|
|
| 1 June. |
101. Guerau De Spes to the Duke Of Alba.
I received your Excellency's letter of the 14th on the 27th
ultimo, although after some mishaps, as the bishop of Rochester
seized the packet and it remained in Cecil's hands for two days.
It was only returned on the importunity of the French ambassador,
although the letters appeared to have been opened. The letter of
the 7th, enclosing another from his Majesty, addressed to Ridolfi,
has not yet arrived, nor has any ordinary post come for a month.
I am in great need of remittances of money for special expenses, as
the cost here is tremendous. I shall now have to move my house
as the earl of Leicester has bought this one from Paget's heirs, and
they do badly here in not giving lodgings to ambassadors unless
they pay very well for them.—London, 1st June.
Postscript : As the passport for this courier was delayed, I have
time to add that I have signified to many members of the Council
that the letter written by this Queen to our King was not given to
Don Francés de Alava, and has not reached his Majesty by any
other means. They have not taken much notice of this, perhaps
because all the members of the Council are to blame for the letter
not having been delivered.
|
| 31 May
and
1 June.
|
102. Summary of Letters from Don Guerau de Spes to the
King and the Duke of Alba, dated 31st May and 1st
June 1569.
There had been a disturbance in the Council because Cavalcanti,
the brother of Suygo (?), had been there to speak with Cecil, and he
and Baptista Fortini, had taken with them a certain paper
which they had drawn up there. The duke of Norfolk and the
earl of Arundel had therefore had high words with Cecil who was
much confused.
Don Guerau had assured them that the duke of Alba knew
nothing whatever about the matter, and would not give ear to such
persons, even through Chapin Viteli, whereupon they were much
tranquillized and anxious to carry through their enterprise and
overthrow Cecil. They (Norfolk and Arundel) had requested a
copy of the document brought by Cavalcanti and Fortini in order
to have Cecil punished.
Suygo had given him (Don Guerau) a paper stating what the
duke and the earl hope to do respecting a general restitution ; Don
Guerau being urged on his part to comply with the terms requested
of him, namely, 6,000 crowns for the Duke, the Earl, and Lumley,
as a statutory loan, to which Don Guerau thought it would be well
to accede.
Cardinal Chatillon and his wife had gone to the county of
Leicester, and, it was thought, would go on to Bristol to call to
account a French pirate who had failed to pay him (Chatillon) his
share of the booty. He, Don Guerau, sends a copy of a license to
rob, granted by him (Chatillon). The Cardinal it was stated wished
to return to France.
Don Guerau sends a memorandum respecting the manner in
which England may be assailed, and of the state of the country,
the substance of which is as follows :
That the ports are badly fortified, and they hope to defend them
with troops.
That they expect to be able to repel any attack by means of their
fleet.
The Queen has 22 great ships, but with difficulty has been able
to equip 11, it being impossible for her to fit out more.
Subjects own about 70 ships, great and small, the vessels good,
and the men experienced, as they are all pirates.
The men on the fleet, although they appear bellicose, are
really pampered and effeminate, different from what they used
to be.
People generally, and especially the Councillors, are satisfied with
the government of the Queen, which is mild, and they are at
liberty to share plunder with the Corsairs, and make use of the
royal treasury.
The Catholics desire a change as they are deprived of the exercise
of their religion.
The English hate the very name of foreigner, and they (the
Catholics) wish the change to be made in a way that shall not
hand them over to any other nation.
The Council alone rules, and the Queen is occupied entirely in
pleasure, being governed by Cecil.
By his advice she is countenancing the rebels in France and
Flanders, having her eye on the fact that neighbouring princes are
engaged in war and cannot now undertake the reduction of her
country nor force restitution of the stolen property, which is so
great that it has enriched all the country.
The Queen's Council fears the people more than anything else,
and therefore deceives them with innumerable tricks and false
victories.
If the duke of Alba will continue to enforce the proclamation
published in April, and a similar proclamation is enacted in France,
whilst at the same time care be taken that no merchandise shall be
exported from Spain or Portugal to England, the people will themselves
overthrow the Government, and will submit to any terms,
perhaps even returning to the Catholic faith.
In order the more speedily to carry this out, it would be well
also that the duke of Florence and the seignories of Genoa, Venice
and Lucca, should order their respective subjects to have no
dealings with Englishmen. This should be done by the authority
of the Pope.
Hamburg trade should be taken away from them, either by
moving some friendly sovereign to commence war against that city,
or by the Empire itself doing so, on the ground that Hamburg
has departed from the Augustinian creed and embraced Calvinism ;
or else by seizing the mouth of the Elbe or capturing the ships that
go thither.
It would not be bad if they (the English) could be deprived of
trade with Muscovy and Poland and the Easterling country, through
which they expect to find a way for the spices.
Norfolk, Arundel, and Lumley desire a change of religion. The
two latter may be considered Catholics, and they say they will make
Norfolk become one.
This will be aided by the earls of Northumberland, Derby,
Cumberland, Montague, Dacre, Morley, and many other Catholics,
as well as by the north-country, Wales, and Cornwall.
If his Majesty would resolutely take the country in hand, with
the intention of proclaiming the queen of Scotland as Queen, he
would meet with help rather than hindrance from the French. It
will be best, however, first to get the Queen released, as it is out of
the question that the queen of England will liberate her.
If his Majesty thinks well to avenge the injuries done to his
subjects by subjecting the country to the service of God and to
his own dominion, he being the legitimate descendant of King
Edward, and will undertake the matter powerfully, he (Don
Guerau) is certain of success on account of the people being divided
in religion, and also by means of the Catholic nobles who are now
treated narrowly and look for favour from his Majesty. The said
earls would help.
Seeing the affection borne by the Scotch people to the queen of
Scotland, he (Don Guerau) is certain that if she were provided
with money they would overthrow the Regent James. The man
who has the prince in his keeping is a great friend of the Regent's,
so that the prince is in danger of being murdered.
The bishop of Ross had told him that if it had not been for
Cecil he would have already got the rest of them to agree to the
release of his mistress. He (Cecil?) wishes now, that it is proved
that the queen of Scotland has not renounced her rights to the
English crown in favour of the duke of Anjou, that she shall make
the renunciation in favour of the Queen (of England) and her
heirs, a certificate being given by the Christian King and his
brother that no renunciation has been made in their favour. The
Bishop had replied to this, that, according to the treaty of Little
Leith, this could only be done by the consent of his Majesty (Philip),
whereupon they (the English) said that they did not wish to
introduce him into the matter.
They also demand of the Scots a rectification of the frontier
between England and Scotland, promising to favour the Regent
James if this is obtained. Don Guerau is sure that, if the
Queen (of Scotland) were put into possession of her kingdom
again, she would do whatever she were asked.
The Bishop asked him (Don Guerau) whether he had any instructions
respecting the marriage of his mistress in Spain, where a
fitting match might be found for her, according to the duke of
Alba's conversation with her gentlemen. Don Guerau replied
that his only orders were to endeavour to prevail upon the queen of
England to liberate the queen of Scotland.
There is in Ireland an English Catholic named Thomas Stukeley
who was a pensioner of his Majesty's and served him as captain at
the battle of St. Quintin. He has been deprived of his office of
commander of the horse in Ireland on account of his religion, the
office having been given to a great heretic. A Venetian has spoken
to Don Guerau on his behalf, and proposed that if his Majesty
wished to take possession of that island he (Stukely) would undertake
that it should be done if he were provided with 20 armed
ships and some weapons for the natives, who have none now.
Stukely would provide a safe port ; and, if Don Guerau thought
well of it, the said Venetian would go and submit it to the King,
taking with him the signature in blank of Stukely. That Baron
Herefert (Fitzmaurice?) has risen in Ireland with 4,000 men and is
going against the Viceroy ; and many others will follow his example
if help is given to them by ships from Spain.
The English say they have a league with the house of the Count
Palatine aud declare they have ready in Germany 10,000 foot and
6,000 horse.
|
| 1 June. |
103. The Duke Of Alba to the King.
[Extract.]
I cannot gather much light about English affairs from what Don
Guerau writes, as your Majesty will see by his letters. I hope
your Majesty will send me what I request in my letter of 5th April,
because, until we have recovered the property the Queen is detaining,
we should on no account break with them. No arrangement
should be made with them, however, without the restitution of
what they have seized. As I say in the enclosed letter, if your
Majesty wishes to break with the Queen or change the government,
there will be ample opportunities for doing it after we have got
our property back. It is true that the minute the French learn
your Majesty's intentions, they will settle matters with their rebels
to the great prejudice of Christendom, or will marry the queen of
Scotland to Anjou, the undesirability of which your Majesty will
see. I think therefore it would be better to wait a little until we
see how things go in France, and if they turn out badly (which
God forbid), your Majesty should allow me to enter the field with
all the forces I have, and as many more as I can get, and go to the
help of the King. We can then stipulate that your Majesty
should be allowed a free hand in England and to marry the queen
of Scotland to whomsoever you please. (fn. 1) If this be not done the
Emperor may step in and ask for her hand for his brother, the Archduke
Charles, and, from what I understand, the King of France
would agree to this to oblige his father-in-law. If your Majesty
countenances this, it may be brought about and not be merely
imagination on my part. (fn. 2) The queen of Scotland has not sufficient
power over her son to be able to send him to Spain to be
brought up. The men from her who came to see me, brought
letters of credence in virtue of which they begged your Majesty's
help, pointing out where such help might be given and stating the
persons in England and Scotland who are devoted to her. She
places herself absolutely in your Majesty's hands in all things. I
heard them kindly, and told them that to help the Queen with men
and munitions would neither suit your Majesty nor her, as it
would mean immediately a war with England. I said the aid that
would be most useful to her would be money and advice, and I
had no doubt your Majesty would send her both when her affairs
were in such a position as to need such help for their successful
issue. I told them to return to their mistress with this and learn
what course she intended to adopt. When they had discussed the
matter thoroughly with her, I told them to return to me and I
would tell them what your Majesty would do. They went away
satisfied. I beg your Majesty to send me instructions.—Antwerp,
1 June 1569.
|
| 12 June. |
104. The Duke Of Alba to the King.
I have received your Majesty's letters on English affairs enclosing
me four others in Latin, one for the queen of England containing
your Majesty's proposals for a speedy solution of the differences
arising out of the seizures, and the others, letters of credence for
me 'or the persons I may send thither with the principal letter to
the Queen. The proposals embodied in the letters for a mutual
release of the arrested property are in conformity with my recommendations,
but the opinion adopted by us here, that a letter of
credence might be sent for me or the person who is to go, enabling
the terms to be raised or abated as circumstances might demand,
has since caused me some scruple, not on account of the suggestion
itself or because I have any doubt that your Majesty has adopted
the best course, and less still because I have the slightest intention
of doing anything not in accordance with your Majesty's interests,
but as a matter of expediency. Although, prima facie, it might
appear that your Majesty's intention was that the letter should be
sent off at once by some special person, yet I am so sure of your
Majesty's confidence in my life-long desire to serve you efficiently,
that I venture to think that your Majesty will not disapprove of
my delaying the despatch of the letter until I have considered,
maturely, the circumstances as they at present exist. I am the
more anxious to do this as your Majesty leaves to me the selection
and instruction of the person who is to go. The letter itself is so
extremely studiously worded and full, that a copy of it would be
almost a sufficient instruction ; but as your Majesty orders me to
manage the business so as to attain the end desired, which, I take
it, is the principal object of your Majesty's instructions, I understand
that I may be allowed discretion as to the means or
procedure to be employed. In this confidence I have deeply considered
what can be done to bring the Queen round, dexterously
and secretly, to the end aimed at, and three courses have presented
themselves to me. First, to send your Majesty's letters by a special
envoy ; secondly,to let the Queen know that if she wishes to
negotiate for the settlement of the differences arising out of the
seizures I have sufficient powers for the purpose ; and, thirdly,
whether it would not be better, before doing either of these two
things, to endeavour by some means to feel our way rather than to
give the idea that you are forced to take the first step towards a
mutual restitution.
As regards the first point, if the Queen could be depended upon
to interpret the letter with the same sincerity with which it is
written, I am convinced that this would be the best course to
pursue in every way, and that most in accordance with your
Majesty's usual desire to live in peace and harmony with your
neighbours ; but apart from the Queen's natural character, which is so
different from this, she allows herself to be influenced by such perverse
people in her Council, and by foreigners like Cardinal Chatillon,
that it is very much to be feared that they will twist the meaning
of the letter to their own advantage, and so influence, to an even
greater extent, the Queen's mind, which is already so proud and
presumptuous. They may persuade her that this step of your
Majesty's is a sign that you are forced to make the first approach
to her, and that she may therefore, by standing firm, negotiate on
a better footing. Besides this, she might produce a bad effect upon
other princes by sending copies of the letter out broadcast, with
her own gloss upon it that only pure necessity had caused your
Majesty to write it. If this were done, I do not see how you could
possibly put up with such an indignity without resenting it, and I
see, nevertheless, that it is not the intention of your Majesty to go
to war ; nor are things in such a state at present as to enable us to
do so. Even if war were commenced the Queen would, at least,
keep everything she has seized, of which the value is immensely
greater than what we have arrested, and this is a point which
makes our terms the more difficult to obtain from the Queen.
If she refuses to come to terms I do not know what your Majesty
can do. I am thus brought to the conclusion that, in order to
obtain a mutual restitution, we should avoid declaring the contents
of the letter at first, and should only do so after we have elucidated
the matter.
As regards the second point, of letting the Queen know that I have
power to treat of the seizures, I find the power your Majesty sends
me is drawn up generally and in conformity with that formerly
held by the duchess of Parma, without any special mention being
made of the particular point now in dispute. If I had to produce it
they might object that it is not a power which is apt for purpose ;
although, by virtue of it, I could deal with all old points of difference
which they wish to discuss at the same time as the question of the
seizures, particularly as I can show nothing but the power ; the
letters of credence all speaking of her relaxing her seizures and
offering reciprocally to do the same, which is open to the objection to
which I have referred. The second course therefore will not do.
I will now pass the third alternative, which seems to be the least
dangerous, namely, to employ some trustworthy merchant such as
I have at hand, and send him there on the pretext of looking after
his own arrested merchandise. He could approach some of the
members of the Council who he thinks most likely to help him for
a good reward, and so sound the current of opinion and discover
what the feeling is with regard to restoring the property, if your
Majesty will do similarly, and what they think your Majesty might
do otherwise. He could learn whether they are tired of things being
as they are, whether some means could be found by which they
should take the first step towards a restitution, of which, although
I am not depending much upon it, I am not quite without hope,
as I write to your Majesty in the Spanish letter. I am the more
inclined to adopt this course as your Majesty writes that someone
to represent the merchants should accompany the envoy to be
sent. The means by which it could be carried out are suggested
by what Don Guerau writes about winning people over. Another
reason why I think well of the proposal is, that it can be done in
a few days, at the end of which, even though I may not have
gained all I want, at least more light will have been thrown upon
the situation and I shall be able to act with greater confidence.
I have also borne in mind the urgency with which your Majesty
presses upon me the speedy conclusion of the business, and I think
that this third course is the lesser of the evils. The date on
your Majesty's letter (9th May) will, it is true, get daily older, but
the road is long, and by France unsafe, so that this drawback can
be explained away.
It may be said that the Queen and her ministers could not make
capital out of the assertion that we had taken the first step, as
your Majesty's letter is in answer to one of hers ; but I cannot
ignore the fact that not so much can be made of her letter as of
yours, because hers contains no such request, and was not sent direct
to your Majesty or by a special envoy, but was forwarded in an
unusual way to Don Francés, in doubt if he would send it on or
not, and even now they think he did not send it.
It might also be said that the declaratory clause in the letter,
offering to restore the arrested goods if England will do the same,
is in substance identical with my instructions to D'Assonleville,
and that, therefore, I am inconsistent in objecting to it in your
letter. But there is a distinction, because I ; did not put it in a
letter for the Queen but only in a private memorandum for
D'Assonleville, and left to his discretion the declaration of it in
harmony with other points. I might have proceeded in this way
with the letters now sent, if I had some in blank with which I could
have proceeded, step by step, but the letter sent lays bare the
whole matter.
I have thought well to lay all this before your Majesty by special
courier for your Majesty's decision, as to whether you will send me
fresh letters in various forms that I may use them according to
circumstances. If your Majesty thinks well also, you might write
a letter to the Queen in the sense indicated in mine of 2nd April,
saying that you have received her letters, summarizing their contents,
and since she had adopted this course, your Majesty has ordered
me to convey your intentions to her and has granted me authority
to settle with her, or her agents, the matter of the seizures, both as
regards Spain and here. Some more letters of credence might be
sent to me for any persons we might send in your Majesty's name,
besides these I send, but none of the letters should say about your
Majesty's offer to raise the arrests, on England doing the same, but
should merely speak generally of the property seized on both sides.
I will deal with the matter as promptly as I can, using the letters
I have, if I see a chance of doing so favourably, although those I
ask for now will still be desirable, even though they may arrive
late, as your Majesty well knows that matters of such weight as
this cannot be settled in a few days. Your Majesty might also
consider whether you should send me a general power to treat of
all differences with England both in Spain and here, in which case
I will not conclude anything touching Spain without first consulting
you.—Brussels, 12th June 1569.
|
| 13 June. |
105. The Duke Of Alba to the King.
Refers to the aforegoing letter (written in French) as containing
the opinion of the Council as well as his own.
I was advised recently that two Florentines named Estriota
Cavalcanti and Rodolfo Ridolfi had some influence with the Queen,
they having been the men who negotiated the agreement between
her and the French. They are pensioners of both Kings. I am
told by Chapin Viteli, who mentioned them to me, that they would
be glad to sound the Queen and her Council, and I consequently
ordered him to write to them, saying that he had not ventured to
propose the matter to me, as he knew I did not like to be spoken
to about it and had no intention of taking up any negotiations, but
urging them to proceed in their own way and let him know everything
they heard. They did so, and Estriota sent to a brother of
his the enclosed memorandum.
When I was at Antwerp I was told by Thomas Fiesco, a Genoese,
merchant there, that he was very friendly with Benedict Spinola
(who, I have an idea was the first cause of the money being seized),
and he thought that if he went to London to see him, he could lead
matters in such a way that the Queen would ask you to raise the
arrests. I was much pleased with his sensible manner and entered
into particulars with him. He told me that he expected to employ
some 15,000 or 20,000 ducats, part of the value of the merchandise,
in buying over Cecil and the other councillors who are opposed to
the property being restored, and, as I thought well of the proposal,
in which nothing was risked but a delay of 15 or 20 days, I have
entrusted the business to him. He is to do it as if on his own
account and with great secrecy and speed, not going beyond the
line I lay down for him. I hope from his manner that he will
make no mistake, but his task will be greatly aided by the
inclination of the Queen's councillors, who are always on the lookout
for their own interests. I beg your Majesty to order that the
despatches on this matter may pass through very few hands
because, even before the courier arrived, all Antwerp knew that
you had written to the Queen, and it might prejudice matters if
she knew that I was keeping the letters back.—Brussels, 13th June
1569.
|
| 14 June. |
106. Guerau De Spes to the King.
In accordance with your Majesty's orders of 4th April, I will
follow the instructions of the duke of Alba in all these affairs here,
and give him daily information of what is going on, as well as
writing to your Majesty as often as I can. I had learnt here of the
letter the Queen had written to your Majesty and the excuses
contained in it. Truly her heart and that of her people must have
been, indeed, corrupted to have wished to disturb the tranquillity
of the States of Flanders and to prevent the religious question
being peacefully settled there and in France. They have now taken
to rob so openly under the Queen's standard, attacking and
capturing ships of your Majesty's subjects whilst peacefully proceeding
on their voyages, that it is surprising to see. As they
have already stolen a great proportion of the merchandise detained,
and the Council itself is largely interested therein, this is a point
which makes all agreements difficult. I cannot negotiate with the
duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel except through other persons,
namely, Roberto Ridolfi, a Florentine, and John Suygo, a Milanese,
persons attached to the said noblemen. I do not know them
(i.e., Norfolk and Arundel), and never saw them at Court before my
detention, but I have some confidence that they will serve your
Majesty well at this juncture, although the fact that they are
English and not entirely Catholic, makes one always suspicious of
them. In any case, they have already prevented, so far as they
could, more evil being done, and have somewhat tempered the fury
of Cecil. They promise, according to their intermediaries, that they
will cause a general restitution of all goods detained, and they even
thought of going further still. It would be greatly advantageous
to settle this by their means, and after your Majesty's subjects have
been satisfied and their property restored, in due time, when your
Majesty wishes, punishment can be dealt out to these bad neighbours
and their accomplices, and at the same time such measures be
taken as shall prevent for the future any fear of your Majesty's
subjects being ruined and your dominions disturbed by these people.
In any other case such neighbours as these will keep us in constant
turmoil, since their change of religion has freed them from the
obligation to fulfil their engagements and alliances. On Sunday last
the usual councillors met together and they are still at it yesterday
and to-day ; the gentlemen of whom I speak, have just sent to say
that, although some difference still exists, they hope to arrange a
general restitution and my entire liberation, but that, as it is a
business which will cause some jealousy, they cannot conclude the
business in the Council so quickly as they would wish, but they are
sure of being able to manage it, as they have promised me in a note
from Suygo which I have sent to the duke of Alba. Although the
hopes of the prince of Condé have failed, the arrival and progress
of the duke of Deux-Ponts in France have again raised the spirits
of the heretics. They exaggerate affairs in Granada and the loss of
your Majesty's galleys in Marseilles to such an extent as to make
people wonder. On both points I give fitting information to these
gentlemen who guard me, in order that it may be spread abroad.
They have been much disturbed by the news from Portugal, that
all persons and property of Englishmen in that king's dominions
have been detained. Some ships in ballast have escaped from there
and arrived here. I do not believe that the English will get much
profit from their goods in Hamburg. The two smallest of the
Queen's ships have remained there and the other five are at Margate,
having dismissed the greater part of their crews, although this news
from Portugal makes them think of again putting the ships into
commission. The two Venetian ships, which are also at Margate,
have decided to sail without waiting to take any more cargo,
beyond the kerseys they have loaded, and they have received their
clearances to-day. They probably will refrain from putting into
Spanish ports, to avoid the question as to the ownership of the
cloths they carry. It is asserted that many English goods enter
Spain by St. Jean de Luz. They are entertaining the queen of
Scotland with discussions about her release, and in the meanwhile
are aiding the Regent. A ship they were sending to him with
stores and 10,000 crowns in money has been lost. I will write to
the queen of Scotland as your Majesty orders. Irish affairs are in a
greater state of confusion than ever they have been, and this Queen
has given many baronies belonging to the rebels to English
gentlemen, on condition of their being recovered at their own cost.
A company of 30 of the richest of the London merchants has also
made an agreement with the Queen that they will conquer a certain
part of the country, the lordship of which shall belong to them on
payment of a tribute, and they are already preparing an expedition.
The whole island (Ireland) is therefore in a turmoil, and the greater
part of it in rebellion against the Queen. Thomas Stukeley, an
English captain, settled there, who has been dismissed from his post,
in which he had charge of all the Queen's horses in Ireland, because
he was a Catholic, claims to be in favour of handing over the
country to your Majesty or some other Catholic Prince. He and
some of the barons intend to send to Spain to ask your Majesty to
approve of this design. There is a Venetian there, also, who is in
the confidence of Stukeley and the other Catholics ; he has a nephew
here, an honest man, who is a fitting person to send whenever it
may be needful to negotiate with these Irish gentlemen. His
uncle gave him the enclosed document that he might hand it to me.
It is translated from the Italian. "Waterford is a large port in the
east of the island, capable of receiving the largest ships at any
state of the tide, and is therefore suitable for this business. It is
12 English miles distant from the friend's house (fn. 3) , and there is an
old ruined castle there inhabited by a fisherman, which castle can
be taken possession of at once, and when desirable, the other friend
could rent it. By cutting a breadth of four paces of land the port
may be made into an island with the castle on it. This island
will be almost a mile in circumference, and the garrison might be
kept there in spite of the English, with facility for leaving when
they liked. The friend could immediately bring thither 10,000
men, but it would be needful to supply a large quantity of grain,
viz., three or four Flemish sloops such as usually come there in
time of peace. This enterprise would be easier in the winter than
the summer, because these people (the English) cannot stand the
cold so well as ours. The island is full of mines of gold, silver,
iron, tin, lead, alum, and glass. It is as fertile as any country ;
its inhabitants most warlike, and great enemies of the English.
They only await such an opportunity as this as the savages will
no doubt be molested ; the 29 merchants and Wareham Selliger
having taken the lordship of the savages' country on condition of
their conquering it and having promised to pay the Queen 4d. for
each fanega of land they till, and 2d. for pasture. In the west,
500 of the Queen's men and another force beyond the mountains,
will also molest them and this will greatly enrage the Irish."
14th June 1569.
|
| 15 June. |
107. Guerau De Spes to the King.
After sealing the enclosed, on the same night, the bishop of Ross
came to me with a letter from his mistress, copy of which I enclose.
The Bishop told me that the duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel
had always informed him of their desire to serve your Majesty,
and that I might be sure that the intention of these noblemen was,
in April last, to arrest Cecil and give me complete liberty, restoring
all the property stolen and detained belonging to your Majesty's
subjects. He said that, on three occasions, when the project was
about to be carried out, the earl of Leicester softened and said that
he would tell the Queen. This prevented the execution of the
intention three distinct times. The days mentioned by the Bishop to
me as being those when the arrest was to have been effected were the
same as those on which the noblemen told me they would be ready.
These delays gave Cecil an opportunity of discovering the plot
against him, and he told the duke of Norfolk so, begging him and
his friends not to do anything scandalous of this sort, offering to
come over to his wishes and those of the rest of the Council. He
urged the Duke very strongly that they should all unite to prevent
the Spaniards from scoffing at the English, and that religion should
not be changed here. He gave him to understand that he had
means to settle this business of the detentions, and that he,
(Norfolk) and the earl of Arundel could go to Spain on the Queen's
behalf to arrange everything with your Majesty, which would be
better than treating with the duke of Alba or myself. He said
that, if the Duke thought otherwise, he (Cecil) would entirely
follow his opinion, and, with all these compliments and fine words,
he softened them for the time. The idea of going to Spain also
turned out illusory as these noblemen told me with some confusion
and reserve ; Cecil himself having subsequently raised difficulties
about it, saying that if they went they might be detained in Spain,
and so the project fell through. I warned these gentlemen, through
Ridolfi and Suygo, not to let Cecil deceive them, and they then again
insisted that the time had arrived to return to the grace and friendship
of your Majesty. When they intimated to Cecil, on behalf of all the
Council, that they desired to enter into some proper arrangement,
through Ridolfi, to settle pending questions and release me, he told
them that he was trying to discover the intentions of the duke of
Alba by means of Cavalcanti, in order to see whether he would
give way on certain points which he, Cecil, had in his mind, and he
begged them to wait eight or nine days, until he had a reply on
this point. He professed to be planning a treaty which should
redress all troubles in France, Scotland, and Flanders, and by
which religion should remain safe with freedom of conscience for
all. He said he thought that to have a private arrangement with
your Majesty would not be safe at present, as you could, without
appearing in it, by many means and ways, destroy and isolate them.
Through his importunity they waited the eight days, Ridolfi and
Suygo telling me that the delay arose in consequence of Leicester's
hunting parties. By the ordinary courier now arrived, Cecil
received no reply from Cavalcanti, and they are all much disturbed.
I await the decision. I have given, thus fully, an account of these
plans, that your Majesty may be thoroughly informed of the business
from the first, and understand that these noblemen communicated
their intentions to the queen of Scotland. They brought the bishop
of Ross here before the day of the intended arrest (of Cecil) in order
that he might be a witness of it. Lord Montague and the earl of
Northumberland, as well as other Catholic gentlemen, knew of the
matter and came hither in consequence. Since then the duke of
Norfolk has lost his stepson, Lord Dacre, a boy of nine years old,
son of his late wife, who had as fine an estate on the borders of
Scotland as the Duke has in England. The Duke received 1,500
ducats a year for his maintenance, and something else for that of
the three little sisters, whom he keeps in his house, and administers
the whole estate. By the laws of the country these girls are
excluded from the succession, and only receive a certain sum as
dowry, the estates passing to the first cousin of the dead child. He
is already called Lord Dacre, and is a gentleman of not very good
disposition, but clever and brave, and a good Catholic, a brother-in-law
of Montague and Northumberland. The duke of Norfolk,
on certain grounds, tried to question his rights to the estate, but
Cecil and the Council openly favoured him (Dacre), and all this has
been an obstacle to the conclusion of the plots afore-mentioned.
This Lord Dacre is the man of whom I wrote to your Majesty as
having sent a message to me about the marriage of the queen of
Scotland with the duke of Norfolk, and the conversion of this
country to the Catholic Church. He now says that, whenever
your Majesty pleases to send an army to this country, he and his
friends will undertake to provide 15,000 selected troops for your
service. I have been informed that Cecil has spoken to the Duke
about marrying a sister-in-law of his, a widow with 3,000 ducats
income, offering him to increase her dowry if the Duke marries her.
The Duke would not listen to it, for he has his thoughts very high,
having fixed his eyes upon the queen of Scotland. This has not
injured her in the negotiations, for the Council now offer to recover
her kingdom for her on certain conditions, and the renunciation by
her of her claim to the English crown. With this object this Queen
has sent to Scotland to request the Regent to send new commissioners
to discuss it. The bishop of Ross and myself agree in our
opinion that this was another of Cecil's inventions to delay the
business. I am always of opinion, as I have said before, that it
would be very beneficial to your Majesty's interests and the prompt
despatch of these affairs, to reward these gentlemen with a sum
of money for their services, and to encourage them to greater
things. This can be done little by little. I may remind your
Majesty that these people are very fond of money.—London, 15th
June 1569.
|
| 9-16 June. |
108. Extracts from four Letters from Guerau de Spes to
the Duke of Alba of 9th, 14th, and 16th of June
1569.
Yesterday and the day before I wrote to his Majesty and your
Excellency by way of Calais. Since then Ridolfi came to my
house, with a letter of credence from Lord Lumley, and told me
that they would take the opportunity of my changing my residence
to set me at liberty, and that, on my leaving here, my guards would
be removed. He also informed me of the points which Cecil had
drawn up to be communicated to me when I am at liberty. They
deal with the question of a general restitution, the selection of
commissioners for carrying it out, and request that other commissioners
should be appointed to conclude the treaty of Bruges.
They also request that the King should confirm the treaties anew,
give facility for the English to trade with the Indies, and assure
the English ambassadors and their households in his dominion of
freedom in their religion, with other impertinent trifles, which can
be disposed of in a very few words. A good answer can be given
to all this in due time. I told Ridolfi that, when I had the entire
liberty usually given to his Majesty's ambassadors, I would listen
to them, but that now I had nothing to say. If they come to
broach the subject again I will at once inform your Excellency of
what they say and, my opinion thereon. The gentleman who
guards me has gone to Court to-day to learn the decision as to the
house to which I am to move. They say they will take this
opportunity of releasing me.
|
| 20 June. |
109. The Duke Of Alba to the King.
[Extract.]
By the enclosed letters from Don Guerau, your Majesty will see
what is passing in England. I have not yet allowed the merchant
I mentioned to go, and I have no news from the other one I sent,
except that he had crossed over. I have thought well to send to
Don Guerau the 6,000 crowns he requests, to give to those
gentlemen with the conditions he mentions. (fn. 4) —Brussels, 20th June
1569.
|
| 22 June. |
110. Guerau De Spes to the King.
They are going to give me the bishop of Winchester's house in
exchange for the one I now occupy. I am to pay for it, but the
Bishop raised some difficulties, although the earl of Leicester
wrote to him about it. The Council now order it, and I am told
that I shall be liberated when I go thither. When I have been
able to discuss with the Queen and Council the restitution of the
property detained and stolen, I will duly advise your Majesty and
the Duke. Ridolfi wrote to me last night that Cecil had sent him
an invitation to dine with him and asked him to come and see me.
Cecil is anxious to arrange matters with me at all events. I
therefore expect him (Ridolfi), and shall entertain them with
smooth words to see whether this property cannot be recovered,
postponing the redress of other insults and injuries for your
Majesty's decision. In the meanwhile, those who have taken
property are in a great hurry to get it valued before the lord
mayor, who insists on your Majesty's subjects carrying out the
valuation jointly with Englishmen. But it is all roguery, for they
have put aside everything that was good, and only made a
valuation of what is spoilt. I have ordered Spaniards to have
nothing to do with it, but to let them refer to the owners of the
merchandize.—London, 22nd June 1569.
|
| 27 June. |
111. Guerau De Spes to the Duke Of Alba.
[Extract.]
They have not yet given me my liberty, as they say that they
have not yet received any decision from the bishop of Winchester
about his house, and these people are so vain that I believe they
will not like to release me without finding some plausible excuse
for doing so. I let the earl of Leicester know I was ready to vacate
this house (fn. 5) whenever he wished, so as not to inconvenience him, and
he has just sent a letter to the gentleman who always guards me,
whose name is George Speke, to tell me that he will have a house
found for me, and that, in the meanwhile, anyone who wishes to
see me can do so without any hindrance. He has also told the
gentleman to go home, leaving me without any other guard.—
London, 27th June 1569.
|