, as for anything omitted therein, the very reason that Ormond conceived that the Deputy compassed to destroy him was the report of Cantwell to him and to the writer. Upon it Ormond and he (to save Cantwell harmless) devised a letter found at Gaueran, so as to bring the Deputy's proceedings in debate. "The words of most slander therein my lord Chancellor of Ireland did speak them to my lord Deputy himself, and I never heard other man talk that." His children are nigh kinsfolk to Ormonde, who has also given him land, so that when he heard that the Deputy had privily brought Onnond out of the King's favour, and Cantwell said that the Council in England talked of his privity with Ormond's doings for his own sake as well as Ormond's, he devised that the Deputy should not be believed. Until then; Ormond and all the Council in Ireland loved him as much as any lawyer in Ireland; and he bore no malice to the Deputy for his father's matter, which was no fault of the Deputy's, who afterwards gently wrote for his father's licence "to pass home."
Begs, at great length, for mercy, wishing that he might be imprisoned in the house of my Lord Chancellor or some other of the Council, pointing out that with his experience in Ireland he can do good service there, and protesting that one who has lain a night in the Tower must ever after have God and his prince in his heart or it were pity he lived. Was never privy to the letters found in Ross and other places. Begs them to examine Ormond upon them and upon the contents of his letter of yesterday. Signed.
P.S.—The principal cause why he tangled in this unhappy matter was that he saw Ormond so sorrowful at the report of Cantwell and one Katharine Coke, a gentlewoman who was put out of Lady Sellenger's service, and said, in Dublin, to Ric. FitzSimons, Ormond's servant, that the Deputy hated Ormond "above all men living." Such reports made all who loved Ormond eager to help him. Praises God that by this punishment he has found grace to know himself; and thanks God for sending the King such a Council "from whose hearts all cruelty and tyranny is utterly banished, and instead thereof is placed modesty and temperance tempered with mercy and compassion, so that extremities beareth no rule," whom he begs to consider the benefit of the unity which will arise out of this trouble. Ormond wrote by Patrike o Hwme (Patrick Colquhoun) to Lewis Brian, to declare offences committed by the Deputy and Mr. Robert to the Council here, because informed, "as he returned with my lord of Lindoux," that the Deputy wrote to the King in their absence that the earl of the Isles did forsake the King's part, and that they were victualled for one month, a report which caused Lindox and Ormond to "conceive much grudge" against the Deputy. Prays again for mercy. Signed.
Pp. 4. Fly leaf with address wanting.
923. Walter Cowley to the Council.
R. O.
1546.
This day I received my lord Deputy of Ireland's letters to the effect that if I can discharge myself not to be the inventor of the matters I set forth so foolishly, and show who were my setters on, I shall be sure of more favour. If certain writings which I have in a little long leather bag in London are brought to me, together with the whole book of articles, and Mr. Goldsmyth, clerk of the Council of Ireland, or some other, sent to examine me, I will declare the whole truth. I am a "young most unhappy man," ordained of God to tangle herein as a punishment for my offences against Him. I was in favour with my lord Deputy and Council and likely to prosper; and, although my lord Chancellor of Ireland was my principal setter on, I would not for a 1,000l. have "tangled in the brabbling of those causes" but for "that Cantwell." Seeing my lord of Ormond (in the belief that he was disparaged and in his Sovereign's indignation) in such sorrow "I received such grief as the setting on took place in me" who before that bare as much good will to my lord Deputy as any man in Ireland. The long letter from my lord of Ormond expressing "many unkind parts in my lord Deputy," and a short letter declaring only his repair to my lord Deputy, were sent first to my said lord Chancellor by Richard Nwgent, my lord of Ormond's clerk, who, by the said Chancellor's advice, delivered the long letter. The Chancellor, when I was with him before Christmas last at St. Wolston's, advised me to repair straight into England without returning to my wife, and offered to lend me 20l. "His lordship hath lent to Edmond Sexton certain money hither to make him a like instrument." All the King's subjects of Ireland, both the Council and the rest, so esteemed the earl of Ormond, as, next the Deputy, the chief stay of the realm, that, when they heard of sinister ways devised by my lord Deputy to trap him, guiltless, in the King's indignation, they wished that harm should rather follow to my lord Deputy.
Begs that he may write sometimes to lord Chancellor Wriothesley and to the Deputy. If he "thus rest," his punishment cannot be long, as his life "weareth away."
Hol. pp. 2. Add.
924. Walter Cowley to the Council.
R. O.Is sorry that hip several other letters satisfy them not. Bearer declares that the Lord Chancellor says that he (Cowley) confessed more than he wrote to them. Since coming hither, is so troubled that his wit is dull; but, if questioned, will declare the truth, being sure that they will have him rely on that. At their will Mr. Lieutenant allowed him some liberty. Now he is locked within all day, with no creature to bear him company, his meals fetched, and the door locked forthwith. All this punishment follows from giving credit to naughty tales that Ormond was brought in the King's indignation by means of the Deputy, and, as he wrote before, his "alliance" to Ormond and the benefit which he and his brother have by Ormond. He and others feared the destruction of the realm if the noblest man there were, guiltless, brought to ruin and the King's subjects left to be destroyed by the Irishry; and they rather wished the Deputy's proceedings to be discommendable. This suspicion was conceived upon Cantwell's report and other untrue tales. Besides Cantwell's report in Dublin, as Ormond departed from the Deputy and Lindoux at Maynoth, Cantwell spoke covertly to Ormond, at the hall's end, words which caused his lordship to suspect that "work was made against him much here in England." His wife and household can testify that since then he has never joyed; and his wife has wished that Cantwell had never come to Ireland. Schain McEgowyn, servant to Ormond, showed Ormond from O'Conor certain words which the Deputy "said to O'Conor, as the interpretator declared to O'Conor, and, as I think in my conscience, my lord Deputy was falsely belied therein; which words ensueth: O'Connor,' said my lord Deputy, 'that hault, proud gentleman, the earl of Ormond, accuseth me for thy sake, but if thou woll repair into England thou shalt see part of their fat necks stricken off,' with many other like words." Was told this by Ormond. Finds consolation that, although put to new close prison, he has here learnt more to edify his "sowle helth" than he could ever find in the vile prison of his "carkhows" (carcase). As "this present day, amidst your noble joyful feast, my most sorrowful letters cometh to your honorable hands, I trust that your noble, mild and pitiful hearts will incline and show mercy," etc. Signed.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.

Footnotes

1 May 23rd or 24th.
2 The 22nd, no doubt; but we keep the letter under its own date.
3 May 22nd or 23rd.
4 May 21st, But apparently Friday, May 14th, is intended.
5 See No. 874, dated 21 May, the P.S. of which, with this information, was added on the morning after.
6 Apparently an error for the 22nd. See Nos. 874, 881 and 888.
7 Olaus Magnus.
8 Samuel Macieiowski.
9 May 27th.
10 Francesco Bernardo.
11 Bochetel.
12 See No. 380.
13 These letters from Cowley, who was sent to the Tower on 28 April (See No. 689). are placed together here for convenience. The reference in the last (No.924), to a "joyful feast" may refer to the feast of the Garter, which was kept this year on the 6th June (See No 736).
14 Not printed in St. P.