Spain
May 1526, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1873

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677-693

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'Spain: May 1526, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1: 1525-1526 (1873), pp. 677-693. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87494 Date accessed: 21 October 2014.


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May 1526, 1-15

1 May.409. The Emperor to the Abbot of Najera.
Arch. Hist. Cent.
Madrid. Priv. y
Cart. Re. de
Sta. Mar. d.
Najera
.
Letter of credence in favour of Don Ugo de Moncada, Prior of Mesina and Santa Eufemia, of our Privy Council, &c., who goes to Italy for the purpose of promoting our affairs, and for the benefit of the public cause.—Seville, 1st of May 1526. "I, the King. By His Majesty's command, Joan Vallés, in the absence of Secretary Soria."
Addressed: "To the Abbot of Najera, Commissary of the Imperial Army in Lombardy."
Spanish. Copy. p. 1.
2 May.410. Instructions to Don Iñigo de Mendoça.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224. No. 2.
The Emperor and King. What you, Don Iñigo de Mendoça, now going as our ambassador to England, are to do, &c:
1stly. To pass through Flanders and wait upon Madame, our good aunt, and, after showing her these present instructions, to request she will appoint one of our councillors [in those parts], of sufficient learning and experience in English affairs and everything else relating to the intercourse of trade between the two nations, who may accompany and assist you in the said embassy.
2dly. Arrived in England, you will give our letters to the King, to the Queen, our aunt, and to the Cardinal, offering to each of them our most cordial commendations in the best possible manner; and if they should inquire about us, you will say that We have hitherto been prevented by press of work from writing or sending a fit person to visit them in our name. You shall inquire after them, and beg they will send us news of their good health, &c.
3dly. As soon as an opportunity occurs, you are to inform the King, our brother, and also the Legate, that for the prosecution of the business now pending between us two, and often discussed by his own ambassadors—as well by those who are now back in England as by Doctor Lee, at present residing in this our Court—We send you and the person from Flanders whom Madame may be pleased to appoint with sufficient powers to treat, settle and conclude on any matters tending to the consolidation of our mutual friendship and good understanding.
4thly. You shall endeavour to ascertain what the King's intentions are on this particular point, and how he purposes to negotiate, taking care to inform us and Madame, our aunt, of anything you may happen to observe in the course of the negotiation.
5thly. Should the King refuse to come forward and return an answer to our offers before knowing our intentions respecting the renewal of the said friendship, you will tell him, in general terms, that anything he may propose and suggest for the preservation and defence of our kingdoms, as well as for our common prosperity and repose, shall be readily accepted by us. And you shall take care to put down the King's answer in writing, and communicate the same to our aunt [in Flanders] and to ourselves, that We may inform you of our good pleasure thereupon.
6thly. As it is most likely that the said King, before entertaining the subject, will claim the sums which he alleges are owing to him, and the payment of which has often been demanded by his ambassador [Doctor Lee], you and your colleague, whoever he may be, will shield our honour and reputation, anticipating any such claims, and endeavouring to show in the best manner and in the mildest possible terms that the delay in the payment of the said sums is solely to be attributed to the causes to be expressed hereafter.
7thly. With regard to the sums claimed on account of the indemnity, as stipulated in the treaty of Windsor, you will represent that had it not been for the enormous and almost incredible expenses of the late war, We should never have thought of delaying the payment of the said money or in any way contravening the stipulations of the treaty. Thanks be to God, the money was spent to such advantage in ensuring us the most complete success at Pavia that the King of England was enabled to settle his own affairs with the King of France, who has since promised to meet all claims that might be brought against us on account of the said indemnity, binding himself by one (fn. 1) of the articles of the treaty recently concluded [at Madrid], to make over to the King, my brother, any sums that might be owing to him on account of the aforesaid indemnity. You may, if required, show the King and Legate the article alluded to, and also, if our good aunt [Madame Margaret] should deem it opportune, the whole of the said treaty [of Madrid], whereof We enclose you copy. And whatever answer the said King and Legate shall make you on this particular, you shall not fail to inform us post-haste by express messenger.
8thly. With regard to the other debts, old and new, amounting in all to the sum of 150,000 cr. of the Sun, lent to us by the King at different times, that is to say, 100,000 for the expenses of our journey back to Spain, and 50,000 more for the defence of the duchy of Milan against the French, you will represent that We should willingly have paid, long ago, the said debt had not the various accidents and heavy expenses of the late campaign prevented us from meeting our engagements. But as the King, our brother, was equally interested in the issue of the war—which has since turned out so much to our common advantage—We hope that he will excuse us if, contrary to our wishes and intentions, We have hitherto been compelled to postpone the payment of the said sums, promising once more, in the most solemn manner, to discharge our debt towards him at the earliest possible date, even if We have to pawn and mortgage for that purpose part of our patrimonial kingdoms and estates. If, in the course of the negotiation, allusion should be made to the large sums granted to us by the last Cortes of Toledo, (fn. 2) as well as to those obtained from the King of Portugal [Joaõ III.] in consideration of our marriage to his daughter [Isabella], you may answer that the greater portion of that money went towards paying the many debts We had contracted for the prosecution of the late war, and that the small sum We received from Portugal, after deducting what We owed the said King, our father-in-law, must now be spent for the support of our armies in Italy, as well as for our intended journey to those parts, and subsequent coronation in Rome, since it is highly important that both the King, our brother, and ourselves should make every effort to uphold and maintain a peace through which he and his kingdom are to be so much benefited, besides obtaining from France a speedy settlement of his (Henry's) money claims.
And should the King make any allusion to the 800,000 ducats which our subjects of Spain have lately granted us in consideration of our said marriage to the Princess of Portugal, you will say that the long dates assigned for the payment of the said grant do not allow us to dispose of that money as soon as We should otherwise have wished, since it is to be paid by instalments three years hence, and not before the expiration of the period at which the previous sum, already spent and consumed, was granted. So that four years will elapse before We can appropriate the aforesaid grant, which We fully intend—after such deduction as may be required for our own defence—to apply to the payment of the said 150,000 crowns of the Sun owed by us to the King, our brother, whom We earnestly request to accept our excuses for, owing to the above reasons, having hitherto been prevented from discharging this debt.
9thly. Should the King consent to grant us reasonable time within which to meet our said debt towards him, and ask you what securities We are ready to offer, you may assure him of our readiness to give such pledges and securities as he may demand, and to order part of the above service money, as it comes in, to be at once destined and consigned to the payment of our debt. Should you obtain this from the King, you will inform us, as soon as possible, of the fact, and in the meantime use every endeavour to preserve the friendly terms at present existing between us and the King, our brother, without giving him cause to listen to any overtures of our enemies.
10thly. Respecting other and older debts—such as the money once borrowed by our grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian, in his own name, and during our minority, and for which the King, our brother, has still in his hands a proportionate security, such as the diamond jewel in the shape of a "fleur de lis,"—you will say that, after consulting Madame, our aunt, as to the amount and quality of the said debts, We are ready to pay any sums owed by us and our said grandfather, the Emperor. But, in order to gain time, you will feign ignorance of these matters, and ask to see and inspect the public deeds and the engagements made on that occasion and all other papers relating thereto, sending us attested copy of the same, as well as a transcript of the King's decision and the time fixed for the payment, that We may deliberate on the whole and signify our pleasure to you.
11thly. The last and most important point to be discussed and settled by you and your colleague is the commercial intercourse between our dominions [of Flanders] and the kingdom of England; the wool trade; the Staple of Calais; the tolls (tolins) of Gravelingues and Antwerp; the coin currency; the duties to be levied on clothing and other manufactures imported in England from Flanders and Spain, or coming from that country into our said kingdoms; and everything else concerning the welfare and prosperity of our subjects, especially those of Flanders. To which end Madame, our aunt, after having the ancient treaties of commerce existing between the two nations properly examined and inspected in our Council [of Flanders], will prepare and send such instructions and memoranda as may guide you in the negotiation, with this proviso, that the instruction is to refer exclusively to the commercial intercourse between our Low Countries and England, not in any way to the trade of these our kingdoms [of Spain], whose laws and habits are different, and respecting which particular instructions shall hereafter be forwarded to you, that you may negotiate accordingly, taking, however, care not to conclude anything before consulting us and knowing our pleasure.
12thly. With regard to commercial intercourse between these our realms and the kingdom of England We shall shortly send you a copy of the ancient treaties of commerce made with the Catholic Kings of glorious memory, that you may treat and negotiate accordingly. But you shall not conclude anything without consulting us first and knowing our opinion and wishes on every one of the points under discussion, taking care to advise us as fully and secretly as you can, by means of your ordinary cipher, of the progress of the negotiation. (fn. 3) —Seville, ——— of ————— 1526.
Indorsed: "Instructions to Don Iñigo de Mendoça, 2 May 1526."
French. Original draft. pp. 9.
4 May.411. The Emperor to the Inhabitants of the City and Duchy of Milan.
S. E. L. 1554,
f. 526.
Enumerates at full length the sacrifices he (the Emperor) has made to procure a peace and put an end to the miseries of war, by which they (the Milanese) have suffered so much. His enemies have rejected his offers. Has been accused of aiming at universal empire and wishing to become a tyrant, whereas his only object has been the peace and welfare of Christianity.—Seville, 4 May 1526.
Addressed: "Imperator Mediolanensibus."
Latin. Original draft, in the handwriting of Alphonso Valdés, one of the Emperor's secretaries. p. 1.
4 May.412. The Duke of Sessa, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
ff. 222–9.
His last despatch went by a Papal courier on the 23d of April last; the duplicate by way of Genoa. Since then the report is gaining ground here that the French King will not give up Burgundy, as agreed. His Holiness is also of that opinion, and has heard, besides, from Bourdeaux that it is a settled thing. No cession of territory is to be made, but there will be, instead, compensation money to a large amount, (fn. 4) of which, most likely, Italy will pay her share.
(Cipher:) On various occasions has the Pope bewailed to him (Sessa) of the little credit he has at the Emperor's court, and how, moved by filial love, he has done all he could for the Imperial interests. He now perseveres in the same intentions; but seeing that no efforts are made to secure his friendship, he will, in the end, be obliged to call at another door where he may be well received; not that he considers this step as at all dangerous to the Emperor, but because he does not choose to be made the plaything of Fortune (el juguete de la Fortuna) any longer. The Duke replied as suitably as possible, and concluded by telling His Holiness that it was publicly said at Rome that he (the Pope) and the Venetians were inciting the French King not to fulfil the conditions of the treaty, and thus come to a rupture. This he denied upon oath, adding that he had been every day solicited by his friends to take France's part, and would have done it long ago had it not been that he wishes to remain the Emperor's friend and ally.
His Imperial Majesty's answer to the Pope's last letter concerning the message brought by Pero Hernandez is anxiously expected. In the ambassador's opinion, the hope of its being favourable still retains the Pope from joining the confederates.
(Common writing:) A certain Ruberto Ayaçola (Acciajoli), who enjoys the Pope's favour and has been appointed member of his Council, is now going to France as ambassador from Florence. He has the reputation of being a very wise and learned man, and Sessa believes him to have full powers to treat. He goes by way of the Switzers, and not by the usual postal road. It may be safely asserted that until the said Ruberto arrives [in France], no decision will be come to here [at Rome]; and in the meantime such an answer may come [from Spain] as may satisfy all parties.
(Cipher:) Letters from England, of the 27th, have also been received. They confirm the news conveyed in the ambassador's last despatch, namely, that they (the English) wish to help the French, and are secretly encouraging them, so that the quarrel may last longer, and that they may, in the end, be the arbitrators of peace, as they imagine they were on the last occasion.
(Common writing:) The army of Lombardy is in such a state of demoralisation and want that unless proper remedy be applied it will be the ruin of the Estate. The Milanese, too, have lately lost all respect, and risen tumultuously against the Emperor's ministers, thus affording the Spanish infantry an excuse for sacking their city and destroying them, which the Imperial generals have great difficulty in preventing. This, indeed, would be highly detrimental to the Emperor's interests, besides being a burden on his conscience as a Christian monarch, and therefore must by some means be avoided. So considerable are the extortions of all kinds and the taxes imposed on the inhabitants that one half of the sum collected would have been quite sufficient, if properly managed, to defray all the expenses of the Imperial army.
(Cipher:) Both the Marquis del Guasto and Antonio de Leyva write to say that in the judicial inquiry just instituted upon the occurrences at Milan, Bernardino de la Barba, the Pope's Nuncio residing in that city, appears guilty. The Pope has sworn to him (Sessa) that he knows nothing about it, and is quite ready to recall him and have him properly punished, if, after perusal of the legal inquiry (information) and other papers, he (the Pope) should find that he had incited the rioters. He (Sessa) has written to Milan asking for it.
Count Guido Rengon (Rangone) has vindicated himself of the charge brought against him. He says that, whilst in charge of Modena, (fn. 5) he heard that the Duke of Ferrara increased his forces at Rezzo (Reggio). Perceiving that many Italians lately dismissed from the Imperial army were going the way [of Reggio], and suspecting they might take service with the Duke, he (Rangone) tried to ascertain from one Jacopo Sirapan, an intimate friend of Marramao, the colonel of the said Italian infantry, what their designs were. For this sole purpose, and in order to guess from his answer what they were about, he (Rangone) had proposed to Sirapan to enter into some sort of contract with His Holiness.
Letters from Hungary confirm the report of the Turk's invasion of that kingdom. The Pope has sent already 60,000 ducats, and promises to send as much as he can in future.—Rome, 4 May 1526.
Signed: "El Duque de Sessa."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Cesar, King of Spain and of the two Sicilies, our Sovereign and Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. From the Duke of Sessa, 4th May. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 3½.
4 May.413. Commander Herrera to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 237.
(Cipher:) Advices from France state that the King spoke to Cappino, the man whom the Pope sent to him with the Secretary of Venice (Andrea Rosso), and complained of his not having been well treated [whilst in Spain], and that he had heard [at Madrid] that the Emperor was to come to Italy in August; that the Archduke [Ferdinand] would also come down with an army, and have a large estate given to him in Romania. He (Herrera) cannot believe that His Imperial Majesty ever told the King anything like this; no doubt the latter is only spreading these and similar rumours to incite the Italian powers to do all they can to prevent the Emperor's journey.
(Common writing:) The courier who was to have taken his despatch of the 29th ult. has been delayed until this day, owing to which reason and to the Duke of Sessa having written since, he (Herrera) need not repeat its contents, but only refer to his colleague's letter. Both wait for instructions in answer to their joint despatch of the 16th March.—Rome, 4 May 1526.
Signed: "Herrera."
Postscriptum (in cipher).—Since writing the above, Herrera has heard that His Holiness wishes the Emperor to send his powers to some person who may bring to an end the pending negotiations, and that he is about to write to his Legate [in Spain] and also to His Imperial Majesty about it. His (Herrera's) advice—and that of all the good servants of the Empire—is, that unless the treaty with the French King binds him very strictly, the Pope's offers ought to be accepted and his friendship secured.—Rome, ut supra.
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. From Rome. Herrera, 4 May. Answered."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 2.
4 May.414. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 257.
Wrote on the 27th and 28th of last month by the galleys that were at Monaco, and that left [for Spain] on Monday the 30th. That very day, according to advices, Andrea Doria, with his six galleys, had sailed from Antibo in the direction of Rome, where, it was said, he was to take service with the Pope.
(Cipher:) Hopes the Imperial fleet has had a prosperous voyage and reached Barcelona in safety. This will enable Mons. de Bourbon to return to Italy as soon as possible and bring money (recaudo) with him. The army, he hears, is in great distress, and the generals afraid of a mutiny. They had been obliged lately to raise a sort of forced loan (tallon) of 12,000 ducats on the captains of the army, and had written to him (Soria) to send them at least 3,000 ducats, which he had raised among his own personal friends and remitted to Milan.
His Imperial Majesty must have been informed of the Milan riots on the 25th of last month. Everything is quiet now; and they write to say that all the property (ropa) taken from the dwellings of the Marquis del Guasto, Antonio de Leyva and other private individuals (otros particulars) has been duly restored. Nevertheless, the Milanese are still agitated and discontented; and had they the assistance of some other power, there is no saying what they might do against the Emperor. The intrigues of the confederates continue; and it is publicly asserted that the French King will not fulfil the conditions of the treaty.
On the 29th last a Papal courier passed through this place; he said he was going to Spain.—Genoa, 4 May 1526.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Genoa. Lope de Soria, 4 May. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 2½.
8 May.415. The Abbot of Najera to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 245.
Wrote on the 29th of April, announcing the popular rising [at Milan]. Since then the Marquis del Guasto and Antonio de Leyva have made a report, giving details, explaining the origin, &c. As he himself had a share in the said official report, drawn up by the Imperial generals, and which Bartholomé de Tassis now takes to Spain, he (the Abbot) need not dwell any longer on the subject, and will only confirm their statements. The said Bartholomé will, besides, inform the Emperor by word of mouth of the desperate condition of this army, and, consequently, of the insecurity of this Estate unless a prompt remedy be applied. Were the Imperial troops to be provided with money for their wants, the inhabitants would be happier and more contented than ever they were, and the intrigues of those who do not wish the Emperor to come [to Italy] would cease at once.
The fortifications of Parma and Piacenza are being carried out more actively than ever. Letters from Pavia, of the 7th inst., state that the Papal Vice-Legate in the latter city had issued orders that no provisions of any sort should be brought to Milan from the lands of the Church. To-day advices have been received that His Holiness has ordered all fortresses in the Piacentine to be dismantled, and Piacenza and another town called Castil de San Giovanne, on the frontiers of Pavia (del Pavés), to be considerably strengthened. All these are symptoms of the fear these people have of the Emperor's intended visit.—Milan, 8 May 1526.
Signed: "El Abad de Najera."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526, at Granada. From the Abbot of Najera, 8 May. Answered."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1⅓.
8 May.416. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 241.
Since his letter of the 4th, of which a duplicate is enclosed, Andrea Doria has been within sight of this port with his six galleys and two brigantines. He arrived on the 6th, remained at anchor for nearly six hours, and went away on the evening of the same day, without committing any act of hostility or causing any disturbance (alteracion) among the citizens. He is going to Rome, to take service with the Pope, as agreed. But, some days previous to his arrival, the said Doria met and captured at sea a caravel from Barcelona, bound for this port with merchandise, belonging to people of Florence and Niça, in which caravel there were 12 Spaniards as passengers. These Doria took prisoners, and destined to the service of the oars in his own galleys, although he let the caravel go without touching her cargo, which would show that he is intent upon doing all the harm he can to the Emperor's subjects. He (Soria) has written to the Duke [of Sessa] about it, that he may acquaint the Pope with Doria's misdeeds, and tell him how very shameful it is that captains who are in his pay should, in time of peace, make war on the Emperor's vassals, especially at a time when he (Soria) is known to have instructed Don Francisco de Requesens—now in command of the Spanish and Genoese galleys that went to fetch Bourbon—to use all possible courtesy towards him (Doria), if he happened to meet him at sea under the Papal flag.
(Cipher:) Should His Imperial Majesty decide on having this pirate (ladron) punished as he deserves, a mere order will be sufficient; and when Portundo comes back, the thing will be done very easily. He shall be attacked and properly punished, wherever he may be found, whether at sea or in any port of the Papal Estates where he may have taken refuge. It will be one of the most signal services ever rendered to the Emperor.
The negotiations between the Pope and the Venetians, and of both those powers with France, are as brisk as ever. They are now trying to induce some towns in Lombardy to take up arms against the Imperial army, which, judging from what the generals write, is sadly in want of money and provisions.
(Common writing:) The Florentines are now sending ambassadors to France. It is also reported that Juanin (Giovannino) is in that country, and that he is arming at Ancona two galleys and two galleons, the destination of which is unknown.
(Cipher:) We are here with our eyes wide open (con los ojos abiertos), dreading some attack of the enemy, for, besides the ardent partiality of the Fregosi—always prone to create disturbances—the absolute want of money, and the delicate health of the Doge—always suffering from the gout (puagre)—there are many other causes for apprehension. Should the French King and the Italian confederates attempt anything, they are sure to begin by Genoa, so as to deprive us of the advantage of its port, especially as our enemies know that there are no galleys now to defend it. These considerations and others that might be pointed out make it imperative that the Spanish galleys now at Naples, where they are doing nothing, should be sent here.—Genoa, 8 May 1526.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Lope de Soria, 8 May. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet pp. 2⅓.
8 May.417. Lope Hurtado [de Mendoça] to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 247.
After writing from Chamary (Chamberi), he (Hurtado) came here (Torino) and heard that part of the Imperial army was to be quartered in this Duchy. Wrote immediately to the generals in command, as well as to the Abbot of Najera, entreating them not to do it, telling them how utterly wasted and ruined the country is; how much Mons. [the Duke] of Savoy would feel the breach of our promise, and that their subjects would rather turn Moors (tornarse Moros) than consent to such indignity. Got no answer to his request, though they wrote to him about other matters, and he decided to despatch to them one of his own servants to warn them of the danger of so rash a measure. No reply was made; neither did the Imperial generals write—as it was their duty—a letter of excuse to the Duke and Duchess. The consequence has been that the companies of light horse that were formerly in the county of Asti, two companies of Italian infantry and eight more of Spaniards under Captain Aponte have already entered the Duchy, and are so ravaging the land, according to the Duke's version, that the excesses of the past are nothing in comparison of those they are now committing on their way. What the Duke feels, above all things, is that these new-comers seem to have made some sort of compact with the Italian bands of the Marchioness of Saluzzo in the Carmagnole, close upon his territory, and they are coming as so many enemies without giving him proper notice. The Duke is exceedingly angry, and so is the Infanta (Beatrix); because both the Duke, her husband, and he (Hurtado) assured her that never again would the Imperial troops be quartered on their estates; and she now hears that, four leagues from this city, numerous bands are actually taking up their quarters without giving warning.
Great are, no doubt, the wants of the Imperial army; but a remedy ought to be thought of without wasting the land of so faithful an ally as the Duke has hitherto proved to be.
The inquiry about former excesses and damages is nearly finished. Intends to return to Milan in two or three days, where his presence, it would appear, is much wanted. Will wait there for orders.—Turin, 8 May 1526.
Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor, our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Turin. Lope Hurtado, 8th May."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1½.
8 May.418. Jean Jonglet, Sieur des Maretz, (fn. 6) to Madame.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-
u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224.
Has written all the news he had, and described the great solemnities with which the peace between France and England was celebrated; also the frequent visits, of a. most private and familar nature, which the ambassadors residing at this Court have been paying to each other; the many couriers despatched in different directions; the rumours afloat among merchants: all which circumstances put together make him (Jonglet) fancy that there is something going on against the Emperor's interests in Italy. All this Madame must have seen by his (Jonglet's) letters. Has since written by the Pope's ambassador, who, on his way back to Rome, is to pass through Flanders. Since then a piece of news, to which the ambassador can scarcely give credit, has been circulated among the people of this capital. It is said that the castle of Milan has been revictualled; the Spaniards routed with great loss; the Germans either made prisoners or allowed to go home, and that the Emperor's journey to Italy is to be prevented at all risks. It is also publicly asserted, that the King of France will not keep his treaty with the Emperor, as the Estates General of his kingdom will never sanction the dismemberment of his crown.
There is likewise a report that the Emperor intends to recover and retake from the Pope the territories and lands which once belonged to the Empire. (fn. 7) He (Jonglet) imagines that this and other like rumours are only spread to detach His Holiness from the Emperor's friendship and alliance.
Such are the news. Which are true and which are false the ambassador cannot say; but, in his poor opinion, there is enough in them to cause alarm. The President of Normandy (Jean Brinon) has taken leave of this King, and is returning to France. He has been very handsomely entertained, and received at his departure a rich present, consisting of a gold chain, valued at 2,000 ducats, and several pieces of plate. Jehan Jocquin remains as French ambassador; the hostages (les hostagiers) have been given up (fn. 8) and returned home (chascun à sa chascune), and have been very well treated by the King.
Has been obliged to quit London and take his lodgings in the country (au villaige), as many others have done, owing to the plague having broken out in London; and even where he now resides many deaths have occurred. The Pope's ambassador above mentioned as having taken his last letter to Madame lost three of his people. Begs to be recalled from such an unhealthy place.—London, 8 May 1526.
Signed: "Jonglet."
Addressed: "A Madame."
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
10 May.419. The Duke of Sessa, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 265.
Has advised up to the 4th inst. by a courier from Naple. going to the Viceroy. (Cipher:) Since then his suspicion. have been fully confirmed. The Pope has actually sent a draf. of the treaty to France, to be approved of and signed there. This intelligence has come both from Milan and from Venice. What convinces him (Sessa) of this is the Pope's eagerness to despatch the last messenger to the Emperor, asking for a confidential agent (persona propia) with whom to treat, as if His Holiness wished to show that he had done his duty in this particular. Whatever answer be made to his overtures, if the conditions are not to his taste, he (the Pope) will have plenty of excuses for not accepting the offer.
The plots of the confederates are thicker than ever. Some days ago His Holiness was thinking of sending to Spain the General of the Franciscans, Fray Francisco de los Angeles, (fn. 9) to treat of the means for coming to an agreement on these matters (para tractar medios de acordio), but has since changed his mind. Father Francisco, as the virtuous and pious man that he is, spoke freely to His Holiness, and told him what the Romans thought and said of him, and the injury likely to result to Christianity from his present behaviour. So strongly did the Friar speak that the Pope was deeply moved, and decided to send him over to Spain; but yesterday the Pope suddenly changed his purpose, on the excuse that he wished to know first what answer His Imperial Majesty would make to his messenger. Which change, as it would appear, is merely owing to the fact of his having very lately received letters from France, assuring him that the King will not fulfil the stipulation about Burgundy, and also that he is ready to join him and the Venetians in what is called the "Italian Confederacy." (fn. 10)
He [Sessa] being shut up, on account of the plague, cannot verify the accuracy of this last report, but has not the least doubt that something of the kind is going on. The Viceroy, who is still at Victoria, (fn. 11) is sure to know what these people and the French are about, as their manner of negotiating at present sufficiently indicates what they are aiming at. Here, at Rome, the affair is exclusively conducted by Jacopo di Salviatis and El Guacachino (Il Guicciardino); the Archbishop of Capua (Fr. Nicolao di Schomberg) has nothing to do with it, and, in fact, they do not let him into their secrets. Certainly things are in such a state that the Emperor must soon decide, either to make such arrangements as may satisfy these people, or else to pluck their feathers so that they cannot fly, (fn. 12) and then provision and strengthen the army for any emergency. In case of war it would be necessary to send to Naples 2,000 Spaniards or Germans and some cavalry, for certainly the defenceless state of that kingdom encourages these people to strive, as it were, to become the arbiters of the world (á partir el mundo). This precaution would be sufficient, for the resources of the confederates are not great, and we know what they can do.
(Common writing:) Has been shut up for the last five days, owing to one of his servants having died of the plague. Commander Herrera is outside the embassy negotiating, but they communicate with each other through a grated window.
(Cipher:) Has already mentioned the danger there is of the Imperial troops sacking Milan, which would be a great pity, for in such an event the whole Duchy would be so wasted and ruined that no help or provisions could be expected for some time to come. Indeed, some people here assert that the deed has already been accomplished, and that our men have plundered that city. He (Sessa) does not believe this report, not having received any news of it from the generals there, but fears it may hourly happen.
His Holiness complains of certain parties having lately set on foot intelligences within Piacenza, with a view to gain possession of that city. The Marquis del Guasto and Antonio de Leyva have been duly informed of this.—Rome, 10 May 1526.
Signed: "El Duque de Sessa."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Emperor, King of Spain and of the two Sicilies, our Sovereign and Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Rome. From the Duke of Sessa, 10 May. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 4.
12 May.420. The Emperor to the Duke of Sessa.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Muñoz, A. 83,
ff. 305–6.
The King, &c.—Received his of the 17th April. Respecting the public (fn. 13) negotiations at Rome, the Emperor has nothing to say, as Don Ugo de Moncada, who left on the 1st inst., will communicate his intentions and orders verbally. He (Sessa) is to gain time and dally with the Pope until the arrival of his ambassador, which will take place very shortly.
The copy of the Papal bull In Cœna Domini has been received, and sent to the Council [of Castile], there to be examined and reported upon. Respecting the inconvenience arising out of different—and at times contradictory—orders issued in his name by various secretaries in certain ecclesiastical affairs, of which he (Sessa) complains, it is the Emperor's wish that his Vice-Gerent in Rome should implicitly follow the instructions he has received, and in doubtful cases refer home for advice.
Touching the Duke of Ferrara, it must be owned that the language held by his ambassador at this Court is similar in every respect to that of the Duke, his master. Nevertheless it is generally believed that when called upon to decide, the latter will choose that side which is most profitable to his own interests.
Is to thank the Pope, in his name, for the brief of absolution to the parties concerned in the execution of the Bishop of Zamora (Acuña), and for those of dispensation on his marriage, as well as for the condonation of certain debts in Pope Adrian's time, all of which have been duly received. A list of all persons who had anything to do with that Bishop's arrest and execution has been sent with this, that the Pope may know the names of the parties; but as at the time that the Bishop attempted to escape from the castle of Simancas, several inhabitants of that town rushed after him, and their names are unknown, it would be well to ask the Pope for another brief of absolution in favour of all and every one of those who, having taken part in the Bishop's arrest and execution, are deemed to be under sentence of excommunication. (fn. 14)
Abbey of Montaragon.
The Duke had better defer for the present any application for the Crusade revenues. Since the Pope is unwilling to grant that which he ought to give without being asked, and which is exclusively destined for waging war on the Turk in defence of Christianity, it is not for us to importune him any longer.
Is not sorry to hear that His Holiness has taken Andrea Doria into his service; but unless he ceases to be a corsair and a pirate, and makes full restitution of the prizes he took in time of peace and during the last truce, the Pope cannot expect that We shall treat him otherwise than as a pirate and robber, placed by his misdeeds beyond the pale of common law.
Respecting the church of Barcelona, the appointment to which His Holiness has unduly decided in favour of Cardinal Cortonna, the Emperor has little to add to his former instructions and letters on the subject. His Holiness knows very well that neither his predecessors nor himself ever appointed to a bishopric in Spain, except on the King's presentation, and that the Cardinal, not being a native of these realms, had no business to accept that which was illegally offered to him.—Seville, 12 May 1526. (fn. 15)
Spanish. Original corrected draft, docketed in Gattinara's hand. pp. 4.
12 May.421. The Emperor to the Abbot of Najera.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 37,
f. 249.
Has received his letters of the 9th, 14th and 19th of April last. Thanks him for the intelligence and advices contained in them. Respecting the wants of the army, he has amply provided for them, as he will soon learn through Don Ugo de Moncada, who is already on the road to Italy. Begs him to report as usual, and as often as he can, on the state of affairs. Has written to the Pope in favour and commendation of Prothonotary Philippo de Senis, as, from what he (the Abbot) wrote to him, he holds him to be attached to the Imperial cause.—Seville, 12th of May 1526.
P.S,.—His letters of the 28th and 29th have come to hand. There is no reply to be made to them, save to refer him entirely to Don Ugo, who, God willing, will soon be at Milan.—By the Emperor's command. "Alonso de Soria, Secretary."
Addressed: "From the Imperial and Catholic Majesty. To the Abbot of Najera, Commissary to the Imperial Army in Lombardy."
Spanish. Copy. p. 1.
14 May.422. The Marquis del Guasto to the Emperor.
M. D. Pasc. d. G.
Pa. r. a. l. Hist.
d. Esp.
Returns most heartfelt thanks for the signal favour just received. He and his colleague in command, Antonio de Leyva, are grateful to hear that His Imperial Majesty has provided for the wants of the army. In proportion as these were great and pressing, so has their joy at seeing them relieved been great. As Juan Batista [Castaldo] and Gutierrez goes now [to Spain] for the purpose of fully informing the Emperor of this and other particulars, principally relating to his own honour and reputation—which are the things he prizes most in this world—he (Guasto) begs credence for him.—Milan, 14 May 1526.
Signed: "El Marques del Gasto."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To His Majesty. From the Marquis del Gasto, 14 May 1526."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.

Footnotes

1 The 19th in the "Concordia" of Madrid. See Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. I., p. 711.
2 In September 1525.
3 The date of this minute, which was probably drawn on the day specified in the endorsement, is not filled up, as was the case in most drafts emanating from the Imperial Chancery at this time.
4 To a memorandum or summary of this letter in A. 39, f. 218, the following note is appended, in Gattinara's handwriting: "It is quite true that the King of France has not yet fulfilled his promises, on the plea that the Estates of his kingdom will not allow him, and that he offers to pay, instead, two millions of money. But it is also true that we do not agree to this, and insist upon his fulfilling the treaty in all its parts. As to the bad treatment of which he complains, that is a pure invention, &c."
5 "Que teniendo cura de la guarda de Modena."
6 He came to England to replace Jehan le Sauch.
7 "Que l'Empereur veult reintegrer et reprendre le temporal que tient le Pape."
8 Probably the same alluded to elsewhere as having been given by France for the settlement of Tournay.
9 Otherwise called Fr. Francisco de Quiñones, afterwards created Cardinal, under the title of Santa Croce.
10 More properly called the Clementine League.
11 Lannoy must have left Vittoria, in the province of Alava, before this; for Francis, whom he accompanied to France, arrived at Bayonne on the 19th of March.
12 "O abaxandolos de suerte que no les quede pluma para volar de por si."
13 "Y en lo que toca à la negotiation publica," implying that there were others conducted with great secrecy.
14 The list here mentioned is not in the volume, but the names of the parties will be found in Sandoval and other historians. The Emperor himself was included in the excommunication, and was so much affected by it that, according to his biographers, he refrained from attending to business or enjoying the pastime of the chase, of which he was passionately fond. Dr. Edward Lee, the King's almoner, and English ambassador at this time, writes from Toledo: "Great delay is occasioned from the Emperor considering himself excommunicated, because he ordered Bishop Acuña's execution. He abstains from appearing in public until the absolution from Rome has arrived."
15 If the date of this minute, which is corrected and docketed by the Chancellor himself, be correctly given, it must have been drawn the very day the Emperor left Seville for Granada, for on the 13th he slept at Carmona en route for that city, where he arrived on the 4th of June. Whilst at Seville he attended the marriage ceremony of Germaine de Foix, the widow of Ferdinand and of the late Marquis de Brandemburgh, who, determined upon getting a third husband, had, according to the writers of the times, followed the Imperial court until she found one in the person of Don Fernando de Aragon, the bastard son of her late spouse, who was subsequently appointed Viceroy of Valencia.