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3 Nov.
B. M.
Cotton,
Galba, C. IV.,
Original draft. |
359. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the
Duke of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands.
I wrote on the 26th and 27th ultimo and do not send copies, as
this courier, who took them, is safe.
I am informed on very good authority that certain Englishmen
have agreed to go over to the States and kill the earl of Westmoreland.
The leader of them is a great friend of his, who very recently
came from there for the purpose of plotting the affair and making
sure of his reward. He is now satisfied on that head, and is taking
with him six men chosen for the purpose. I do not know his name
yet, but shall learn it and the time of his departure, of which I will
send prompt advice. I am assured by my friends at Court that the
Council is very suspicious of this earl of Westmoreland, who is
highly popular in the country amongst Catholics, and especially in
the north country where he has estates. These people are afraid
that the punishment they deserve will reach them from there, and,
consequently, try all they can to serve Westmoreland as they did
the poor earl of Northumberland. I will use all needful vigilance
in this.
The decision of the lawyers respecting the seven sloops that the
pirate Fenner had captured under license from Orange and taken
into Falmouth, has been given, to the effect that the prizes, having
been captured on the sea outside the ports, are illegally detained
and must be returned to their owners, who have now gone down
there to regain possession of their ships.
News has arrived here of the brave relief of Tregus by your
Excellency's troops by fording an arm of the sea, and also the
great loss inflicted by them upon the flying enemy. People are
much surprised and grieved at this, as their hopes are founded on
capturing that island which they wish to fortify, and thus to prevent
succour reaching Zealand. As soon as your Excellency's success
was known here, they sent orders that all Englishmen in those
parts should return immediately. They see all their plans turning
out contrary to their wishes, and they fear that, if your Excellency's
good fortune continue, many of their Englishmen may never come
back at all, unless they do so now. They pretend, and openly
assert, that the orders for their return were sent long before the
relief of Tregus. But, notwithstanding all this, they do not prevent
stores and victuals being sent to the rebel towns in unlimited
quantities, such is their desire that they may hold out through the
winter. They also show great favour to his Catholic Majesty's
rebel pirate subjects, who are allowed to land and sell their booty
on shore without hindrance.
The Queen and Council, however, are very anxious to come to
terms with his Catholic Majesty, as they fear great evil may befall
them from the ruin the country is suffering, in consequence of the
stoppage of trade with Flanders and Spain. They have not much
hope of it, as his Majesty has not answered the Queen's letters and
shows no anxiety to come to an agreement. They look to the
pirates for their remedy if they cannot come to terms, as they think
by gathering a great number of them, they may stop navigation
and force his Majesty to agree to peace.
The Queen is coming next Friday the 7th from Windsor to
Hampton Court.—London, 3rd November 1572.
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| 4th Nov. |
360. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alba.
On the 28th ultimo I wrote to your Excellency through Antonio
de Tassis (copy enclosed) and since then have received nothing
from you.
I wrote that Lord Burleigh had told me to come and see him
when he returned to town. I went, and he told me, as he had done
before, that some of his companions in the Council were of the bad
opinion that, even though a fair arrangement might be arrived at
now with his Majesty, they were afraid that it would not be
fulfilled for any length of time, and that Englishmen would still
not be safe as to their persons and estates in Spain or Flanders.
The Queen, Burleigh himself, and some others were convinced to
the contrary, and that his Majesty was not like the king of France
who broke treaties on every occasion. I told him again that his
Majesty was a prince of such honour, and always would be, that
even to suspect him was a disrespectful thing, whereupon he,
placing his hand upon, his heart, said, "I certainly am of the same
opinion."
He told me to write to your Excellency respecting the draft
agreement in order that your Excellency should be pleased to send
me your opinion with regard to the heads, and especially as to the
treatment of Englishmen in religious matters in Flanders and
Spain ; and he told me in so many words that, if some honourable
and reasonable arrangement could not be made upon this point, it
would be waste of time to discuss the question. He said this whilst
holding in his hand the draft which he had drawn up before, in
which he met and replied to the heads which I had submitted to
him (copies of which I sent to your Excellency). I replied : "Since
your Lordship has commenced to draft the heads and has almost
finished, it would be better to continue and then have the draft
put into Latin, as we had arranged, so that it may be sent to his
Excellency." He said he was willing to do so, and would correct
the draft and read the heads over to me as he revised them. When
I said that I would go to his house occasionally to remind him
of it, he said, "I will send for you when I am ready for you,"
and so the business remains for the present. I am holding myself
in readiness to go whenever I am summoned, and will report to
your Excellency what takes place.
He also told me he had been trying very hard all last week in
the Council to win over the rest of the councillors to this arrangement,
and especially assured me that the earl of Leicester was now
favourable ; whilst the Queen and he, Burleigh, were still firm in
their good opinion, although the king of France, through his
ambassador and otherwise, was trying to persuade them that the
English might safely carry on their cloth and wool business in
France, as was agreed in the late treaty. But he said they all saw
how inconstant and shifty the French were in their promises, and, in
every respect the most natural course was the continuance of their
amity with the House of Burgundy. He said this was very
needful to England, to Flanders, and to Spain, and that if anyone
tried to hinder this good settlement, he was neither a friend of this
country nor that, but only such as tried to sow dissension between
princes, to the great injury of their subjects.
He also said that, although no notice had been taken of the good
offer of the Queen to recall the Englishmen, the Queen had ordered
a gentleman called Sir Humphrey Gilbert to bring them back
hither.
He said emphatically that the Queen, desiring greatly to see the
States in quietude and repose, and, wishful to please the King,
would very willingly offer her intervention with the prince of
Orange and our rebels to induce them to return to their due
obedience, if his Majesty and your Excellency should be willing to
accept her services. He said he hoped the Queen might be an
instrument to settle everything with decorum and honour, to the
advantage of the King and the satisfaction of your Excellency and
the rest of the world. This is a punctual statement of Lord
Burleigh's conversation with me on the 29th of October.
Since then nothing more has been said to me. Lord Burleigh
has gone to Court which is now at Windsor, and I await until
to-morrow, when I hope he will say something to me about the
heads of agreement or will give me the draft.
The Queen's ships have been taken out of commission, and have
been brought to Rochester, where the rest are.
The earl of Derby is dead. He was a good gentleman and a
strong Catholic, the very contrary to his son and successor, who is a
passionate heretic. His two other sons are good Catholics and are
now in prison on suspicion of favouring the queen of Scots.
It is said that the English from Flanders are beginning to arrive
on this coast, all of them having been already embarked at
Flushing. This is not to be wondered at, as they have been cast
out of Tregus, and it is to be hoped that they and our own rebels
will, please God, soon be all gone from our States.
The news of our success against the Turk has been current here
for some time, but lately they are casting doubt upon it by way of
France. God grant that it may be true. I am assured by a person
from Portsmouth that they are going to fortify it much more
strongly than was said. They will do so as the position is very
favourable for it.—London, 4th November 1572.
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361. Antonio de Guaras to the King.
Confirms letter of 28th ultimo, with copies of his letters to the
duke of Alba, and now sends copy of his letter to the Duke, of this
date.—London, 4th November 1572.
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362. Antonio de Guaras to Zayas.
Sends under cover to him the aforegoing letters to the King.
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| 9 Nov. |
363. Antonio de Guaras to Zayas.
Covers duplicate of the aforegoing.—London, 9th November 1572.
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364. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alba.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 4th, as usual, through Tassis
and have no letters since from your Excellency. As had been
agreed, Lord Burleigh sent for me, and having repeated to me what
I have already written about the willingness of the Queen himself,
and the rest of the Councillors to come to a peaceable settlement, in
conformity therewith, handed me the draft which I now enclose,
and which is practically the same as was originally given to me
for the consideration and reply of his Majesty and your Excellency.
I told him that I understood the same goodwill existed on our side
as I had previously assured him, and that his Majesty and your
Excellency were still of the same favourable disposition, but I told
him that the conditions he made with regard to religion and certain
other things I thought would partially hinder the business. When
I asked him to have the draft put into Latin, as he had promised,
he told me to send it just as he gave it to me, or that, as I understood
English, I could put the draft into Spanish ; whereupon I
told him that as I received it from him so I would send it
to his Majesty and your Excellency.
The draft he made almost a month ago, was, I believe, almost to
the same effect as the present one, as he read me the clauses as he
drew them up, but the other draft was longer, and this looks as if it
had been abbreviated.
As I wrote at the time, he told me that the Queen would give me
a document with the promise that, if your Majesty would consent
to sign it, she would sign a similar copy. When he gave me the
present draft, I asked him what was going to be done about the
afore-mentioned document, and he replied that it was not now
necessary and that I was to send the draft.
The affairs of this country change from hour to hour, and there
is a continual inconsistency, but it is not to be wondered at, as they
all depend upon events elsewhere. It may be supposed that these
folks wish for peace more than ever, although they want to settle
it with great consideration and honour for themselves, but, as they
have no letters from your Majesty, which they so much desire,
they are still suspicious that they will not be received into our
friendship.
Lord Burleigh told me, in conversation about religion, the restitution,
and other points of controversy, that, as soon as the ports
were opened, the commissioners would take such steps as should
satisfy both parties, and when the ports had been opened, this
Queen would be ready to give the King every satisfaction on all
points ; whereupon I said that I was sure your Majesty would be
equally desirous of doing the same towards her, and all would end
well. He was very glad to hear this.
He repeated to me his wish, which I have already conveyed to
your Excellency, that the ports should be opened on the 29th of
December ; first, because that was the day upon which the seizures
had been made in Flanders, although they were provoked by
previous seizures here ; but I told him that, as he would not give
me the document for his Majesty, there would be some delay before
these things could be arranged, and this would make it impossible
for the ports to be opened on the day he said. To this he
answered that a single document from your Excellency to the
Queen, or one sent to me to be shown to her, would suffice for the
opening of the ports on a day agreed upon, and the other differences
and the question of trade could be subsequently, settled by commissioners.
They are so desirous of this that, if it were not for the
honour of the thing, the Queen would write to his Majesty, and
Burleigh would petition your Excellency on the subject, and, if it
should be his Majesty's wish, they will show this desire by means
of good deeds. I enclose herewith a literal translation in Spanish
of the heads of agreement.
He told me that orders had been given for the release of the
seven sloops which had been brought in by armed vessels to
Falmouth, which had been done through him, although some of the
Councillors were opposed to it. I thanked him for it.
If it should be his Majesty's will to settle with these people, it
would be, as your Excellency knows, a means of displeasing the
French, and, still more, Orange and our rebels, his friends, as at
the same time the people here would clear their coast and channels
of all the armed ships belonging to our enemies and the pirates.
If the appointment of Commissioners be agreed to, it is to be
hoped that some good arrangement may be arrived at about the
restitution and other things, especially the question of religion.
From what took place between Burleigh and myself a few days
ago upon this religious question, which is the most difficult point,
I am convinced that, when the ports are open and the commissioners
are arranging the other affairs, if the Queen be approached
authoritatively and suitably, with the request that she shall return
to the obedience of the Pope, she will do so without much difficulty
Burleigh himself says, as I have written, that the Queen fully
recognized that there must be a head in ecclesiastical as in temporal
matters. It will be a subject for incredible rejoicing to this
country when commerce and the ports are reopened, as it will be
equally advantageous to Flanders and Spain, particularly as regards
the tranquillity of the former country, because otherwise
Orange and his French friends will never cease to trouble the
States by land and sea, helped by money and other support from
here and elsewhere, whilst we are kept with the constant need of
an army to defend the coast. If his Majesty and your Excellency
should therefore think well to write to the Queen, or to me a letter
to be shown to her or Lord Burleigh, agreeing to the opening of
the ports on a given day, as suggested by Burleigh, these people
will accept it with rejoicing, and they await the reply most
anxiously.
Burleigh asked me pressingly whether there were any letters
from Spain, and when I told him there were none he seemed
greatly surprised, as they are expecting an answer from his
Majesty to the letters of the Queen.
He asked me whether I had heard that the Emperor was dead,
and when I said that I had heard nothing of it he was silent, but
I know they have received this news, which please God may not
be true. They are founding great anticipations upon its being
true, in the secret plots they are weaving, in case our arrangement
with them should fall through. I have been able to gain no
trustworthy intelligence with regard to these plots, but the
suspicion is that they will again help Orange to raise his standard
if our agreement with them fails.
As the Queen and Burleigh are suspicious of everything, they
have the country covered with spies, and they get such news as
they want. Burleigh told me that the Queen had been informed
that I was one of the cabal that was conspiring against the Queen,
which certainly is not true, and I told him that the Queen and he
were badly informed ; whereupon he replied that if it were true
they would be offended with me, and would never deal with me
again in affairs. I assured him truly that such a thing had never
passed through my mind, and he replied : "I quite believe it, and
our informant has not told the truth." This I write to your Excellency
that you may know of the suspicion with which they
regard everyone. It is not to be wondered at, because all the
world thinks that they are on the road to ruin through their own
fault, and they fear the consequences of their acts.
The English general who was before Tregus, named Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, has arrived at this Court, and it is said he
had five hundred of his soldiers dead and sick. Captain Morgan
remained at Flushing with about two hundred Englishmen, whom
he has had there always, and some three or four English captains
belonging to Gilbert's party have remained behind with Morgan.
Of the English who were at Brille none have returned.
News from Scotland is that the Queen's friends have killed many
of their opponents, and the death of the Governor Morton (Mar) is
affirmed. There is news from Ireland that the people are in arms
against the English, and that many have been killed.
The prince of Orange has a man here to represent him and to
press his claims upon the Council. Two days ago another messenger
came from Orange directed to the Court, but they keep
him very secret, as may be imagined. It is asserted that some
great plots are being contrived here out of fear that his Majesty
will not accept their friendship, but, if it is his Majesty's wish to
do so, they will go on their knees to get the ports opened, and they
will afterwards do whatever is demanded of them.
News from France comes that Montmorenci and M. de Foix, who
came here to conclude the agreement, are at liberty there, in order
not to scandalize people here, which it would do if they treated
them like the rest, and the French want to keep up an appearance
of friendship.
The Flushing rebels have brought hither merchandise to the
value of thirty thousand crowns, which they will employ in the
purchase of victuals and stores, especially powder, to take to
Flushing, where the intention is to hold out to the end. I send
this packet by favour of the captain of Gravelines.—London, 9th
November 1572.
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17 Nov.
B. M.
Cotton,
Galba, C. IV.
Original draft. |
365. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the
Duke of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands.
I wrote on the 3rd instant and 26th ultimo, saying that the
French ambassador had gone to Court for the Queen's answer to
his master's letter, and that she had given him a reply in accordance
with the contents of the King's letter, assuring him at
the same time of her friendship. Since then the ambassador has
received two other letters from his master instructing him to congratulate
the Queen on her convalescence, and to again assure
her of his firm friendship. He is also to tell her that she need not
feel the slightest suspicion of the coming of the Cardinal (Ursino),
as the object of his visit is solely to reform certain things touching
the Catholic faith in France, and he (the Cardinal) has been chosen
because he was a friend of the King's. On the 4th instant a
special courier came to the ambassador, instructing him to inform
the Queen of the birth of a daughter of the King, and, if he found
her well disposed, to ask her to stand sponsor to the infant. If
she consented to do so, the King would be glad if she would send
to represent her, either the earl of Leicester or the Lord Treasurer.
The ambassador has not seen the Queen since the arrival of this
courier, but has been with the Treasurer here in London and told
him all this, showing him portions of the letter. The Treasurer
thereupon went to the Court, and returned at the end of four or
five days with the reply, which was to the effect that, the religion
of the Queen being very different from that of the King, he advised
him not to speak to her about the baptism, whereupon the
ambassador said he would acquaint his master with this answer
before proceeding further in the matter.
The secretary of the English ambassador in France, whose
coming, and the despatches he brought, I mentioned in my letter of
the 27th ultimo, is also instructed, as I am informed, to beg the
Queen to allow him, Walsingham, to return home, because as he
was concerned with the league, and took part in certain plots
against the queen of Scotland's affairs, and everything has turned
out contrary to his wishes ; he is not well liked at that Court,
especially by the friends of the Guises. He will therefore return,
and a new ambassador be sent.
Letters have recently been received from Killigrew, this Queen's
resident minister in Scotland reporting the death of the earl of
Mar, Regent of the kingdom. When the body was opened it was
found that he had been poisoned, and it was thought, for certain,
that this was the work of M. de Croc, who was French ambassador
there, although the poison was believed to have been administered
by the hand of a brother of the Earl, who is a strong Catholic.
Killigrew writes that, as the death was so sudden, he fears fresh
disturbances may result, the Catholics being much strengthened.
The death of this Regent has caused great grief here, and may
well give them cause for apprehension, as the Earl was not only
the Governor, but was personally very powerful in the country,
and much attached to the interests of this Queen.
On the 4th instant a Flemish gentleman called Boisot (De Boison)
arrived at this Court. He is much thought of by Orange, and
says that at the time he embarked at Brille, Orange was at that
place. He brings letters of credence for the Queen, and also letters
for Leicester and the Treasurer. I have not yet been able to learn
his errand, except that Orange begs the Queen to send victuals and
stores of which much want is felt all over Holland, and 50,000
crowns in money to enable him to hold out during the winter.
He was secretly welcomed and well treated at Court, and has now
been despatched with nine smacks loaded with stores ; six from this
city with a large quantity of munitions, powder, beer, biscuit, saltmeat,
and other things, whilst the other three smacks went from
here to Sandwich to ship corn. The whole nine will leave with
the first fair wind. The gentleman also took back with him
20,000 crowns in cash. Weston (?) who is with Orange as this
Queen's envoy has been recalled, but my informant cannot tell me
why. My friends are trying to discover this, and also the
particulars of Orange's letters. I will advise when possible.
The munitions and stores now sent have cost 30,000 crowns, and
were all brought through Aldersey, who is one of the commissioners
who sold the property of his Catholic Majesty's subjects here, and
Ferdinand Pointz. All the goods were bought on six months'
credit, whilst the 20,000 crowns were advanced on bills of exchange,
the whole being guaranteed by these two men, as the Queen had
not a penny. They are to be reimbursed in due time by the
custom-house of this city.
Killigrew wrote lately from Scotland that a parliament was to
meet here on the 15th instant for the Protestants to elect a Regent,
and he says, as the matter is so important to this Queen, he advises
her, in order that she may take the necessary measures and send at
once 20,000l. in money to give to some of the principal men in
their party to induce them to elect Morton as Regent, he being
devoted to this Queen's interests. These people are quite confident
that, if Morton be elected, he will give up to them the child-king
as they desire. This 20,000l. was provided by Sir Thomas
Gresham, who, as I have already written, is very rich and
powerful. He is to be repaid out of the taxes now being
collected.
News comes from Ireland that the savages in the east of the
island, who are devoted to the queen of Scots, have risen and have
been joined by many Scotsmen, secretly sent by the earl of Huntly,
the Grand Chancellor of Scotland, whose lands are in the west of
Scotland, a very short distance from Ireland by sea. The savages
have overrun the whole land, and have even destroyed the city of
Dublin, where the Viceroy lives. The Queen is sending 1,500
soldiers thither to aid the Viceroy in attacking these savages.
People here are much concerned about this rising and would be
more so if help were sent to them (i.e., the Irish) from without.
The Queen has recently received a letter from her ambassador
in France saying that the King had spoken to him about his
application to be recalled, owing to his distrust of the Guise party,
and had assured him that he had not the slightest cause for
apprehension, as he should be honourably treated by him and all
his Court. The ambassador fully confirms the coming of Cardinal
Ursino, and says that the King has also summoned Cardinal
Lorraine from Rome. He (the ambassador) does not know what to
make of all this, or how it is going to end. Languedoc was all in
arms, and the King would have enough to do at Montalban, which
was very strong, and at Rochelle, where the besieged were firmly
resolved to die rather than surrender.
About 12 days ago 10 of the principal merchants of Rochelle
arrived here, and six of them went to Court on the 14th.
Montgomeri was expected there secretly from Guernsey on the
following day. I do not know what plots are brewing, but will
try to find out and advise.
I am informed that the Queen is advised of everything that
passes at your Excellency's Court, at Rome and Paris, by persons
who write in a cipher which is kept by a confidential man of the
Treasurer's. My friends are trying to discover the names of the
persons, and if possible I will report them to your Excellency. My
friends think, although they are not very positive about it, that the
French intelligence comes from a man in the household of Birago,
the Keeper of the Seals. The man who is being sent from here to
Germany is going, I am told, first to the French Court. He will
leave in four or five days, and my friends will give me his name
and full particulars, which I will send with the date of his
departure to Don Diego de Zuñiga, although I have no reply to the
letter I wrote to him about it on the 27th ultimo. The man who
is going over to kill the earl of Westmoreland is making ready for
his departure.
The Council has just ordered the bishop of London to instruct
the ministers or preachers of all the parishes to ask for alms for
the relief of the poor French refugees, and to take the names of
those who refuse to contribute, whom they will consider Papists,
this being the name they give to Catholics.
On the 5th instant Sir Humphrey Gilbert and 800 Englishmen
arrived in this country from taking part in the siege of Tregus.
Gilbert came secretly to Court directly he landed, and gave an
account of events in those parts. He was sent away as secretly as
he came, and was ordered to come to this city as if he had not been
to Court, and pretend that he dared not go thither until his friends
had interceded and obtained pardon for him, for having gone on the
expedition without leave. This is the sort of stratagem they
usually employ, and they are following the same course in ordering
an inquiry as to who has allowed stores to be sent from the Tower
to the States. The purpose of this is, of course, to be able to show
the King (Philip) at some future time that it was not done by the
Queen's wish ; whereas, really, nothing can leave without her
license. I beg your Excellency to be convinced that these Englishmen
would not have come back if they had had any place to go to
there. There are 200 still at Flushing, and many more in Holland,
at Brille, and other places, which they are fortifying ; the great
object being for those places to hold out through the winter.
I have already written how glad these people would be to come
to terms with his Catholic Majesty for many reasons, but especially
as they cannot sell their cloths and wools in Flanders, where and
in Spain they formerly carried on their principal trade. The
people are openly murmuring in the provinces, and some of the
principal persons have come up to see the Council about it. They
have been soothed with fair words, and assured that trade will
soon be reopened ; but still disturbances are feared. Another
reason for their desire for peace is the knowledge that they have
done so much against his Catholic Majesty, and they are beginning
to think what the result may be to them, seeing how prosperously
things are going for the King in the Netherlands, and the outcome
of their league in France. They greatly fear some combined action
of the two Kings, especially as regards their sect. Scotch matters,
also, are full of anxiety for them, as the king of France, being now
free from the people who troubled him, they feel sure he will help
the queen of Scotland, and they give no credit to all his fair words
and promises to this Queen. If the Scotch trouble were to fall
upon them before they were reconciled to his Catholic Majesty,
they would be utterly undone and surrounded on all sides.
Perplexed, as they are, with these and other considerations, they
would much like to arrange with Spain, but as they see his
Majesty does not write to them or show any anxiety to come to
terms, and the present position is likely to drag on for a long time,
they have decided to endeavour to get his Majesty to agree to a
truce for two or three years, on their undertaking to clear the sea
of corsairs and open the ports ; Commissioners in the meanwhile
being appointed to investigate the pending questions. Their belief
is that in the two years they would be reconciled with his Majesty
as before. I have all this from a very good quarter, and am
assured that, if this truce is not granted to them, they will come to
any terms his Majesty may demand ; either in religion or anything
else, as they are so driven and perplexed that they will submit to
anything.
I have written previously that a large number of English and
Flemish vessels have gone to Spain and Portugal with English
cloths belonging to English subjects, although shipped in other
names, and that these ships will bring back Spanish goods. It
greatly entertains these people to see that they are thus allowed to
trade with Spain and Portugal, as otherwise your Excellency may
be certain they would have found a way to settle the differences
before now. The joke of it is that an Englishman has just come
hither from Portugal to open trade and arrange a settlement, which
would be a public indignity for Portugal, and would give a new
lease of life to these people, who would thus be able to satisfy the
subjects here.—London, 17th November 1572.
Note.—Damaged by fire.
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| 18 Nov. |
366. Antonio de Guaras to the King.
Confirms letter of the 19th instant, with copies of his letters to
to the duke of Alba, and of the heads of agreement drafted by
Lord Burleigh. Encloses also copies of letters to the duke of Alba
of this date.—London, 18th November 1572.
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367. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alba.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 9th a letter which I
forwarded by special courier to the captain of Gravelines, and
since then I have received no letters from your Excellency,
although the third person is constantly asking whether I have
any news.
Lord Burleigh has said nothing more to me since I sent his
draft of agreement, nor is it to be expected that he will do so
until a letter from his Majesty, or your Excellency, affords me an
opportunity of going to see him. In case, however, of his wishing
to say anything, I will throw myself in his way, and will report
to your Excellency if he addresses me. I learn from the third
person, who is with Lord Burleigh every day, that the Queen is
extremely desirous of receiving a letter from his Majesty, and
Lord Burleigh expresses this desire with great sorrow at the long
delay in replying to the Queen's letter of August. He tells me all
this indirectly, but it is quite clear that he has been instructed
to learn from me whether letters have arrived, and to let
me know that they are displeased at not having received these
replies.
This greatly alarms them, for fear his Majesty may not be
willing to be friendly with them, which certainly would not be
extraordinary, seeing their continued proofs of enmity towards
him, especially with their armed Englishmen in Flanders. There
is no news that Captain Morgan and his soldiers at Flushing are
coming back, nor those with M. de Lumay at Brille, but, if
this and all that has passed be overlooked by his Majesty, these
people will be only too glad to be friends, and will open their ports
willingly.
If, on the contrary, no answer is sent to them, they will
persevere in the evil projects they have in hand, and put them
into execution, if their advances for friendship are not reciprocated.
In this event they will try to injure his Majesty's interests.
The only thing I can learn is that full Councils are
meeting, and that the prince of Orange's emissaries are being
received, whilst they are frequently sending to the English ambassador
in France. Everybody believes they are up to some
mischief, but I can get no details, and time must show what it is.
There is a rumour that the present ambassador in France is to be
recalled, and another sent.
Some of the prisoners for the duke of Norfolk's affair have
been condemned this week to perpetual imprisonment, and others
to the confiscation of all their property. The rest are in confinement
in the Tower, and it is thought that it will go hardly
with them. One of the prisoners is the brother of the earl of
Northumberland named Percy.
About ten Frenchmen of good appearance have arrived here
from Rochelle, and have gone to Court to say that, if help were
not sent at once the place would be in great peril. They are still
at Court, associating with the Vidame de Chartres and Montgouneri,
and are trying to get the aid they seek, publicly or privately.
It is now asserted that the man who was killed in Scotland was
not Morton but the earl of Mar, who had custody of the prince,
who has now remained in the keeping of his brother. I am
given to understand that he and his wife are both Catholics, and
a message has consequently been sent from this Court to the
Regent Morton telling him and two other earls to stand firm, and
these people here will pay all the expenses of their soldiers.
A printed proclamation is secretly passing from hand to hand
here which I have not yet been able to obtain. It is printed in
Scotland, although, it is believed, inspired from here, and states
that the Council of Trent, his Holiness, and all the princes,
especially naming the Emperor, his Majesty, and the King of
France, had agreed to the killing of the Huguenots in France, and
the same in Scotland ; and all congregations in the latter country
are warned to adopt measures against such a project.
Two days ago an emissary of Orange presented a letter to the
Queen. Its purport and the reply to it may be well imagined. Five
or six boats with victuals and stores for Holland are leaving here for
Holland. They are specially taking supplies of powder, vinegar,
beer, and salt. The principal shipper is this scamp Aselier, whom I
have mentioned before. There has been a great outcry lately here
that some of the Queen's ships were again to be put into commission,
but nothing has been done yet.
As I was closing this, the accompanying printed document was
published here, and the little book which I also send has been
printed (which will be noted is printed under privilege). All this
will show how these people persevere in supporting their heresy,
and in their opposition to his Majesty's interests.
The controversy here between one set of heretics and another
is become daily more bitter. This week some printed books
have been published by the sect which is called the Puritans, or
stainless ones, against the other sect, or Calvinists, and such is the
passion engendered, that, one of these days, they will come to
blows, which it is to be hoped that God will permit, and that one
set of heretics may confound the other, and all of them go to
perdition together.—London, 18th November 1572.
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25 Nov.
B. M.
Cotton,
Galba, C. IV.
Original draft. |
368. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the
Duke of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands.
I wrote on the 17th instant, and now have to report that the
man who is going to Germany left here on the 21st, at 3 o'clock
after midnight for Dover, where he embarked for Boulogne, whence
he was to take post for Paris and thence to Germany. His name
is Henry Horne ; he is a tall man, with a long face, his beard thin,
silky and of light colour. He is 36 years of age, and is a nephew
of the present bishop of Winchester. He takes two men with
him, one a German and one an Englishman. He bears three
letters in Latin from the Queen, one for the duke of Saxony, one
for the Palatine, and one for the marquis of Brandenburg. The
letters say that she is sure the coming of Cardinal Ursino to France
is for the purpose of planning many things to her prejudice, and in
favour of the queen of Scotland. The King also, she says, has
summoned Cardinal Lorraine, the inventor of the murder of so
many nobles of France, her good and true friends, and the Pope
was striving to unite Catholic Christendom against the Protestants.
She informed them of all this in order to learn their feelings on
the subject, notwithstanding the negotiations she was carrying on
with your Excellency through a Spaniard resident here, for the reopening
of trade on both sides, which she doubted would come
to anything. She especially presses the duke of Saxony and the
Palatine to endeavour to get the Emperor to intervene with his
Majesty to bring about a peaceful settlement. She says that if
she can only be sure of Spain and Portugal she will give the
French such a drubbing for the trick they have played her, as they
will not forget whilst the world lasts, which she says she has
very good means of doing, as will be verbally explained by the
envoy.
She begs for a prompt answer on all points, as, if possible, she
wishes to receive it before the end of January. She will help the
prince of Orange to hold firm in Holland, although she doubted his
being able to remain there very long.
This envoy is also taking two autograph letters from the
Treasurer to the duke of Saxony and the Palatine, but I have
been unable to learn the contents. He carries all these letters in
his left breast, concealed in a taffety doublet he wears. Each
letter is enclosed in a sort of separate pocket of leather, with which
the whole doublet is lined. He takes with him a trunk with his
clothes, and for further dissimulation, carries therein six books in
Latin, and two gold chains of 400 (crowns?) each, for presents in
Germany ; it is not known to whom they are to be given, as the
Treasurer gave him his instructions secretly. He is going very
artfully, pretending that his only object is to study in Germany.
He is a good Latinist, and, having lived long in Paris, speaks
excellent French. His voyage is so secret that its object is not
even disclosed to the English ambassador in Paris, to whom he
has a letter from the Treasurer, introducing him as a person who
is going to study in Germany, and requesting the ambassador to
give him every assistance out of respect for his uncle the Bishop.
He is most urgently enjoined not to disclose anywhere that he
is going on public business, and great favour and honours are
promised him on his return if he carries through his mission
successfully.
I have sent advice of all this to the ambassador Don Diego de
Zuñiga through the French ambassador here, in order that he may
take such steps as may be desirable, although I have received no
answer from him to mine of the 27th ultimo.
The nine ships with stores for Holland have left, but the servant
of Orange did not go with them, as he is to go by land with the
bills for the 20,000l. given to him by Ferdinand Pointz, payable in
Antwerp. I do not know yet upon whom the bills are drawn,
but will advise if I can discover.
Captain Morgan and his soldiers came back a week since from
Flushing. There are 200 of them, and they are in such want that
they are begging about the streets. Those in Brille and Holland
have not returned yet, and, as they have not done so in the fine
weather, they will stay there all the winter, unless they are
turned out. I am told the English have not returned by the Queen's
orders, but by reason of their great need there.
On the 20th the French ambassador went to Court and accompanied
the Queen to Windsor ; amongst many other things he
told the Queen that his master instructed him to say that he
learnt that several of the principal merchants of Rochelle had
come hither, seditious persons, and, as no doubt they would find
some evil spirits to consort with, he feared their designs were
against him. The Queen pretended to bu much surprised at this,
and said that she knew nothing of it, but would speak to the
Council, as she was anxious to keep the peace with the King.
The ambassador took leave of the Queen on this, but was afterwards
with Leicester and the Treasurer for three hours, although
I do not know what decision was arrived at. The evil spirits
referred to by the King are supposed to be the Vidame de Chartres
and Montgomeri who has arrived here in disguise, and both he
and the Vidame have been several times to Court. They are
plotting something, I am sure, and the visit of the English ambassador's
secretary from France referred to the same matter. I will
report all I can learn.
A special courier came to the Queen on the 22nd from her
ambassador in Paris, with letter, saying that the King had informed
him that he learnt from De Croc the state of affairs in
Scotland, and he appealed to the Queen to fulfil her treaty obligations
in respect to that country. If she did not remedy matters
he (the king of France) could not avoid sending troops thither ;
and this, the ambassador says, the King pronounced with a
perfectly serene countenance. The queen is much grieved about
it. The man who is going to kill the earl of Westmoreland is
making ready, but they tell me they cannot give me his name
until his passport is made out. I will then report. The Earl in
the meanwhile should be very careful.—London, 25th November
1572.
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