Simancas
August 1560

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Institute of Historical Research

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Martin A. S. Hume (editor)

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1892

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171-174

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'Simancas: August 1560', Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1: 1558-1567 (1892), pp. 171-174. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=86721 Date accessed: 21 October 2014.


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August 1560

4 Aug. 118. The Same to the Same.
I wrote to your Majesty by Don Juan Pacheco, and since then Secretary Cecil, the bishop of Valence, and M. de Randau, have arrived in London, and I have spoken to them several times. The French have told me lately how dissatisfied they are with what has been done about Scotland and say, in effect, that their King will never consent that the Queen of England shall have any influence in that country, either as ally and friend of the people or even as intercessor which is the character they have been forced to grant her by the provisional treaty. They refer to a clause in which they agree with the Queen that by her intercession the king of France promises certain things touching the freedom of the country, and the Queen wished that the King's promise in this respect should also be pledged to her, in order that she might be able to call the king of France to account in case the promise were not fulfilled to the Scots. I understand that the Queen wrote to her Commissioners when they were in treaty, that, in any case, she wished the French distinctly to acknowledge the open union and alliance which existed between her and the Scots, but the Commissioners seeing that this would cause the whole agreement to fall through, Cecil devised this other plan which will have the effect of enabling the Queen as trustee and next friend to make the Frenchman keep his word to the Scots, so that indirectly she has got the alliance she claimed, and has entered into some arrangement with the Scots for mutual defence. Although the French saw through Cecil's design they thought best to dissemble and pretend not to see ; so as to enable them to say, as they do now, that they knew nothing of this alliance, and will not agree to it. In the meanwhile they have withdrawn their troops from Leith, which is exactly what they wanted to do, as they (the troops) were without food, and there was no intention of relieving them by force, whereas, on the other hand, the English desired nothing better than that the Scots should crush these troops, so that the hate and distrust between them should be perpetual and irreconcilable. They have given me many reasons why the King their master is not bound to agree to what the Queen claims by virtue of this clause, namely, an alliance with the Scots. The first is that, as they were prisoners under guard all the time they were in Scotland settling the terms of peace, and were not allowed to speak a word with the Scots or anybody else, they negotiated as prisoners and are not now bound by anything they agreed to under duress. The second reason is that at the end of the afore-mentioned treaty there is a clause saying that the French bound themselves to the queen of England to fulfil all they promised to the Scots in this treaty on condition that the Scots obeyed the King implicitly, and carried out all their obligations towards him. The French say they have failed in many respects to do this, both before and since their departure from Scotland, and in one particular instance, they say that a Frenchman, who was bringing them 4,000 crowns to Leith to pay, in part, what their soldiers owed in that place, was robbed a mile from Edinburgh, although a herald and an escort of Scots accompanied him. On a complaint having been made of this by the factor of the queen of Scotland there to the Deputies of the Congregation, they answered that they had no means of redressing it. They pile up many other things of the sort, and they have made up their minds in consequence that the King will not ratify the treaty. It seems to me that they still hope to pacify the Scots and calm their distrust and suspicion, in which case this Queen would be finely outwitted, and would see her folly in interfering in what does not concern her instead of looking to her own safety. She is not so gay as usual lately, and is very suspicious since the French Commissioners spoke to her. She asked me yesterday if I knew how the French were pleased with the agreement as, for her part, she thought they seemed ashamed of themselves and with but small desire to give her the satisfaction she claimed or even to discuss it as they had promised. With regard to this indemnity I hear that the bishop of Valence and M. de Randau, who are those who had to remain here to discuss the affair, have asked her leave to depart, and, on her reminding them that they had to stay to arrange her claims according to promise, they said the King would send others to do so, or commission his ordinary ambassador.
She allows them to depart on condition that within three weeks they return or the King sends others, and they therefore leave to-morrow, but, in fact, they jest at the Queen's claims as they say that they did not cause the war, and that it is not customary for princes to impose this sort of penalty except on a vanquished foe. The bishop of Valence says that he expects to be sent at once to give an account to your Majesty of events here and to reply to this Queen's claims, which they say are only made so as to enable her to break with them when she thinks fit, and for this reason, she has put in this bone of contention in order that, if your Majesty gives no decision in the case within the year she will still possess the right to force her claim in the best way she can. This way is to go straight into Scotland, and for this purpose they say she will keep 2,000 soldiers in Berwick although she has made the French not only disarm on the frontier but leave Scotland altogether, and they say finally that they are sure she will not rest until she has taken the kingdom away from them if she can.
He (the bishop of Valence) also told me, although jestingly and as if he did not believe it, that the Scots congratulated themselves that your Majesty had sent them an assurance that you would never be against them or against the queen of England and even said they could show it in writing. They say the evil of the whole business has been the absence of any person to represent your Majesty in the making of the treaty who might have seen which side was asking for justice and which side was making unreasonable claims. They say they solicited this from Newcastle, and have shown me copies of letters sent from there to the King (of France) begging that the person whom the bishop of Limoges had asked your Majesty to send should be despatched at once. I answered that your Majesty had been willing to do anything to forward the business either by sending a representative or otherwise, but as the Queen had not solicited the visit of the person in question, and the French themselves had only done so once when the bishop of Limoges spoke about it, your Majesty's orders had not been carried out, as they would most willingly have been if the French had requested it.
What the Queen told M. de Glajon and me as to the French having declared this kingdom to belong of right to her and not to France, appears to have been declared not expressly or formally, but by inference.
Certain Germans have arrived here sent by some of the princes of Germany to the Queen and amongst them one from the duke of Cleves, which duke I understand has become a pensioner of the Queen, and the agreement has already been concluded between them. She also has some dealings with the Master of Prussia, and it may be believed that, to avoid having recourse to your Majesty, she will seek what help she can from other quarters.
Florencio Ayaceto, a man who has been backwards and forwards to France lately trying to arrange a marriage between the Queen and a son of the Duke de Nevers (for which the King offered to restore Calais to her) came the other day to take leave of me, and told me that he knew a way by which the marriage of the Queen and the Archduke Charles could easily be brought about. I answered him coldly, as I thought he came to find out something from me, but he said that if the Emperor caused the king of France to restore Calais to the Queen (which he knew could be arranged easily) she would certainly marry the Archduke, and the people of this country would be delighted. Yesterday I was talking with the Queen, and, as I had heard from Cecil and Treasurer Parry that she had now made up her mind to marry, I thought I could tell her, as if in joke what Florencio had said, to draw her out. She at once suspected that this idea had been conveyed to me by the French with the object of gaining the goodwill of your Majesty, and she said she was surprised that they should make so light of her claim which was that Calais should be restored to her as part of the indemnity she demanded.
We afterwards spoke of her marriage and she said she thought she could not any longer delay it, although she would wed with the very worst will in the world. I asked whether she meant to keep her promise to Count Helfenstein to let the Emperor know when she had resolved to marry. She answered Yes, she would do so when the time arrived. I asked her permission to inform your Majesty of this resolution of hers, and she answered that she could not give it to me yet, but she hoped to do so soon. I think she would like to make me believe that she is not averse to the match with the Archduke, but I fear that it is with the hope of gaining your Majesty's favour for the decision of her cause, as she calls it, with the French. The truth is that, as she has to ask Parliament by Michaelmas for a new grant to defray her debts, she thinks they will give it the more easily if she promises them to marry ; but what she will do afterwards I know not. Her affairs, however, are in such a condition that if she do not marry and behave herself better than hitherto she will every day find herself in new and greater troubles. Religious matters make me believe that in case she determines to marry she will rather lay hands on any of these heretics than on the Archduke. I understand the earl of Arran is excluded as being poor and of small advantage to this country, and also because he is not considered personally agreeable. They all favour the prince of Sweden, as he is both heretical and rich, and especially Secretary Cecil, who would expect to remain at the head of affairs as at present if the prince of Sweden became King.
Affairs here being so important to the welfare and the preservation of your Majesty's dominions, I am of opinion that at this juncture it is necessary to use every diligence to lead them in a direction favourable to your Majesty by overcoming the obstacles which exist in the minds of the Queen and her advisers by the means which may appear most desirable. I beg your Majesty to have this considered, and provided for in good time, and to instruct me how I am to bear myself, and to what end I am to endeavour to lead matters. I am here in such need that I am obliged to supplicate your Majesty to be pleased to relieve it. Up to the present I have worked hard to do the best I could for your Majesty's service. This is no longer possible ; my poor strength is insufficient.
Since writing the above I have learnt the terms of the peace and send them to your Majesty.—London, 4th August 1560.