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2 March.
Estado, 950. |
234. Count De Olivares to the King.
I explained to his Holiness the reasons for the delay in the
sailing of the Armada, the difficulties in getting so large a fleet
together, etc., and assured him that your Majesty was in hope that
it would now shortly be at sea with good expectations of success,
having regard to the means that had been adopted. But I said
the greatness of the necessary preparations had involved very vast
expenditure, and the future charge thereupon would be correspondingly
heavy. This was said in terms conformable to your
Majesty's letter to me. In the best terms that I could devise, so as
not to run counter to his humour, and provoke a flat refusal, I dwelt
upon this point of the loan of the second million. He replied in
general terms, pointing out how extraordinary and unprecedented
had been the aid he had already extended to the expedition, but
holding me in some hope that he would accede to our request, but
without pledging himself in any way, although I tried every
possible artifice to induce him to do so. Seeing that I could do no
more I ... (fn. 1) turned his words to the best advantage
... appearing to be quite satisfied with them, taking
care to give him no opportunity to abate the hopes ...
I cast myself at his feet, and said I would write to your Majesty
to send the bond (for the loan) hither. But ... still
he showed me the customary favour of embracing me. I can assure
your Majesty that this was the only course to pursue with him, such
is his temper. If I had pressed him further on the matter at that
time I should have got but a flat refusal. Although I have brought
him so far, I beseech your Majesty not to depend upon anything
being obtained from him. I think it will be advisable for your
Majesty, however, to send the bond, as I shall continue to work
upon the foundation I have laid, and shall do my best to induce him
to lend the money, or at least some portion of it. The coming of
the bond for the whole sum will strengthen my hands. With regard
to the details of the arrangement, I am satisfied that the Pope will
expect good security, and I accordingly conferred with John Agustin
(Pinelli), and asked him what guarantees he thought would be
required. He said he thought the security of the barons or bankers
in Naples would be demanded. I hardly know what to think of
this. The barons might, perhaps, be settled with in accordance
with memorandum enclosed herewith. Juan Agustin thinks that
the Pope would not accept the security of the Genoese merchants,
however high their credit might be. He (i.e., Pinelli) thinks the
Pope would ask for security for a sum somewhat exceeding the
amount of the loan, but it is impossible to lay down precise rules for
that at present, and the point cannot be submitted to his Holiness
at this juncture for fear of frustrating the whole business. It will
be necessary for your Majesty to have full instructions sent to me
for every eventuality, and I will follow them implicitly. I have
thought of the plan of offering the barons a counter indemnity to
secure them against loss, without which I fear it will not be easy to
obtain so large a sum as this. As soon as certain intelligence comes
of the landing of the force from the Armada, every possible diligence
shall be exercised in arranging for the duke of Parma to have
prompt command of the million subsidy, and John Agustin will
certainly do his best in this according to his promise. He, however,
is careful to avoid promising anything on the Pope's behalf, as he
is of opinion that no money will be obtained from his Holiness until
intelligence is received of the landing of the force. As they have
learnt that the duke of Parma is engaged in the negotiations
mentioned in your Majesty's letter, and that the whole of the
nobility of Spain is flocking to the Armada, they are of opinion
that the real object of your Majesty is to make peace ; and nothing
I can say will induce the Pope to think otherwise. The small
amount of credit they give to us is the measure that we should mete
out to them.
It will be necessary for your Majesty also to send directions as to
the duration of the loan, which cannot be very short, but should be
made as short as possible. His Holiness will, I am afraid, not be
very free-handed either on this point ; although he has the money,
and will only want it to return to the Castle. (fn. 2) As I wrote to Don
Juan de Idiaquez, he is so fond of money that he would rather lose
the interest than let it go out of the Castle.
I can assure your Majesty that there are very few people in Rome
who believe that anything will be got from him towards the enterprise,
and when it is made public that he is to give a subsidy of a
million they will look upon it as something phenomenal, great as
are the reasons for his giving it. It would be well for your
Majesty to send me proper authority to receive this million, and
give a legal receipt. His Holiness consented to grant the jubilee,
and I hope he will execute it at the first consistory, in order that it
may be done with greater solemnity, as it will be the beginning of
Lent. I had not hitherto mentioned it, as I had no orders to bring
it forward until the arrival of intelligence that the enterprise had
commenced. It was necessary also for your Majesty to instruct me
that no details are to be entered into at the jubilee, because in
accordance with clause 3 of your Majesty's letter of 26th August, I
caused Allen some time ago to draw up the memorandum with the
justifications of the enterprise. This, however, will be useful for
the "legate's" bull, if your Majesty has no objection. Not a word
shall be said about the succession and investiture until your Majesty
orders. From what the people will learn as soon as this is ratified
in the consistory, they will understand that it is not your Majesty's
intention to keep the Crown of England for yourself, and this will
avoid the difficulties which might arise if such an impression gained
ground. Perhaps it might be best to defer any other action on this
point until your Majesty decides and announces whom the Infanta
is to marry.
In accordance with your Majesty's orders, Allen shall be given
enough money to take him to Flanders as speedily as possible. If
his Holiness can be prevailed upon to defer his appointment as
legate until his arrival he will be able to go the more speedily, and
the appointment to Canterbury could also be deferred.—Rome,
2nd March 1587. |
2 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1567. |
235. Advices from Scotland, 2nd March 1588 (N.S.).
Guerth, (fn. 3) a gentleman follower of the earl of Huntly, killed a
brother of the Earl Marischal, and took refuge under the protection
of the earl of Huntly. The King sent orders to Huntly on pain of
death for treason to give up the said Guerth and James Gordon of the
Society of Jesus, uncle of the Earl. The earl of Huntly took time
to warn his friends, and the earls of Huntly, Crawford, Montrose,
Caithness, and other nobles of the North met at Dunfermline with
600 horse, whilst Lord Arbroath (Hamilton), Lord Claude Hamilton,
Herries, and Glencairn, united at Linlithgow with 900 horse. When
the English faction learned this, they withdrew the King to the town
of Lisleburg (Edinburgh), and sent to Lord Hunsdon at Berwick
asking him for money to raise troops, He sent them 2,000 broad
angels the same day, and they raised 200 harquebussiers, by whom
the King wrote to Lord Arbroath (Hamilton), ordering him to
return home under pain of high treason. He replied that he would
do so, and that his discontent only arose from seeing the office of
Lord Chancellor in the hands of so inferior a person as now held it ;
and that without any just cause he (Lord Arbroath) had been
deprived of the office of Lieutenant of the West, and the earl of
Huntly of that of Lieutenant of the North. The King replied that
the matter should be considered, and they therefore returned home.
The King has ordered Huntly to come to court with only 30 horse,
but he has refused, saying that he could not come without security. |
6 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1448. |
236. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza.
[Extract.]
What you say about the negotiations between the King (of
France) and the English is of great importance. You will do your
best to get at the bottom of them by the same means as you
learnt of them. So far as Julio, without risk of discovery, can give
details of his instructions, you will endeavour, through the new
confidant, to induce him to do so. Let the new confidant add, as
of his own accord, that the only object of the French is to pacify
their own country, and that they will trouble themselves very little
about any other interest after they have attained their own ends,
particularly as they make no secret of the fact that the Huguenot
war has been fomented in England, and are secretly very resentful
thereat. Some of them, indeed, have suggested that it would not
be bad for France to come to an agreement with Spain to make
war jointly on England, and to divide the prize between them.
Suspicion of the French may thus be engendered, and it may be
suggested that the safest course for England would be to come to
terms with Spain, from which the French are desirous of diverting
them. You will arrange for these things, or all that is possible of
them, to be whispered in their (the English) ears. Try also to
discover what is being proposed by the French ambassador in
England.
The matter of the Scottish Catholics and the earl of Morton is
being well managed. On the next opportunity thank them very
warmly again from me for their offers, and encourage them earnestly
to persevere in their good intentions. You will defer the answer
about the men and money they request until the fitting time
arrives, but will keep them (the Scottish Catholics) in very good
humour the meanwhile.—Madrid, 6th March 1588.
Note.—In the margin the King expresses his approval of the earl
of Morton's going to Scotland as he suggests. |
11 March.
(N.S.)
Paris Archives,
K. 1568.
Portuguese. |
237. Advices from London (from Antonio de Vega?).
I wrote at length on the 15th ultimo.
The Commissioners have gone over, but little hope is entertained
here of their effecting anything. The Queen, however, is more
desirous of peace than ever. The commissioners from Holland are
dispatched ; they were told that the sending of the peace Commissioners
from here was only to hear what the duke of Parma had to
say, and that nothing should be done to their (i.e., the States')
prejudice. The Queen is trying to arrange matters in Scotland,
and has sent thither Robin Cary, the son of Lord Hunsdon. He
has not yet gone beyond Berwick. Their only hope is in the
chancellor of Scotland, who is devoted to the English, and governs
the King absolutely. The Queen sent Rogers, clerk of the Council,
to Denmark, three months ago, to renew her friendship with that
King, and give excuses for certain arrests of ships here because
they were carrying munitions of war to Spain. Rogers, at the
same time, was to impede (?) the marriage which is being discussed
between the king of Scotland and the daughter of the king of
Denmark, and to induce the latter to send someone hither to rectify
the same (fn. 4) (sic). The King sent back with Rogers, as his ambassador,
a Scottish captain who serves him as Vice-Admiral. The
Queen has made much of him, and gives out that he has come to
her with offers, in order to make people think that she is not
without friends. But I know that he has pressed upon her, in the
name of his master, the great importance of her coming to terms
with the king of Spain, and the risk she runs if she does not do so.
Drake's fleet has not sailed, but is ready. The Admiral is at Dover
with his ships, excepting only those which carried the Commissioners
across. Don Antonio is sad, and wishes to get away, but cannot
do so for lack of money. In order to do so the more easily, he
went yesterday with only three persons to a pleasure house eight
miles from London for a week, without telling anyone where he
was going. He acted in this way so that the Queen and others
may not think it strange if he considers it necessary to absent
himself. (fn. 5) Leiton, who was said to have gone to Barbary, has
really gone to Portugal. A sailor named Francisco Ferreira came
hither last year, and took from here some Englishmen in two ships
to the River Gambia, near Cape de Verde, and they recently came
back with much ivory and skins. These Englishmen had agreed to
give to Don Antonio 8,000 cruzados, and, with the permission of
the Queen, a patent is granted to them by which for ten years no
persons but they shall go from England to that country. (fn. 6) Two of
their ships will leave here in May for the same place, conducted by
the same Portuguese. It would be very easy to have them captured
from Cape de Verde Island, which is only 100 leagues from the
place. I will in due time advise particulars of the ships. |
15 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1568. |
238. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
There is nothing fresh since my last about the audience of the
English ambassador with the King. They are waiting for the
Queen's reply.
I have written to Julio about the levies in Germany and the stay
of Don Antonio in England, so that he may act as your Majesty
instructs in both cases, in accordance with the points I have given
him.
At the same time Sampson is taking steps with Don Antonio,
and has communicated with the English ambassador in order that
he may write.
I have news from Julio of the 19th ultimo, reporting that
the Treasurer told him that the Commissioners were already at
Dover, prepared to embark in spite of every effort against it, and
this on the faith of the signature of the duke of Parma, sent to
them secretly. They depend upon the Duke much more than your
Majesty for the conclusion of peace, but keep this a profound
secret.
Drake was being hurried off, but the new confidant advises that
if he did not sail before they got the news of the death of the
marquis de Santa Cruz he believes that he will not sail, on account
of the negotiations in progress, and also because the (English)
ambassador here thinks that the Armada cannot sail before the end
of April owing to the death of the Marquis.
Julio is also of opinion that the Admiral will not sail from Queenborough
until they see what movement is made by the duke of
Parma's fleet, and that if Drake sails it will only be with the ships
he now has. The fear of your Majesty's forces in Flanders will
prevent Drake and the Admiral from uniting their fleets. Both
upon this subject and others, I judge that Julio is doing his best to
keep me well informed of everything that appears important,
and I use every effort to obtain intelligence from other quarters
as well.
Julio also informs me that the Treasurer tells him that they
have brought Scottish affairs to a favourable position ; and he gives
the details on the subject which are set forth in the general letter.
The duke of Parma has sent Colonel Semple to me here, and has
written me the enclosed letter. (See Letter, Parma to Mendoza, end of
January, page 201.) Bearing in mind the very small effect produced
upon the king of Scotland by the messages your Majesty sent him
by the archbishop of Glasgow and Bruce, and the close intimacy
which the Treasurer tells Julio exists between him and the queen
of England, I do not consider that the going of Colonel Semple
would have any other result than to arouse the English faction and
the king of Scotland to opposition and distrust of the Catholic
nobles, and to prevent the latter from raising head. For this
purpose they might utilise the forces the Queen has upon the
frontier under Lord Hunsdon, who is devoted to the (Scottish)
Chancellor and his party. My opinion is shared by the earl of
Morton and Semple, with whom I have discussed the matter. I am
advising the duke of Parma of this ; and that the earl of Morton is
ready to go to Scotland whenever he may receive instructions to do
so. As soon as he arrives there he will take up arms in union with
the other Catholic nobles, either against the Scottish heretics, or
for the purpose of crossing the English border ; or else they will
remain with their forces in their own lands for the purpose of
preventing the king of Scotland and the heretics from giving any
aid to the queen of England. The moment the Earl receives
instructions from me, he will leave here to put into execution one of
these three plans, always with the object of converting the realm
(Scotland) to the Catholic faith, and your Majesty's service. When
he departs, he says that Colonel Semple can accompany him, and
they will both land in the north of Scotland, where the earl of
Huntly and Lord Claude Hamilton are, and then resolve whether it
will be advisable or not for the Colonel to undertake the mission to
the King which the duke of Parma suggests. As the Duke signifies
that, if the Colonel is to go, be should do so with all speed (and if
he had the ship freighted, and a wind "up his sleeve," he could not
make the voyage in less than six weeks), I have decided to write to
the Duke in the same sense as I now write to your Majesty. I am
also pointing out that, owing to the suspicion felt here that your
Majesty may be carrying on some negotiation in Scotland, it will be
very unadvisable to freight a ship in a French port, or for the earl
of Morton and Semple to embark therefrom. I recommend that
the Duke should have a small vessel ready for them in Dunkirk
when it is desirable that they should go, and they could start
from Gravelines at night, and embark safely, which they could not
do in the Channel as it is crowded with English ships. The
voyage from Dunkirk to Scotland is much shorter and safer than
from any other port at which Morton could embark. I will
report to your Majesty the Duke's reply. I also tell the Duke that
if he orders Bruce to pay to the Catholic lords the 10,000 crowns he
holds, as soon as Morton arrives, it will enable them without fail
to commence their movement at once.—Paris, 15th March 1588. |
239. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
In accordance with your Majesty's orders of 18th, I am using
every effort to penetrate the designs of the English armaments, and
although the assertion that Drake was going to the coast of Spain
may well give rise to the suspicion that he had some other object in
view, Drake has always promised the Queen to try to destroy the
Armada in Lisbon, and says that, even if he could not completely
undo it, he would do so much damage on the coast of Spain as to
force your Majesty not to send your fleet to sea. Some persons are
of opinion that Drake's preparations are for the purpose of capturing
the ships leaving Lisbon for the East Indies, but this is unlikely, as
it is certain that they would not go out unescorted, now that your
Majesty is so strongly armed ; and even if Drake wished to lay in
wait for them beyond Terceira, (fn. 7) it would be taking the Queen's
forces too far away at such a time as this. Differences of opinion in
the Council as to whether Drake should be allowed to sail or not
have delayed him, together with the fact that he could not be ready
so quickly as was expected. By letters from England of 19th and
21st ultimo, I learn that the Queen had ordered Drake to hasten his
departure.
The English peace Commissioners were, on the 19th, at Dover
ready to cross, and Dr. Rogers had been appointed in the place of
Paulet. Rogers is not considered a man of much understanding.
Howard was also going. Some representatives of the merchants
and adventurers were accompanying the Commissioners. The sittings
were to be held at Bourbourg, a league from Gravelines, and they
expect to be there two or three months, as they will have to await a
reply from Spain. The Admiral was at Queenborough, and would
accompany the Commissioners with some armed ships till they
arrived on the Flemish coast.
The commissioners from Holland (Loze and Councillor Casimbrot)
had had an interview with the Queen's Council, her Majesty herself
having declined to receive them, putting them off by saying that
she had to receive Archibald Douglas, the Scots ambassador, and the
Danish envoy.
The mission of the Dutch commissioners was to urge the Queen
not to make peace with your Majesty, informing her that if she did
so they would not accept it unless they were granted freedom of
conscience, and maintained in all their ancient privileges, the
(foreign) troops being withdrawn from the country. They said
without these terms, even if the Queen gave up to your Majesty
Flushing and the rest of the fortresses she held, they had solemnly
sworn to defend themselves until the end of their lives. These
commissioners came over from Flushing with Daniel Rogers, who
was on his way back from Denmark, in company with an envoy
from the king of Denmark, a Scotsman, who had been sent to treat
of Scottish affairs and the marriage of the king of Scots with the
daughter of the king of Denmark. Things in Scotland were
favourable, the King being attached to the Queen (of England) who
had sent to Scotland Robert Cary, son of Lord Hunsdon.
I send enclosed copy of a letter I have received from some
Spanish prisoners in England, (fn. 8) in which they say nothing of
Drake's having sailed. This King's ambassador, under date of
2nd March (N.S.), says he had not sailed at that date. Paris,
15th March 1588. |
18 March.
Estado, 950. |
240. Count De Olivares to the King.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 2nd instant, the Pope has
withdrawn, on the most absurd pretexts in the world, the promise
he made to me that he would at once proclaim a jubilee. With
great trouble, and after an infinity of controversy, with which I will
not tire your Majesty, I had induced him to consent to grant it at
once, and to publish it in the Consistory of the 16th instant ; so
that it could be gained in Holy week, and timely notice might thus
arrive in all parts. As I could get nothing more from him than this
I was obliged to content myself with it, but when he arrived at the
Consistory he began with a great preamble about the conversion of
the Swiss, the king of France's preparations for the spring, &c., and
said that, in order that God's blessing might rest upon these and
other things, he had decided to grant a jubilee which might be
gained in Rome and elsewhere in Christendom at Whitsuntide. I
was perfectly thunderstruck. I informed him that I had written
to your Majesty, saying that he had consented to grant the jubilee
at once, and I showed him your Majesty's own statement that it
could not be further postponed. I was sure, I said, that if his
Holiness did not so grant it, it was because he did not desire to help
your Majesty at such an hour of need as this, or did not believe your
Majesty's statement that the time had arrived. There is no possible
answer to this, and he could find none. I shall speak to him tomorrow ;
but I do not yet know in what terms, for it is enough
to drive me out of my wits to see the way in which he acts. The
day after to-morrow, at the church of Santiago, the forty hours'
prayer will commence ; next Sunday at the church of the
Aragonese ; and the Sunday following in the church of the
Portuguese. I will try to get the celebration continued in all
the churches here frequented by your Majesty's subjects, and I will
remind the governor of Milan and the viceroys of Naples and Sicily
to do likewise. If I cannot persuade the Pope to expedite the
jubilee, I will not send a courier to your Majesty, as there will then
be no hurry. With regard to the loan, I told his Holiness in my
audience of the 5th, that I had sent to your Majesty for the security.
He replied in fair but equivocal terms that left me nothing to take
hold of, and when I attempt to press him, he eludes me. This, and
the grief he exhibits now that the time has nearly arrived for him
to pay the million, fills me with anxiety that I shall have small
chance of success in obtaining the second million. I am even in
fear that the first million will not be met with exact punctuality ;
and I beg your Majesty not to depend upon anything but my
untiring efforts to obtain the first million as quickly as possible, and
as much of the second million as can be obtained. Since the
28th ultimo, when he learnt that the affair was really in earnest,
and that the moment was approaching when he would have to
disburse his million, his extreme and extraordinary perturbation is
evident to everybody. The things he says about it are very strange ;
he does not sleep at night ; his manners to all are more than
ordinarily abrupt ; he talks to himself, and generally conducts
himself most shamefully. One of the reasons he depends upon most
for saying that the time has not come for proclaiming the jubilee,
is, that they forced him to elevate Allen, and that he has spent a
mint of money on him ; whereas, really, all he has given is a
thousand ducats for his outfit, and a hundred a month for his
maintenance. I say all this to show that the fear I express is not
without reason.
He is also talking about his rights over the English bishoprics and
other things. I have just received a letter from Don Bernardino
de Mendoza, dated 27th ultimo, in which he advises me of a certain
letter from the late queen of Scotland to his Holiness, which is sent
through Cardinal Mondovi. He urges me to do my best to prevent
the letter from being lost, and to follow instructions I shall receive
from your Majesty. He does not enter into particulars. I will see
about the letter to-morrow, and advise.—Rome, 18th March 1588. |
20 March.
Estado, 594. |
241. Duke Of Parma to the King.
Before I left Brussels news came through merchants that the
queen of England's Commissioners for the peace negotiations had
embarked to come hither. One of them had put into Dunkirk,
where he had been welcomed by the Commandant, Francisco de
Aguilar Alvarado, and had proceeded by land to Nieuport, where
he had also been fittingly received and had continued his journey to
Ostend, where the rest of the Commissioners had landed. It was
very evident that, although they had decided to come to your
Majesty's dominions for the conferences, their intention was that
the first interviews should take place between Ostend and one of
the towns in your Majesty's possession. (fn. 9) I had already summoned
Count de Aremberg and M. de Champigny, who were at Antwerp,
and I brought hither with me President Richardot, Maes the fiscal
of Brabant, and Secretary Garnier, that they might be at hand to go
to the place agreed upon for the meeting. In the meanwhile there
arrived, sent by the (English) Commissioners, a gentleman whose
sister is married to the eldest son of the earl of Derby. His errand
was to tell me that they had arrived at Ostend and were ready to
enter into negotiations with me, and at the same time to thank me
for the welcome that Crofts had received in your Majesty's
dominions. (fn. 10) The gentleman performed his errand with every
appearance of submission, and of a desire to conduct the negotiations
to the successful issue which the Queen and the Commissioners really
seem to aim at if they meet with a corresponding desire here. I
replied in a way that appeared to satisfy him, and as I thought it
fitting that their visit should be returned, I sent Secretary Garnier,
who speaks languages and possesses the necessary ability, to
accompany the gentleman back and to ascertain their views as
to where and when the first meeting should take place. With him
I sent a disguised engineer to reconnoitre the place (Ostend). From
the discourse he (Garnier) had on the road with the gentleman, he
gathered that they were extremely desirous of peace and were in
great alarm of your Majesty's power. On Garnier's arrival they
welcomed him very warmly, always speaking of your Majesty with
great respect and decorum, and expressed all due satisfaction at
Garnier's visit. These feelings were demonstrated individually and
jointly by the Commissioners, and proved their and the Queen's wish
for peace to be concluded ; which, indeed, is the general desire.
They signify that if the negotiations be not successful it will not
be from any fault of theirs, their only doubt being your Majesty's
attitude in the matter, and that you may impose such hard terms
that they will be unable to bear them. If the negotiations do not
fall through on this point they think they will be successful. From
the discourse of the gentleman who came hither, and some of the
others, it is evident that they are in fear about the question of
guarantees ; and guess that the only security they will obtain is
your Majesty's promise, which they think will be insufficient for
them, on the ground that on the pretext of religion, and with the
authority of the Pope, the promise may be broken when it is considered
desirable. Garnier tells me that he replied straightfowardly
and fittingly, as he had been instructed to do. With regard to the
place for the first meeting they (the Commissioners) said they would
consider the question, and would send one of their number to discuss
it with me. Dr. Dale, one of the Masters of Requests, accordingly
arrived here on Friday afternoon, and departs to-morrow. He is
one of the Queen's prime favourites and resides in the palace. He
was here during the time of my mother (fn. 11) and has been ambassador
in France. He is an old man, stout and heavy, and was very well
accompanied hither, bringing with him, amongst others, a son of
Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and a son of Crofts the Controller. He has
been as well lodged and entertained as possible, and I think he will
depart well satisfied. They wished the first meeting to be held at
Ostend, although they have from the first admitted that the place
was inappropriate for it, but they have let it be seen that they would
come into your Majesty's dominions. They base their demand for
Ostend on the ground that it had been agreed before they came that
the conference should be held on any part of your Majesty's territory
they might choose, and as Ostend is contained therein they select
that place. This pretension was soon rejected, and they will no
doubt agree to hold the first interview between Ostend and one of
the neighbouring towns belonging to your Majesty, where a final
arrangement may be made as to the place for the regular
conferences. (fn. 12) They have requested me to send some person to
Ostend to settle the business, and as nothing will be lost by my
doing so, I am sending Garnier. Dale requested to be allowed to see
the powers of the Commissioners on our side, but he was informed
that at the proper time they would be produced. He was told that
as we assumed that they (the English Commissioners) were
properly authorised, they might conclude that our Commissioners
were also similarly provided. I said they knew they could trust to
my word, but if they had any doubt about it I reminded them of
what your Majesty had written to the king of Denmark on the
subject, namely, that you left the matter entirely in my hands. (fn. 13)
He (Dale) seemed entirely satisfied with this. To judge from the
private approaches he made towards certain persons he thought
likely to help him, trying to enlist them in the interests of peace, it
is quite evident that they are desirous of carrying the negotiations
to a successful issue, and this is confirmed by the intelligence
received from all parts. It is, however, difficult to fathom the
real aims of men when they set about to deceive. Your Majesty,
in any case, shall be kept well informed. It is well that your
Majesty should be advised of what is being said about the question
of peace by people here, and particularly by those who profess to be
most devoted to your Majesty, and most desirous of the repose and
prosperity of your dominions. I should be failing in my duty if I
did not inform your Majesty that the general opinion is, that if the
English proceed straightforwardly, as they profess to do, and their
alarm at your Majesty's armaments and great power really compels
them to incline to your Majesty's interests, it would be better to
conclude peace with them. By this means we should end the
misery and calamity of these afflicted States, the Catholic religion
would be established in them, and your ancient dominion restored ;
besides which, we should not jeopardise the Armada which your
Majesty has prepared, and we should escape the danger of some
disaster, causing you to fail to conquer England, whilst losing your
hold here. People here, therefore, think, that it would be much
best to try in future to settle and tranquillize everything during
your Majesty's own happy reign, so that all may prosper by the
grace of God and your Majesty's goodness. No fate more honourable
and beneficent can at present befall, no step would be so
heartily welcomed by your vassals, or would more effectually bridle
your rivals, and particularly the heretics, than the conclusion of a
good and honourable peace. This would avoid the risk of the
disasters that may happen. If the enterprise were in the condition
we had intended it to be, with respect to the vital point of
secresy, etc., we might, with the help of God, look more confidently
for a successful issue. I do not know in such case that I should
trouble your Majesty with what is being said upon the subject.
But things are not as we intended ; and not only have the English
had time to arm by land and sea, and to form alliances with
Denmark, and the Protestants of Germany and elsewhere, but the
French also have taken measures to frustrate our aims, as they
certainly will do to the extent of their ability. I have therefore
felt constrained to represent to your Majesty, with my usual
sincerity, what I hear around me. To this I will add, that as they
(the English) are fully prepared at home and abroad, they are
doubtless aware of your Majesty's plans, and it may be safely
concluded that we shall have plenty of work to do, both in landing
and gaining a footing on shore, and in advancing afterwards,
particularly if we have not a force adequate for the task, now that
they are prepared to receive us. The forces we now have available
are so small, that, doubtless, one of the main difficulties with which
we shall have to contend (even if God spares us from the disasters
that may happen to us) is, that the affair may necessarily have to
be still longer dragged out, and the French and Germans consequently
have time to carry forward their intention of opposing
the undertaking, both by means of a diversion in these States,
which are so near to them, and also by sending reinforcements to
England. All these are a atters worthy of deep consideration ; and
it should not he forgotten also, that after your Majesty has settled
affairs here, and have the island of Walcheren in your hands, you
may, with perfect safety, carry out your intention without any
possibility of interference. As for pretexts and good reasons, your
Majesty well knows that they are always to be found. I have set
forth all this that your Majesty may know what is being said, and
in fulfilment of my duty as a faithful servant, not for the purpose
of moving your Majesty from your honourable determination. For
my own part I am ready and willing to carry out my duty, and
your Majesty's orders, when my passage across is assured ; and I
can hope for no greater honour than to spend my life in the service
of God and your Majesty. I have no doubt that, before a reply can
be received to this despatch the Armada will have arrived, and I, by
the divine favour, shall have fulfilled your Majesty's commands ;
but I will not, until I am obliged, desist from the negotiations, so
that in case the Armada does not come, or any other unforeseen
accident should prevent the principal enterprise from being carried
out, your Majesty may be able to choose the course you think fit.
I greatly doubt, however, being able to entertain the English so
long as will be necessary for such a contingency as this, as I am not
able to produce for them a special power from your Majesty, which,
as usual, they appear to desire before they will enter into the
discussion of the main points. It is quite possible, therefore, that
they may break off the negotiations for this reason, which will
greatly grieve these provinces, as they are now quite confident that
peace will be made. I will do my best to get over this difficulty ;
and if the negotiations continue, President Richardot is, as I have
already informed your Majesty, secretly instructed on all points,
and the most perfect confidence may be felt that he will carry out
your Majesty's intentions. If your Majesty decides to send me such
a power as that referred to, simply for the purpose of exhibition,
you may be sure that I will only use it as your Majesty may direct.
—Ghent, 20th March 1588. |
242. Duke Of Parma to the King.
Matters generally are proceeding satisfactorily with exception of
the lamentable and astonishing mortality amongst the troops. This
is the greatest pity in the world ; so many have died, and so many
more are still sick. Out of the 28,000 or 30,000 men I hoped to ship,
in truth I cannot find now more than 17,000. I am endeavouring
to raise fresh men in Germany. I greatly regret the death of the
marquis of Santa Cruz. His loss at this juncture is a very serious
one, as he was so brave a soldier, so experienced a seaman, and your
Majesty loses in him an efficient minister. But these happenings are
in the hands of God ; and although the loss of the Marquis will delay
the sailing of the fleet, it cannot be questioned that God arranges
all for His greater glory, and for the better success of the
undertaking.
The choice your Majesty has made of the duke of Medina Sidonia
is a good one. I will co-operate with him in all plainness and
sincerity which the interests of your Majesty demand, and I hope
that he, on his side, will act in the same way.
I will send two good pilots to give him an account of the position
of affairs here.
The matter of the enterprise is now so public, and the indications
both in Spain and here are so clear, that it would serve but
little purpose to throw people off the scent for me to make a show
of besieging some fortress. On the contrary, it might lead to our
losing a lot of men without any result. The only demonstration
that would be of any use in this particular is the negotiation for
peace. Many persons think that since the English Commissioners
have crossed the sea for the purpose of entering into communication
with us something must come of it.
With regard to money, I wish to inform your Majesty that I am
in great extremity, as the 400,000 crowns recently raised in Antwerp,
what with depreciation of money, and other things, only produced
about 300,000 nett, and this is all spent. I am now without any
resources at this important juncture, with so many indispensable
and urgent demands being forced upon me, as I have clearly stated
to your Majesty on other occasions.
Juan Bautista de Tassis has been to Antwerp to see whether he
could make any fresh arrangements, but he returned empty-handed,
as the merchants refuse to provide any more money.
This is a matter which demands your Majesty's earnest attention.
The whole enterprise will be jeopardised, and unless I have money
to meet requirements here we shall be face to face with a mutiny of
the men, and irreparable disorders, since the troops are of many
nationalities. It may be that God desires to punish us for our sins
by some heavy disaster. Even if the Armada supplies me with the
6,000 Spaniards as agreed—and they are the sinew of the undertaking
—I shall still have too few troops, as the men here are
dwindling daily. If I set foot on shore, it will be necessary for us
to fight battle after battle. I shall, of course, lose men by wounds
and sickness. I must leave the port and town garrisons strongly
defended, to keep open my lines of communication ; and in a very
short time my force will thus be so much reduced as to be quite
inadequate to cope with the great multitude of enemies, and unable
to push forward. This would give time to the heretics and other
rivals of your Majesty to impede the enterprise, and even to bring
about some great disaster, without my being able to remedy it. An
almost impossible task cannot be carried out without adequate means,
and I am obliged, therefore, to press your Majesty, most earnestly,
to give positive orders that in this most vital matter not the slightest
neglect or delay shall occur. Not only is it essential that no failing
should take place in this particular, but your Majesty, on such an
occasion as this, should be prepared and ready at all points, so that
your enemies may be unable to thwart you by means of a diversion
or otherwise, as I have pointed out on other occasions ; and in case
of any accident or disaster that may happen, your Majesty should
have a reserve fleet and army ready to go to any place where they
may be required. The cost that such preparations occasion should
not be considered, as, saving the favour of God, success mainly
depends upon expenditure of money.
I pray your Majesty to pardon my boldness, and to accept all
I say as prompted only by my zeal and affection for your service,
for I cannot keep silent in a matter which I think touches it
nearly, and may affect the success of your godly designs.—Ghent,
20th March 1588. |
21 March.
Estado, 950. |
243. Count De Olivares to the King.
In my interview with the Pope on the 19th instant, I spoke to
him about the jubilee, and endeavoured to persuade him to expedite
it by saying that Whitsuntide would not do for a rogation, but
might serve for a thanksgiving. But in spite of all my pros and
cons with him, I could not move him. He insisted that the
interval of time was necessary for the authority to arrive at all
parts of Christendom, and quoted scripture authorities to prove the
efficacy of united and simultaneous prayer. Cardinal Mondovi has
informed me that he has in his hands the letter from the queen of
Scotland, about which Don Bernardino (de Mendoza) wrote to me.
He says he will not deliver it (to the Pope) until he has spoken to
me about it. I will keep the matter in view.
Nothing more has been said about the loan, and I am of opinion
that we shall have to get the first million from him (the Pope)
before pressing him further about the loan. I will use all activity
in this directly we receive news of the landing. We might as well
cry for the moon as to ask for it before. I am trembling for fear
that he may give me many a bitter pill, even before I can get
it, seeing how he seems to love this money.—Rome, 21st March
1588. |
21 and
25 March.
(N.S.)
Paris Archives,
K. 1567. |
244. Advices from London, 21st March 1588 (N.S.).
Drake is still at Plymouth, not ready to sail, and will not be so
for at least three weeks. He has 40 ships, six of which belong to
the Queen. He expects 20 more, four of which will be the Queen's,
but they are still in the Thames ; those he has being mostly small,
under 80 tons.
The Admiral is at Margate with only 40 ships.
If peace be concluded with the king of Spain, Bearn will be
succoured and the king of France disturbed.
The Catholics here fear that if peace be made they will be totally
ruined, as the earl of Leicester and his accomplices have only one
object, namely to disperse the forces that the king of Spain has
gathered in Spain and Flanders ; the Earl not having the slightest
intention of fulfilling the articles which may be agreed upon. Let
the Cardinal (Allen?) and Sir William Stanley take care they are
not poisoned, as I can assure you that the matter is being arranged.
The people in general are very desirous of peace, and if the duke
of Parma gives the smallest hopes of it, I am certain that all our
arms will be laid down, which will greatly grieve many of our
companions here, who are just as eager for the sacking of London
as the Spaniards are. They (the English Catholics) promote the
Catholic cause on every possible opportunity. The musters of men
are mostly taking place in Hampshire and towards Cornwall, and
it is said that if peace be not concluded, Drake will take a good
number of them on his expedition to Portugal in favour of
Don Antonio.
There is much talk about Casimir advancing in person against
the League in France, the Queen assisting him in money if the
Spaniard does not come and stop it.—London, 25th March 1588.
Postscript.—An ambassador from Denmark has arrived here, of
whom they are making as much as possible. Another has come from
Scotland who is also well received.
Thirty large vessels, loaded with wheat and other merchandise,
lately passed between Dover and Calais, bound for Spain. Count
de Hollac (fn. 14) had almost got possession of Flushing, and the Lord
Admiral had therefore gone with all his ships to put matters in
order. He has now returned to Margate.
The common people in Zeeland appear to be devoted to the
queen of England, but the States quite the contrary. |
22 March.
(N.S.)
Paris Archives,
K. 1567.
Portuguese. |
245. Portuguese Report from London of the intended attempt
of Don Antonio to escape from England attended by Edward
Perrin.
The writer, a Portuguese, says that he gave information of the
Pretender's intention to the Queen as soon as he discovered it.
Orders were at once sent to the Lord Admiral to stop him if he tried
to go from Dover to Calais. A minute description of the dresses
and appearance of Don Antonio and Perrin is given, and the writer
suggests that the duke of Parma should be put on the alert to
capture them if they succeeded in escaping from an English port.
Note.—Sampson (i.e., Antonio de Escobar) writes on the 25th March
that Don Antonio, on plea of illness, has gone to seek rest and
change at Brentford, all his family and followers remaining in
London. He mentions that Diego Botello secretly informs him that
Don Antonio is going to attempt to escape from England, as he is
apprehensive of the peace negotiations between England and Spain.
Sampson adds that it would be impossible for him to get away
without the Queen's license. |
28 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1567.
French. |
246. Advices from London.
The ministers of the false religion in their preaching frequently
repeat that the king of Spain exercises great tyranny in all his
dominions, and swears that if he enters England by force of arms
he will leave no English person alive between the ages of 7 and 70.
The harbour of Plymouth is badly defended at present, as the
men have been landed to save the victuals in the ships. Four or
five pinnaces which had been sent to reconnoitre on the coast of
Portugal have returned, and report that the Armada in Portugal
is as large as any the Emperor Charles V. ever raised. It was
said to be ready to sail, and great fear was consequently felt. The
Queen has ordered the city of London, under pain of forfeiting all its
privileges, in addition to providing a large force to defend the city,
to supply 10,000 men ready to be sent whithersoever may be
necessary to meet the enemy.
Colonel Norris exercises and drills his troops every day in London.
They are not very handy yet, but will really become so in time.
There is therefore danger in delay. Colonel Norris recently gave
the Queen in writing many reasons against entering into peace
negotiations with the king of Spain, but inciting her to make war
upon him at all points.
In Scotland it is said that all are on our side, the King having
overcome in discussion the members of the Society of Jesus, whom
he has ordered to leave the country.
Fitzwilliams has left for Ireland. The Queen is smiling now upon
the Irish Catholics.
Note.—The above is accompanied by a Spanish translation made
by an Englishman, with several corrections in the King's own
hand. |
22 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1567. |
247. The Duke Of Parma to Bernardino De Mendoza.
From what his Majesty and Don Martin de Idiaquez write to you
about Scotland, I see a desire that the earl of Morton should at once
go thither ; and as the state of affairs with the Catholics, as related
by Bruce, makes it necessary for them to look to their own safety, I
agree that he ought to go. He may therefore come to Gravelines
quietly with Colonel Semple, and embark at night for Dunkirk,
where he will find a passage awaiting him and a fit person to help
and guide him until he can leave the port. With regard to the
money for Semple's voyage, as he has been delayed, we will take
care to provide what will be necessary, and hand it to him here in
the form most convenient, so that he shall not suffer in any case.
With regard to his commission (fn. 15) , I approve of the idea of postponing
the effect of it, or otherwise, in accordance with the decision arrived
at by the Catholic lords with the earl of Morton after his arrival.
With regard to one of the three points which it is proposed they
should take in hand after they have met, and the most desirable one,
they must be careful to approach the English border with as large a
force as possible, to make a diversion as soon as they hear that the
Queen is being pricked elsewhere. The Earl himself should be well
warned of this before he goes to aid the carrying out of whatever
orders his Majesty may send me ; since, whilst I am here, he will
always find me ready to obey. If orders were sent to me to attempt
anything, the help of these Catholics would be important, and would
save expense, besides which, if they supported us, we could effectually
assist them afterwards. In the meanwhile, on the arrival of the
Earl, they may make use of the 10,000 ducats which Robert Bruce has
in his hands ; and you may write to them to that effect in my name.
They should be urgently shown the importance of assuring the port
of Little Leith, at least, as it is so convenient for possible future
eventualities. |
30 March.
(N.S.)
Paris Archives,
K. 1567.
Portuguese. |
248. Advices from London (from Antonio De Vega to
Bernardino De Mendoza.)
Gives an account of Don Antonio's attempted escape from
Margate, and his return to Court.
Things are much confused here. Orders have been given for
10,000 more men to be raised without delay, 6,000 to be employed
at once, and 4,000 in a week, to be sent out in case of need. All
the fortresses are being supplied and Drake's fleet reinforced. It
was settled that he should have 30 ships, but now they have increased
the number to 48, which are ordered to be ready to sail immediately.
The orders had been given that the Queen's ships should carry
less artillery than formerly; to give more room for working the
guns ; but the full quantity is now being shipped.
The Queen has made herself absolute mistress of Zeeland ; and
the States Governors, as they were called, have been turned out.
Middleburg, however, still holds for Count Maurice (of Nassau).
News from Scotland is that the bishop of Dunblane could not
obtain audience of the King, and consequently spoke with the
Chancellor, Maitland. He informed him on behalf of the Pope and
the king of Spain of their intention to take up arms against the
queen of England, as she was the head and front of all the evils
which afflicted the Catholic religion, and also because she had so
unjustly condemned to death the queen of Scotland, the King's
mother. For this reason they considered it right that the King
should be informed of their intention, in order that if he wished to
resent the injury done to him and his mother they should support
his claim to the English succession. The reply to this was made
by the Chancellor himself, who said that the King really desired
satisfaction for the death of his mother the Queen, but before
entering into the arrangement now proposed he wished to be assured
on two points, namely that the King should not be expected to
change his religion ; and secondly, what security he would have of
the succession to the English crown, in case the forces of the
Spanish King were greater than his own. The Chancellor reported
this answer of his here (i.e., in England), and news came at the
same time that the Catholic nobles who were in arms had gone with
6,000 (?) horse to kill the Chancellor, who is entirely in the English
interest. The King with others went to meet them, and besought
them to return home, which they did. With this, Robin Cary,
who had gone from here to offer the King 6,000 men, returned ;
having gone no further than Berwick. The (French) ambassador is
instructed to be vigilant in discovering the state of the peace
negotiations ; and in conversation with him on the subject I
mentioned how important it was for the King of France that this
country shall be ruined. He confessed that it was so, but said that
certainly France would not on any account consent to its being
ruined by the king of Spain for his own advantage.
A. M. de Frios has arrived here from the duke of Vendome, well
attended, and had audience yesterday. His object is to prevent the
Queen from making peace with the king of Spain. He is going
from here to Germany about the reiters.
The number of ships captured and brought hither is very large—
including those from Brazil, the Spanish Indies, Canaries, and fishing
boats, I am informed they amount to 180, and at least they exceed 140.
(Begs for money to be sent for his maintenance, and that the sum
of money lent to him in London by Bernaldo Luiz should be paid
to the latter as promised. Speaks of the great danger he runs, and
prays Mendoza to remind the King of his services.) The wife of the
(French) ambassador has gone to solicit his recall by St John's day,
when his three years' service expires, but I am persuading him to
stay another year, which I believe he will do ; and that his wife
will return hither. Otherwise I myself would have to go ; I could
find no other means of sending my letters with safety, as they now
go under cover of the ambassador's seal. I could not hope to be as
intimate with another as I am with this one. It is of great
importance he should remain.
Note.—The decipher of the above letter is unsigned, but the
diffuse style and the reference to the French ambassador, prove that
it was written by the Portuguese spy, Antonio de Vega. |