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7 Oct.
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532. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
On the 11th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty by way of Seville,
sending a marine chart of the voyage made by the English. The
ships with Frobisher their captain have already returned from the
voyage. They say he discharged at Portsmouth, for which reason
I have not been able yet to get particulars of the success of the
voyage, and have received no news of the man I sent with the
expedition. All that I learn is what Frobisher, who has arrived
here, himself relates, which is that he went in a very short time
from Ireland to that coast which they call Cathay, which he found
colder than when they were there two years ago, and he lost a
ship in the ice and another was prevented from following him by
tempest, and returned to this country bringing with it most of
the wood destined for, the building of houses. He went forty
leagues higher up the Strait than on his former voyage, and
without leaving any men behind him on shore, he simply loaded his
vessels with the same sort of ore as he had previously brought.
They are not much pleased with his return, nor are the merchants
interested in the business satisfied with the voyage, although
Frobisher promises great things in the voyage he says he must
undertake thither next summer.—London, 7th October 1578.
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533. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
On the 23rd ultimo I wrote to your Majesty, and on the 28th I
saw the Queen at Richmond ; in the first place because she had
approached so near here, and in the next, because I was told she
was much surprised she had not seen me for so long, and thought
that I must have gone back to Spain, from which I gathered that
she wished to see me. After having welcomed me with much
warmth and kindness, she gave me to understand that she was
much grieved at what Don Juan had told her ambassador, namely,
that he had orders from your Majesty not to treat for peace with
anybody excepting the Emperor, and although it was right and
proper, seeing the Emperor's position, that other princes should
place their affairs in his hands, yet she had made so many efforts
that she thought she deserved at least to be adopted as one of the
mediators. I replied in conformity with his Highness' instructions
of the 6th of May, which said, "As regards the intervention of the
"Queen as mediator when peace negotiations are commenced,
nothing of the sort must be entertained, as it is not desirable on
any account ; but on this matter you must act but not speak."
I told her that as it was some time since I had letters from his
Highness I could not say anything decided upon the point, but I
pretended to have heard from private sources that the States themselves
had desired the commissioners who had been appointed and
that his Highness would willingly approve of them, and by this
means justify more than ever, the cause of your Majesty, since a
father never quarelled with a son, nor a prince with his subjects,
who was not willing to refer the matter to a judge of their own
choosing, the more plainly to demonstrate their error. I told her
she might be assured that the States were not dealing so straightforwardly
as some of her ministers tried to persuade her. She
told me that I was right, as she received the same information
about the commissioners, and she was sure I was telling her the
truth. She said that she was convinced of this, moreover, from the
mode of procedure of the States, and by the documents which were
being divulged, particularly by a letter written to St. Aldegonde.
She said that some of her Council were very much surprised that
she allowed me to remain here, as your Majesty did not admit an
embassy from her in your Court. To which I replied that I myself
was there when she had sent Wilkes and that your Majesty had
admitted him as ambassador, as also you had done with Cobham
and Smith. She said that she took no notice of what they said on
this point as she knew me and liked my manner of proceeding,
which did not inspire her with suspicion, and if a favourable peace
were made in the Netherlands, by any means, she would have been
quite content not to have been a mediator in the matter, being
perfectly satisfied with my explanations.
After this she turned the conversation on to the marriage with
M. D'Alençon, and when I asked her when it was to be, she said
she did not know, but asked me whether I thought she ought to
marry him. I replied that I thought in this business, as in everything
else she had done, she would act with prudence, as she had
so many reasons for knowing that the French were trying to
prevent the aggrandisement of her crown and the quietude of her
realm. She thanked me for judging of her actions so favourably,
and said that she hoped that I would approve of them when I saw
the end. I gathered from this conversation that what had passed
between the Queen-mother and the prince of Bearn (fn. 1) had aroused
some suspicion in her mind, as twice within the last few days she
has refused to see the French ambassador, on the excuse that she
was ill, although she went to dine with the earl of Leicester.
The French and Flemish heretics here have received letters from
those at Rochelle and elsewhere telling them of the suspicions
aroused there by the treaty, and the fears entertained that the
going of the Queen-mother to the prince of Bearn would cause war
to break out, as the king of France had written to his brother to
hold himself in readiness to return to France if necessary, and sent
him for this purpose three hundred thousand francs which the
Paris merchants had given for the purpose of building a certain
bridge. He was to pay with this money ten thousand of the
troops he had with him, and was warned not to undertake any
enterprise of importance from which he could not extricate himself
easily.
M. de Quissé, who I wrote to your Majesty had gone to
Flanders, has pressed Casimir, on behalf of the prince of Bearn,
to hasten his return in respect of the regiments of French, Gascons,
and Lorrainers who were attached to him. For this reason, and as
Casimir says that he must return to Germany at the end of a
month when his three months are up, it is suspected that he will
go to France, where he expects to make a larger profit with less
risk, having Bearn and the Huguenots behind him. He will thus
recover what is owing to him in France. If he does not go there
it is understood that the Frenchmen who are with him will join
Alençon, although I hope to God that they will not go back again
until they have all tasted turpentine and got their heads well
broken, seeing the vigilance, which they themselves say, is being
displayed by Don Juan. In accordance with the Queen's instructions,
Cobham and Walsingham, seeing that the States were not
coming to terms with his Highness, have returned hither much
dissatisfied with this mode of proceeding and conduct. They have
seen the Queen, but have not yet given a formal account of their
embassy to the Council. I am told that Walsingham has come
back much elated because some of the churches in the States were
knocked down whilst he was there. They say there are very few
English and Scots now serving in the States, on account of many
having returned in consequence of their bad treatment and a number
having died of the plague.—London, 7th October 1578.
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11 Oct.
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534. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 7th, this Queen has sent
orders to Dover and the neighbouring ports for the Englishmen
with their baggage, who wish to go over to Gravelines, to be
allowed to do so. I have heard that Captain Jones has nearly
three hundred men ready and ships at Rochester to take them
across, which he will do on the 13th. I have thought well to
advise his Highness of this by a special courier, as it is suspicious
for so many Englishmen to be going to the town at once, particularly
as they are of a sort not much to be depended upon and
the force a considerable one. I knew some time ago that Captain
Moffet had gone over with some men, but that was done quietly,
and the present expedition is of more importance. I have let
M. de la Motte know, and wrote to him some time ago, telling him
that Orange was sending soldiers to him dressed as countrymen
that he might enlist them, and that prying Englishmen were leaving
here under the pretence of being Catholics to take wages from us.
He replied saying that your Majesty thought it was a good thing
that this should be so, as the place had to be reinforced with
troops, and it was impossible that they should be Spaniards, and
undesirable that they should be all Walloons or other natives of
the States, so that the natives who were in the fortress might be
counterbalanced by foreigners. Although these men may not
be admitted into the citadel, still, as these captains who are going
over and their men are not dependent upon anyone whom I know
or have any confidence in, it may be feared that some plot is
brewing, either in Gravelines or elsewhere, since nothing is planned
here excepting to your Majesty's prejudice. My suspicions have
been aroused moreover by the fact that the Queen did not mention
the matter to me for communication to your Majesty, together with
the sudden opening of the passage in this way, whereas previously
gentlemen were arrested after they had embarked with the intention
of going to France on the mere suspicion that they were on
their way to serve your Majesty. The people who are going
across now are of a kind open to any sort of plot, and I can assure
your Majesty that Englishmen come to me every day, men who I
know to have served the rebels, offering to hatch plots in the rebel
towns, whilst others ask for license to capture the Flemish traders
who come across in their vessels and ransom them in your Majesty's
dominions, saying that they will by these means take some good
prizes, for the one idea of these people is to seek means of making
money at any cost. I write to M. de la Motte generally, and to
Alonso de Curiel privately, in cipher about the going of these
Englishmen, telling him to keep his eyes open and let his Highness
know what is going on. If M. de la Motte thinks well to have
English troops and will let me know, as he has done on other
matters, I could see that the men who went were people in whom
some trust might be placed, which is not the case with those who
are now going.
M. D'Alençon has written to the French ambassador here that
he is going to send M. de Simier to the Queen about the marriage,
and asks him to assist him as he did Bacqueville, and, if necessary,
to supply him with funds in the same way.—London, 11th October
1578.
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15 Oct.
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535. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza.
Your letters and duplicates have been received, and also the
marine chart you sent by William Bodenham through Seville, and
Zayas has also informed me of some details which you have written
to him not contained in my letters. I am glad to hear everything,
but have nothing particular to answer, except to enjoin you to
continue in every respect as you have begun, both as regards
Flemish affairs and Scotch. It is very advantageous in all respects
that the Queen and her ministers should have desisted from their
intention of seeking your recall, as it is highly desirable that you
should remain there until they bid you be gone, which I do not think
they will do, considering the favourable way in which you bear
yourself towards them.
Notwithstanding all the show they may make about the marriage
of the Queen and the Duke D'Alençon, it may be certainly concluded
that it is nothing but pastime, and that she is not in earnest
about it and will never take a husband. Nevertheless it is well
that you should be on the alert to hear what their plans are, both in
this respect and in the many other subterfuges which are taking
place there every day.
This letter is taken by Gombal de Guaras, who is going to try
to obtain his brother's release. As you know how sincerely I
have desired this, I shall be very glad if you will help and favour
the bearer with this object to the best of your ability.—Madrid,
15th October 1578.
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31 Oct.
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536. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza.
By your letters recently received I learn of the return to England
of Frobisher's ships from the coast of Cathay, and the particulars
you have obtained of the voyage. I have been glad to learn them,
as I shall be to receive any statement respecting the voyage which
may be brought to you by the man whom you sent in the expedition,
if he should have returned.
Having regard to what you write respecting the arrangement
made by Horatio Pallavicini with the people in the States, founded
on the importation of alum, the conditions of which contract are
manifestly prejudicial to my interests, I have ordered the detention
of the ship at Cadiz, and that which is coming from Genoa to touch
at Alicante, as well as the alum at Cartagena. I have also ordered
the cargo books to be examined, and have caused the same steps to
be taken at Milan, advising his Holiness to a similar effect, in
order that he may take such measures with regard to the alum in his
dominions as he may consider necessary, which, no doubt, will be
the same as I have taken, as being those most advantageous
to the service of God and the weakening of the enemies of his Holy
name.
I note what passed between you and the Queen at Richmond
on the 28th September respecting her regret that she had not been
included by me in the agreement with the States, and you replied
conveniently thereto. You will adopt the same course if she again
refers to the subject, saying that if I had placed the matter in the
hands of any other sovereign but the Emperor she would have had
reason to complain, but as I look upon the Emperor as my son,
and he being so prudent a prince, I have no doubt she will see that
she has no ground for complaint or grievance.
I also see what she said to you in the same audience respecting
her marriage with the Duke D'Alençon, to which also you replied
very discreetly, and, although I feel certain that the present
negotiations are merely feigned as before, you do well to keep your
eye on them to see what will be the outcome, advising me always
of what is being done so that we may adopt such measures as may
be desirable.
You will act similarly with regard to Scotch affairs, and will
let me know whether the treatment accorded to the queen of
Scotland gets better or worse. You will also inform me what
communication the Queen has with her son and those who have
charge of him, and how the dissensions amongst them have ended,
as Juan de Vargas reports from France that they had come to an
agreement.
It was very necessary for you to advise M. de la Motte of the
troops who were going over to Gravelines ostensibly on my service
in order that he might not place too much trust in them. I have
no doubt he will follow your advice and act straightforwardly,
but if anything grave in this matter should occur, you will report
it to me and to my nephew the prince of Parma, who, as I wrote
on the 14th, has been entrusted by me with the office filled by my
late brother. (fn. 2)
I have been able to obtain from a trustworthy source the
substance of the instructions taken by the ambassadors whom the
Queen sent to the States, and I have ordered a copy thereof to be
sent to you that you may understand the more clearly their intention,
and the underhand and unworthy manner in which they
have proceeded there. This is in conformity with the opinion I
have always formed of her (the Queen), but it was of the greatest
importance that we should have this additional proof, and you may,
if occasion demand, make use of the information without letting
them know that you have the paper, but only signifying that you
have your intelligence from a good quarter.—Madrid, 31st October
1578.
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