Spain
January 1527, 16-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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14-37

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'Spain: January 1527, 16-25', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 14-37. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87521 Date accessed: 22 August 2014.


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January 1527, 16-25

16 Jan.6. The Duke of Ferrara to his Ambassador at Rome.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 100.
B M. Add. 28, 576,
f. 69.
Miçer Matheo,—By a courier of his most Reverend the Papal Legate at Bologna We received on the 12th inst. Your despatch dated the 8th, containing the substance of the message which the Magnifico Jacopo di Salviatis delivered to you in His Holiness' name. As in that despatch you refer to a previous one, written, as you say, the clay before, reciting a conversation with some of the Pope's ministers, which had elicited the Cardinal's answer forwarded on the 8th, We naturally wished to have the missing one before our eyes, in order to reply to both at once. However, as up to this day it has not made its appearance, we have determined not to delay our answer any longer.
Respecting the favours which Miçer Jacopo [Salviatis] tells you that His Holiness is disposed to giant us immediately, if we consent to side with him [in this present war] and share his fortunes, you will say that We feel grateful for his offers and thank him most cordially, but that matters being now settled between the Emperor and ourselves, and a marriage arranged between our eldest son Hercole and the Emperor's daughter [Margaret], we can in nowise accept his favours.
On the receipt of this letter you will go to the Palace, and after kissing the Pope s feet in our name, you will tell him how We are now situated, and how impossible it is for us to abandon the Emperor's cause. You will say the same to Jacopo Salviatis.—Ferrariæ, 16th Jan. 1527.
Spanish. Contemporary copy; most likely a translation from the Italian, pp. 2.
16 Jan.7. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 56, and
B.M. Add. 28,576,
f. 15.
(Cipher:) Things are in such a state, that for want of money part of the men-at-arms and infantry remain at Milan for the present. The Germans are on the road to Piacenza; the Marquis del Guasto and Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalon) are gone to join them ; the former with a small infantry force, the latter with a division of cavalry, to scour the country and secure provisions. Over two months' pay is owing to the Germans; they have no shoes (scarpe), and have suffered in their march a good deal more than was anticipated. Their generals last night notified to Mons. de Bourbon that the men will not proceed on their march unless one month's pay is immediately issued to them, and that they threaten to return to Milan, which would be highly discreditable to the Imperial arms, and cause the failure of the present enterprise, as both Germans and Spaniards at Milan are almost in a state of mutiny. Mons. de Bourbon has not a quatrino to give them, the funds in the Imperial, treasury as well as the resources of the Duchy being completely exhausted.
After a long council held last night, it was decided to answer the message of the Germans as follows : "His Excellency [the Duke of Bourbon] will try between this and the 15th inst. to distribute one florin per man by way of help, and give besides to each man one ducat without discounting it from their pay. His Excellency with the rest of his army will cross the river Pò and join them. When the bridge is made, and the artillery has passed over it, the whole army will proceed on its march, when, either with the bills of exchange which are daily expected, or with the money raised on the conquered towns, he (the Duke) fully expects to be able to pay their arrears ; to accomplish which he has written both to Genoa and to Milan. Should the Germans not be contented with the above terms, and insist upon returning to Milan, it is proposed to deliver to them Milan, Pavia, and the whole of the Duchy, that they may live at large on the country until they are paid. Meanwhile His Excellency with the Germans who remain in the Duchy, the Spanish infantry, and the men-at-arms, besides all the Italians, horse and foot, will inarch on Piacenza, Bologna, and Firenze."
The answer to the above message is expected to-morrow. Whether favourable or unfavourable, he (Caracciolo) sees many difficulties in the accomplishment of this plan. Unless God sends soon some unexpected bills of exchange [from Spain] the whole superstructure will fall to the ground. No advices have been received from the Viceroy, most likely owing to the insecurity of the roads. Letters from Rome of the 2nd inst. report him as advancing, and allude to the preparations which the Pope is also making to meet him. We have no news of the Duke of Ferrara. Since his secretary went away with the warrants and papers about Carpi, as well as his patent of Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial arms, we have not heard of him.
This letter, commenced at Milan on the 9th, is closed at Pavia on the 15th day of January 1527.
Signed: "Prothonotario Caracciolo."
Postscriptum.—This very evening the Prince of Orange returns from the camp under Giorgio Fruntsperg. He says that the men will be satisfied with a crown (scuto) per head and one pair of shoes, and will march on, a thing which nobody here anticipated. Nevertheless the Duke of Bourbon will have great difficulty in procuring the money by the appointed day. The Marquis del Guasto remains with the Germans as security for this promise, and the Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalon) is also returning thither to keep the Marquis company.—Pavia, the 16th of Jan., at nine o'clock of night.
Addressed: "To His Royal and Imperial Majesty."
Italian. Holograph in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 3.
19 Jan.8. Don Iñigo de Mendoça to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.C.
Fasc. 224, No. 4.
Left Arques after four months' detention in its castle, as he (Don Iñigo) informed his Imperial Majesty [on the 21st of November] (fn. 1) . Hearing from the Imperial ambassador in France (Louis de Praet) that he (Mendoça) would find at Brussels letters and instructions respecting what he was to negotiate in England, and that perhaps, too, some one had been appointed there to accompany him on his embassy, he decided upon going thither, and having an interview with Madame [the governess of the Low Countries], Spent five days in Brussels, during which time a packet of letters was put into his hands, said to have been brought there from London by an English gentleman, whom the Cardinal had despatched to Brussels. (fn. 2) The packet, which was open, contained, 1st, a copy of the Papal brief and the Emperor's answer to it; 2nd, another of a memorandum which the English ambassador at the Imperial Court [Dr. Lee] had drawn in his master's name, and the Emperor's reply to it ; 3rd, copies of various other papers relating' to France, and which during his (Mendoga's) detention at Arques were in the Cardinal's presence delivered to the Provost of Cassel (Theimseke), and opened by the latter, as the Cardinal observed that, Don Iñigo being absent, he (the Provost) had better examine their contents, in order to remove all cause of suspicion, and stop the slanderous reports of certain parties, which the Provost did, reading in the Cardinal's presence whatever was not in cipher. Among other papers read by the Provost of Cassel on this occasion was the Emperor's answer [to the English ambassador], (fn. 3) which was very opportune, as it tended to remove the bad impression produced by the false reports circulated both at Rome and in France respecting his [Don Iñigo's] mission.
With this open packet of letters and papers was a letter from the Emperor to him (Mendoça), of later date, ordering him to negotiate at once, and conclude, if possible, without waiting for further instructions, or consulting the Imperial Court thereupon, a defensive and offensive league with the King of England. To effect this Don Iñigo left Brussels five days after his arrival, and reached Calais, where he was detained a whole week by contrary winds. Even then the passage was so bad that the vessel remained two whole days and nights at sea, without being able to enter the harbour [of Dover], and he (Mendoça) was obliged to stay at Canterbury in consequence of a slight fever brought on by the fatigues of the journey and sea voyage. Could not reach London until after the Nativity (the 26th). Waited upon the Cardinal the day after his arrival, and told him how earnestly the Emperor wished for his prosperity and welfare, and how much indebted he was to him for his past services, and especially for what he had lately done towards dissolving the Italian league. Explained to him the cause of his delay, without, however, touching on any particular business, and ended by assuring him that the Emperor was determined to maintain at any risk amicable relations with England.
The Cardinal said he was glad to hear the Emperor acknowledged his late services in the breaking up of the Italian league. He had been importuned by many parties who wished the King, his master, to join it against the Emperor, but he had always resisted such importunities, and behaved like one who, after his own master's prosperity and welfare, had no other wish than the Emperor's service, though he knew very well that envious people had calumniated him, and misrepresented his words and deeds. To which he (Mendoça) replied that had there been any misrepresentations—of which he was not aware—he could positively declare and affirm that the Emperor, far from listening to them, would continue in the same mind as he had always been towards him.
After this the Cardinal asked Don Iñigo with visible interest about his imprisonment in France, how it came about and how long he had been detained there, and the ambassador, after relating full particulars, took his leave and went away.
Cannot omit to mention that the Cardinal, before leaving the room, asked him (Mendoça) with great instance what his instructions were about the settlement of the Emperor's debt to the King of England, as (he said) he wished very much, and as soon as possible, to hear what his instructions were respecting that particular point. He (Mendoça) excused himself by saying that he could not do it then because some of the papers and instructions he had brought with him were either written in the Castilian language or in cipher, and that he required some time to have them translated into Latin, so that he (the ambassador) might read them in his presence; that if he would only appoint an early day and hour he would attend, and make him acquainted with the whole. The Cardinal seemed satisfied with this answer.
The day after the interview (27th Dec.) a messenger arrived in London, despatched by the English gentleman who (the Cardinal said) was coming from the Court of Spain, and had been detained by illness at Bordeaux. (fn. 4) He (the messenger had a packet of letters for the ambassador, which was duly forwarded to him. It was closed and sealed with the Imperial arms, and there were no traces of its having been opened. It contained a deed, written on vellum, conferring upon him (Mendoça) full powers to conclude a peace or truce, besides two letters from the Emperor to the King and Cardinal of England, two copies of the said letters, another one to the Provost of Cassel (George Theimseke (fn. 5) ), and a fourth to Mr. de Ostrata (Count Hooghstraeten). As there was none for himself (Mendoça), and the packet, as stated, bore no signs of having been opened, he concludes that, owing to some oversight of the Imperial clerks, his own letter was omitted unless perhaps the said packet was opened in France, the letter extracted, and the Imperial seal replaced by a counterfeit—which last circumstance he (Mendoça) is rather inclined to believe, for although the powers are ample enough, the instructions are very limited. (Cipher:) Suspecting this to be a trick of Madame the Regent of France and of the Cardinal of York, who in these matters understand each other perfectly, he (Mendoça) waited to see whether he could find out what the Cardinal's real design was.
(Common writing:) The very day of the messenger's arrival the Cardinal hastened to Granuche (Greenwich), and there told the King and Queen in great glee that he considered the peace between the Christian Princes as concluded, since the English ambassador at the Imperial Court had written to say that he (Mendoça) must already have received the Emperor's full powers to that effect. Jean Lallemand, the Emperor's secretary, had also confirmed this intelligence in a private letter to the English ambassador (Dr. Lee), so that there was no doubt of the peace being speedily concluded. In consequence of which news he (Don Iñigo) was summoned to the Cardinal's, where, commencing by the articles of his instructions relating to the Emperor's vindication from the charges brought against him [in his Italian politics], he proceeded to explain many of the notes and replies between His Imperial Majesty and the King of France. He was interrupted by the Cardinal, who said, "All that is an old affair, and I am sufficiently acquainted with it through the Emperor's letter to you before you reached this country, which letter your colleague the Provost of Cassel (Theimseke), at my request, opened and read before me." (fn. 6) His (Mendoça's) answer was that the letter contained, besides, several paragraphs in cipher, which the Provost could not have communicated to him, since he had no deciphering key with him; that as the Emperor wished to make him arbiter and judge of his case, it was but just that he (the Cardinal) should listen to the ambassador's statement, upon which he (Mendoça) proceeded to recount one by one, to the great annoyance of the Cardinal, who gave evident signs of impatience, all the arguments brought forward in justification of the Emperor's conduct in Italy.
So anxious was the Cardinal to pass on to another topic, and bring the conversation to bear on the proposed peace, that he would not allow any other subject to be discussed, and asked point blank if it was true that the last messenger had brought him (Mendoça) ample powers to treat in the Emperor's name. He had heard from the English ambassador at the Imperial Court (Dr. Lee), as well as from the Emperor's secretary (Jean Lallemand), that such powers had been forwarded; the ambassadors of the other contracting parties had received full powers, and when war raged with such violence, nothing could be so desirable as to put a stop to it. He (Mendoça) not knowing for certain whether the Emperor's missing letter to him had by mistake been left behind, or whether it had been intercepted, thinking that if he said he had not received it, or that it had been taken out of the packet, he should not be believed, took a middle course, and without further alluding to the said letter, which in reality he had not received, answered that "it was quite true that His Imperial Majesty had sent him such powers, and was determined to intrust to the King of England, in whom he had full confidence, the entire management of the said peace, persuaded as he was that he could not place his interests and honour in ,better hands. But, in order that the King [of England] might be better informed of what the Emperor's just demands were, it was necessary that he should look over and examine the Madrid Convention, and also that he should hear what the Emperor had to say in vindication of his conduct touching the estate of Milan, which were in his (the ambassador's) opinion the two principal foundations of the proposed peace."
The Cardinal's reply was that the question of the Duchy of Burgundy had already been settled, and that of Milan placed in the hands of the King, his master, for him to decide according to justice. The pressing need now was to put an end to the war, which would be done immediately by a good truce between the belligerent parties, so as to give them time to arrange the preliminaries of peace. That was the only way; he knew of no other. To this the ambassador objected that if truce were made without first settling the preliminaries of peace, there was danger of war breaking out again with greater fury than ever. He was, therefore, of opinion that some sort of negotiation was needed, and that certain conditions must be stipulated, before an armistice could be discussed; otherwise, should peace not be concluded, it would be as though some one afflicted with disease should reach a certain stage of convalescence only to fall back under a still more acute visitation of the same malady. Upon which the Cardinal, perceiving the tendency of the ambassador's argument, replied, "You are very much mistaken if you think that a truce at the present moment can be less advantageous to the Emperor than to his enemies. Were I to tell you what the real state of affairs in Italy is, you, would find that a truce now would be highly beneficial to your master." "I presume," added the Cardinal, "indeed I know for certain, that the principal object of your embassy is to bring about an armistice between the belligerents, and that you would gladly work for its conclusion, only that you are making difficulties in order to enhance the value of such meritorious service to the Christian world" "I really think," replied the ambassador, "that for the good of Christendom at large, and for the effectual removal of all causes for future war, the preliminaries of peace should in this case be discussed before making a truce, lest hostilities should break out again with greater fury than before."
The Cardinal then, changing the conversation, asked the ambassador what his commission was respecting the Emperor's debts. His (Mendoça's) answer was that His Imperial Majesty was indeed very much obliged to the King for his loans on various occasions, and had since made great endeavours to repay him, but that owing to the enormous expense of the wars in which he had been engaged by land and sea, for the defence of his own kingdoms, he had been unable to remit the money by him (Mendoça), as he would otherwise have done. He now proposed two schemes for discharging his debts to the King, which were that those lately contracted should be paid out of the service money which the Spanish Cortes had just voted him. Though the grant was very considerable, the time for payment had not yet been fixed; but the Emperor would take care that it was at the shortest possible dates, so that the King, his brother and uncle, should be paid principal and interest at once. The Cardinal immediately replied that the King, his master, could not accept in a foreign kingdom the payment of sums borrowed in his own. The second scheme consisted in deducting the sum owing to King Henry from the ransom to be paid by the French. As by the letter which Boton (Boutton) brought when he came [from Flanders], (fn. 7) the Emperor's instructions were that his ambassador was to regulate his conduct in this part of the negotiation by the answer which should have been made to the [English] ambassador [in the Low Countries], Mendoça did not hesitate to propose this mode of payment, the former having been rejected. But the Cardinal observed, "That is again a sort of suit at law which has not yet been tried, and accordingly the offer cannot be accepted."
The ambassador replied that the Emperor, after a long search for a speedy mode of paying his debts, had only discovered these two means above specified, which, in his opinion, were the best and surest that could be found. For with regard to the service money voted by his kingdoms of Spain, though it was true that, for the greater convenience of his natural subjects, the Emperor had ordered that the payment should be made at certain long dates, yet the money was sure to come in at last. As to the Cardinal's objection that the King, his master, having paid in cash, here in England, could not accept bills on a foreign kingdom, it was easily met by the ambassador proposing in the Emperor's name to collect the money in Spain and have it remitted to England. As to the other mode of payment, respecting which the Cardinal had said there was a suit pending, he (Mendoça) begged leave to observe that the matter to which he (the Cardinal) alluded was already decided upon and brought to a close, and that the Emperor had ample security in his hands for the payment of what the French King owed him. The Emperor, therefore, could not be considered as a bad debtor, when he offered the King two such pledges. If, however, the King disapproved of both modes of settlement, it was but just that, according to their mutual friendship and the practice of old time3, the King of England should graciously give the Emperor time to discharge his debts.
Here, at this point, the Cardinal interrupted the ambassador with much laughter, saying that he knew he had brought a different commission [to England]. He was certain, for he had it from a very good source, that the greatest part of the money was already lying at Antwerp at the ambassador's disposal, for him to make the said payments with. After which he added, "Let this be as you please, and fix another day to discuss the principal points of your commission. I am not in such a hurry that I cannot wait a couple of days. I shall consult the King in the meanwhile, and ask his pleasure upon it."
Passing on to the second article of his instructions, the ambassador proceeded to remind the Cardinal of the old friendship and alliance existing between the Emperor's estates and the kingdom of England, and how the said friendship and alliance had often been confirmed and renewed by successive treaties; that whereas the only way of testing the amicable sentiments and professions of Princes towards each other was by means of deeds and instruments signed by each party, and as it would be very strange, and even monstrous, that two Princes so nearly akin, and so closely united by the ties of friendship, should not follow the said practice; as, moreover, it was notorious that the Emperor, in proposing the present alliance, looked rather to protect and defend his own patrimonial estates than to take offensive measures against his enemy, it was considered necessary that the express will and intentions of both Princes should be committed to a public instrument. For that purpose, and for no other, had the Emperor sent him (Mendoça) to England with full powers to treat with the King of England concerning whatever might he deemed necessary for the preservation and defence of their respective persons, kingdoms, and rights.
The Cardinal answered that he would report the ambassador's conversation to the King, but could not help wondering how a person of his (Mendoça's) quality and parts could have accepted a commission so devoid of practical measures, consisting in fact of mere words. To which the ambassador replied, that in his opinion the cementing the old friendship and alliance between the two kingdoms [of Spain and England] was no indifferent or trifling commission; much less was it so to offer two such different modes of payment. What else could be done to please the King he (Mendoça) did not know; but if the Cardinal would only mention what his wishes were, he would take the first opportunity to write home and consult the Emperor about it.
This answer did not at all satisfy the Cardinal, who again insisted on the necessity of a truce, and entreated the ambassador to consent to it, saying, "I cannot imagine how you can act otherwise, unless you choose to work the ruin of Christendom, for certainly the Emperor has ordered you to see to the conclusion of this peace, as the English ambassador's letter to me and the testimony of Jean Lallemand sufficiently prove." The ambassador's answer was so shaped as to bring on himself all the responsibility of his refusing to act without referring home, rather than let the Cardinal imagine that His Imperial Majesty had written anything contrary to his former instructions.
At last, seeing that he could not persuade the ambassador to do as he wished, the Cardinal took his leave, saying, "You had better re-consider the matter, for surely you cannot wish to kindle a new and fiercer fire, when it is in your power to extinguish the present one." To which the ambassador replied, "Neither the Emperor nor his servants had ever other wish than to conclude a lasting peace, even against his own interests and rights;" after which he (Mendoça) returned to his quarters.
The day after [28th Dec.] the Cardinal sent again for the ambassador, as (he said) he wished to speak to him and talk over certain matters before he presented him to the King. He then began to press the matter of the truce more vigorously than ever, tempting the ambassador in all manner of ways, sometimes in very flattering words, putting forward the advantages likely to accrue to Christendom, at other times exhibiting memoranda and notes tending to show that the affairs of the Italian League were not in so bad a plight [for the confederates] as the ambassador perhaps imagined; until at last, perceiving that he could not make an impression or convert him (Mendoça) to his opinion, he added, "I apprehend your meaning; you wish to declare your mission in the King's presence. You may, if you like, but I warn you that it is the same thing to speak to me as to the King on such matters, for I represent him." To which he (Mendoça) replied, "I know it well, and I know also the great credit which your Reverence enjoys with the King. You will judge whether my answer to the King differs from that which I have already given you Had I considered myself sufficiently empowered to take a decision on so important a matter without consulting with my court, your Reverence may be sure that on our very first conference I should have done so. but let the conditions of the peace be previously discussed, and if they are such as may be expected from the King of England, and equally conducive to the public weal and private advantage of His Imperial Majesty, I will immediately despatch a messenger in all haste to bring back an answer on the whole."
The Cardinal again objected to this proposal on account of the delay that was likely to ensue, and persisted in his idea that he (Mendoça) was keeping back something which he intended to communicate to the King himself. In short, he ended by promising that the King would grant the ambassador audience two days after.
(Cipher;) The Cardinal then began to discourse on matters unconnected with politics, upon which the ambassador, thinking this was the fit time to speak to him about his own personal and private affairs, began to tell him how His Majesty had heard of the Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza) having promised him [the Cardinal] a certain pension upon his treasury; how the Emperor, who was desirous of the Cardinal's personal credit and advantage, had made up his mind, not only to keep the promise made by the Duke, but to increase it. Should the Duke be found innocent of the charges brought against him, the Emperor would take care that he satisfied the Cardinal (que fuesse contento del dicho Duqm). Should he be found guilty, 'and should the Duke of Bourbon obtain the investiture of the Duchy in consequence, as a sort of indemnity for the marriage alliance promised to him [and which had not taken place], in that case, and the Cardinal consenting to favour and assist him as he had done the Duke Francesco, he (the Emperor) would not only keep the said promise of pension, but would increase it with greater securities for the payment. Also, that the Cardinal consenting to keep and foster, as he had done at other times, the friendship and union between him and the King of England, His Imperial Majesty would immediately order all arrears of pensions to be paid to him, and take care that they should he paid in future regularly and without delay; in addition to which pensions held by the Cardinal in the kingdoms of Spain, the Emperor offered him another annual pension of 6,000 ducats to be consigned on the best [ecclesiastical] revenues in Spain. All of which was a proof of the Emperor's good-will towards the Cardinal, and of the trust he placed in him, hoping that he would, as hitherto, work for the maintenance of the union and friendship between England and Spain.
To the above overtures of the ambassador the Cardinal replied rather dryly, in general terms, enumerating the many services he had from time to time rendered the Emperor, hut carefully avoiding to say whether he accepted the offers made and the conditions established. On the contrary, he shifted the conversation and passed to another topic, from which he (Mendoça) concluded that the answer he is to have from the King in a couple of days would be unsatisfactory, as it has in reality been.
Two days after this, on the 30th, the ambassador went to Granuche (Greenwich) to kiss the King's hand, accompanied by the Prior of St. John's. (fn. 8) Met the King as he was going out of the royal chamber to hear mass in the chapel; made his reverence and explained the many engagements and pressing business which had prevented the Emperor from sending his ambassador before, &c. He (Mendoça) had been the person chosen for the embassy. His mission was to communicate certain matters touching their mutual interests, both public and private, which matters, with His Highness' permission, had already been imparted to the most Reverend Legate, who had no doubt summarily informed the King thereof. The King's answer, after a few complimentary words, was to thank the Emperor for his attention, and say that he would speak to the ambassador after dinner. So it was, for scarcely had he (Mendoça) ended his meal, which at the Legate's invitation he took with him in his own apartments, when the King entered the room, and taking the Cardinal apart, retired with him into a neighbouring closet. The ambassador in the meantime went to present his respects to the Queen, and whilst there the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstal) came in and said that the King wished to see him in the Legate's apartments.
On the ambassador's arrival the Legate retired, and the King, leading Mendoça to a window, began at once to solicit the ambassador's consent to the proposed armistice, magnifying the danger in which Christendom was placed, and saying how very convenient and advantageous a truce would be for the Emperor. He was sure that, although his answer to the Cardinal had been anything but satisfactory, he (Mendoça) had another awaiting his (the King's) hearing. The ambassador's reply was that he was well aware when he spoke about the truce that the Cardinal was the sole interpreter of the King's sentiments. Had he thought that the armistice in contemplation was likely to bring about a solid and lasting peace, he would have spared His Highness the trouble of mentioning the subject to him, and he would at once have given his consent to the Legate. Unfortunately he held quite the contrary opinion; for if the truce did not put a stop to the war, it was not to be expected that a durable peace could ensue. (fn. 9)
To which the King answered rather warmly (con, algun enojo), "If the Imperial ambassador is not to make use of his powers, what is the good of his coming to England? and to what purpose did the Emperor say to the English ambassador in Spain that he (Mendoça) had charge of the whole affair ?" Upon which the ambassador replied that the Emperor had in reality given him such a charge, but only to be used discretionally. His belief was that to ensure peace it was necessary that before the cessation of hostilities some of the preliminary conditions should be discussed and settled. He (the ambassador) had already proposed two expedients in the Emperor's name. His Highness, as his brother and ally, might suggest others, which could be referred to His Imperial Majesty; and the whole affair satisfactorily arranged.
The King's answer was the same as had been that of the Legate on a previous occasion. He said that the Emperor was far from treating him as he deserved. It was a well- known fact that not only had he (the Emperor) lately desisted from his pretensions on the Duchy of Burgundy, and consented to receive two millions of gold, as compensation money—from which 500,000 ducats were to be deducted, as dowry of the Queen, his sister—but the Milan business had been placed entirely in the hands of arbitrators, such as the Viceroy of Naples (Lannoy), the general of the Franciscans (Quiñones), and Peñalosa. It was equally well known that the Emperor had for some time been negotiating a separate peace both with the French and with the Pope, and therefore he (the King) thought it very unfair that whilst he was referred on these points to the Imperial ambassador residing at his court, he should be kept in complete ignorance of the conditions proposed. The Emperor had nothing but words for him; deeds he kept for others (á el no le escryvia, sino palabras, á los otros obras).
To the above remonstrances the ambassador replied that in reality he was not aware of the Emperor having abated from his former demands (primera querella), and that in his opinion it was a far greater proof of his trust in the King to leave to his choice the conditions of the peace than to send the same already drawn up in a memorandum for his approval; confident as he was that the King, his brother and ally, would never propose things detrimental to his (the Emperor's) authority or reputation.
The King smarted under this allusion (començó .'escocerse) and said, "The Emperor is no longer my friend, since he has forsaken my alliance, confirmed by so many ties. Several conditions has he stipulated, which have not been fulfilled, such as the invasion of France and others," &c.
Considering that any observation on the part of those who, as himself, have come to solicit friendship might be misplaced, the ambassador would willingly have declined answering the King's recriminations on this point. Finding, however, that His Highness himself had introduced the subject, he (Mendoça) would not allow the opportunity to pass, and proceeded to say that His Imperial Majesty, far from forsaking his friendship and alliance, as he supposed, was steadier than ever in them. With regard to the stipulated marriage, His Highness knew very well that, notwithstanding the disparity of age between himself and the Princess, notwithstanding the wish of his subjects, who were continually urging him to marry —there being no natural heir to his kingdoms—he had sent to request through Peñalosa that His Highness would be pleased to shorten the period of the delivery, but his request had been denied.
At this point the Cardinal, overhearing the conversation, came near and said, "How could the King deliver the Princess, his daughter, to the Emperor, when he had no security that the Emperor would marry her after all ?" To which the ambassador replied, "If the Emperor could not be trusted in such matters, he certainly could not be expected to trust in the King's promise, the Princess remaining in England."
Proceeding with his answer to the King's objections, the ambassador observed that with regard to the projected invasion of France, causes had arisen to prevent the fulfilment of that clause of the treaty, and that it was no fault of the Emperor if the war on that side of the French frontier had not been prosecuted with vigour. He (the ambassador) was not sufficiently acquainted with the clauses of the treaty [of Windsor] relating thereto, and yet he maintained that whatever forces the Emperor had engaged to put in the field had been faithfully sent to their destination in due time. If any person living could prove to him(Mendoça) by the articles of the said treaty, that he (the Emperor) was in the wrong, he would, with His Highness' permission, show that neither had the engagements on the part of England been fulfilled, since the English part of the invasion of France had not been accomplished. To this the King replied rather in a passion (encendido en colera) that for his own part he had never omitted doing anything he was bound to do; he would answer for himself and maintain his assertion against whomsover contradicted him. (fn. 10)
In order to calm the King, the ambassador observed in the mildest possible terms that his words did not imply that the King had broken his word, only that seeing the Emperor delay for some time the execution of his promises—owing to the troubles and wars by which he was surrounded—he (the King) had naturally desisted from the undertaking, not indeed that he wanted the will or the materials to carry on war, but because he found it impossible to commence it.
The King replied, "You had better not refer to those matters; it is an old business to which it is not prudent to allude just now." Upon which the ambassador said in his own defence that he had not been the first to mention the subject, but could not do less than defend his liege lord when attacked in his presence, and show that he had never forsaken the King's friendship and alliance.
Suddenly changing the conversation, and coming to the Emperor's personal debt, the ambassador then proceeded to explain the two modes of payment previously proposed to the Cardinal, which the King also rejected, one after the other, in precisely the same words as his Reverence had done at a previous interview.
When the question of friendship and defensive alliance between him and His Imperial Majesty and their respective dominions came to be discussed, the King said dryly that, as far as their persons were concerned, he considered himself the Emperor's friend, as stipulated in the treaties; that respecting the dominions (tierras y señorios) of each, which he (Mendoça) had alleged in his address (proposition) had always been in times of old closely allied, there was much to be said, as the present times were totally different from those alluded to in that written document. Formerly the house of Burgundy only possessed Flanders, and now the Emperor had many lands and kingdoms spread all over the surface of the earth. He (the King) had not increased his father's inheritance; he had only one kingdom, small in size, it was true, but so surrounded by sea that he needed no help from any one.
The ambassador's answer was thus conceived: "The more lands His Imperial Majesty has, the greater his ability is to defend them from invasion, and, therefore, Your Highness cannot object to treat on a par with one who owns so many kingdoms, as he not only has the power to defend his own, but to defend also those of his friends and allies." "I am pretty sure," replied the King, "that mine will never require such assistance." "In making this overture in the Emperor's name, I do not mean to say," was the ambassador's reply, "that His Highness lacks the means to defend himself from his enemies, but I maintain that, with the Emperor's authority and power, and by Your Highness following in the steps of his predecessors, that object may be better accomplished."
"There is no need," retorted the King, "to treat further of this matter, for the Legate knows my mind well, and will answer explicitly on each separate point." After which he began again to attack the ambassador (darle una gran meno) concerning the proposed truce, which he (Mendoça) parried by insisting that he could not make up his mind to decide on so mighty a question without first consulting the Emperor, His Highness then observing that he could not understand such obstinate refusal in the matter of the truce, unless it was by the Emperor's express command. The ambassador again pledged his most solemn word that he had not received any such mandate—as is really the case. The Emperor might be angry at his not complying at once with His Highness' wishes, but the case was, in his opinion, of such mighty importance that he preferred incurring His Imperial Majesty's displeasure rather than give his unconditional consent to the truce, as proposed.
Seeing him so determined, the King added that he could at the present moment do much for the Emperor's cause, whereas after a time he might be so placed as not to be able to serve him. If an armistice—which was the foundation of a future peace—was concluded now, he (the King) could take such part in the conditions that the Emperor would lose nothing by his interference. The ambassador's answer was thus conceived: "I know so little about the real state of affairs in Italy, that I should be thought very inconsiderate were I to presume to decide on matters of war and peace; besides which it might also happen that Your Highness was misinformed respecting that country, as news generally comes [to England] through a French channel. Your Highness, however, must not mind that (no reciba pena), for very soon we shall receive such information from Italy as to clear up any doubt there may be as to the real state of affairs in that country. I purpose being the first to announce such news as well as the Emperor's pleasure, when I have no doubt Your Highness will work successfully for the establishment of a general peace." "You must be aware (replied the King) that the state of affairs in Italy is the very reverse of what you are now telling me, for you must have received news from that country some days ago; and no doubt that is why you speak in such terms and reject the proposals for a truce. But you must not be mistaken thereupon; I am better acquainted than you are with the real state of affairs in those parts, my information being derived not from the French, as you imagine, but from my own ambassadors and servants there. I know through them that the army and followers of the Emperor are not so successful and prosperous as you seem to think. But since you are determined not to consent to this truce, any more discussion on the point is useless." Saying which, and apparently much disgusted with the ambassador's arguments, the King gave him leave to retire (dio licencia) and went away. The Cardinal, however, passed that night [at Greenwich] to prepare the answer in writing to Mendoça's address, and appointed the hour of two in the afternoon to have it read to him, and to the Provost of Cassel [Theimseke], who was present at almost all the conferences, except when the King or the Cardinal wished Mendoça to be alone, and found some excuse to receive them separately. That very night the King held a council to discuss what answer should be returned to the Imperial ambassador, and next day the Cardinal, in his ówn apartments, and in the presence of the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstal) and of Master More of his Council, began to recount to us (Mendoça and the Provost) the great pains and trouble which His Highness had taken to procure a general peace, the whole of Christendom being, as it were, at the mercy of the Infidels as long as the present state of things lasted. To prevent which, and to extinguish the flames that threatened to consume the Christian Republic, the King, his master, had roused himself as the title of "Defender of the Faith "prescribed him to do. The King had often written to His Imperial Majesty on the subject, and now by the last post had received a letter from his ambassador in Spain (Dr. Edward Lee), informing him—as appeared from a memorandum drawn up by the Emperor's secretary (Jean Lallemand)—that the whole affair had been referred to Don Iñigo de Mendoça for decision, so that without any further reply or consultation thereupon, the truce might be settled and peace concluded. Perceiving that the only way of obtaining that desirable object was to stop the effusion of blood between Christians, Don Iñigo had often been requested by the King and by himself (the Cardinal) to consent to the said truce, which the ambassadors of the confederated powers were willing to grant. This Don Iñigo had obstinately refused to do, no doubt because he had instructions from the Emperor, his master, to act thus, whence it became clear that His Imperial Majesty wrote one thing and commanded another. That was not in his (the Cardinal's) opinion the. right way of dealing with the King, his master, especially when it was notorious that the Emperor had considerably abated his demands respecting Burgundy, and consented to receive a certain sum of money in its stead. That when the King, perceiving Don Iñigo's obstinate refusal to grant the truce before its conditions were fairly settled, asked him his opinion on the matter, and what those conditions ought to be, the ambassador had brought forward the old questions about the duchies of Burgundy and of Milan, knowing very well that the former was already settled between the parties, and that the latter had been referred for arbitration. All this looked like a device to gain time rather than an honest attempt to promote general peace; therefore the Cardinal maintained (protestaua) that the Emperor had not behaved towards the King, his master, as from his constant good-will and benevolent acts (voluntad, obras y benivolenvcia) he had reason to expect. Respecting the payment of the Emperor's debts, Don Iñigo had proposed means and ways very different from those which the King expected. Those who lent money were not generally satisfied with fine promises and readiness to pay; they wanted deeds, not words, on the part of their debtors. He could not conceive how the Imperial ambassador could allege his master's want of funds, for certainly war could not be carried on without money, and the Emperor had numerous armies to pay. The King wanted his money back; if not repaid in specie and in the same manner as that in which he lent it he should consider himself deeply aggrieved.
With regard to the defensive alliance the Cardinal said that it was a very responsible task for the King to take upon himself the defence of the vast and widely-spread dominions of the Emperor. The present times were very different from the past, and yet, if the Emperor found the means of responding to the good-will and affection which the King, his master, had always borne him—not with vain words as those conveyed by Don Iñigo, but with good deeds—the old alliance between the two countries might still be maintained and strengthened. He (the Cardinal) could not guess what had brought Don Iñigo to England, for if he would not use the powers ne had to conclude the truce, if on all other points he could only answer with fine words, it was quite plain that his commission could not benefit the public cause or give satisfaction to the King, his master, and therefore the Imperial ambassador might return to Spain whenever he pleased.
Thus ended the Cardinal's speech, to which he (Don Iñigo) replied as follows: "The Emperor fully acknowledged the good sentiments of the King, and his desire to procure the peace of the Christian world. He believed that the King entertained a similar opinion of him, as appeared from letters and answers on that subject. Such being the case, he had sent him (Don Iñigo) to England, to ask the King, his friend and ally in whom he trusted, to point out the best means of bringing about a lasting peace. These means the King refused to name, upon which he (Don Iñigo), not knowing how matters stood in Italy, and considering the affair one of grave importance, could not make up his mind to decide upon it without consulting his court. If fault there was, it was entirely his, since he did not act upon the Emperor's instructions, and it might also happen that his pertinacious refusal would displease the Emperor. With regard to his coming [to England] the ambassador observed that he had not come originally with this new commission which had lately sprung up, and therefore could not be prepared to solve all the difficulties arising out of it. That being the case, the ambassador thought it very unjust that he should be called upon to decide without consulting his court. His Highness the King might turn over in his memory whether English ambassadors in Spain or elsewhere, even with full powers and express commission, were in the habit of giving their own consent, even in cases of less importance, without first consulting their court. With regard to the Emperor's debt, and the non-acceptance by the King of the two modes of payment proposed, he (Don Iñigo) could only say that His Imperial Majesty, in making the offer, considered them both as sure and certain as if the money had been remitted in bills of exchange. Indeed, had the Emperor had the money by him, the two foregoing terms of payment would not have been offered, since it was quite the same for his master to keep those means in store for other and greater emergencies, as to pay ready money. And as to the Cardinal's asseveration that the Emperor had sufficient money for his wars, that would be well and good were he the promoter of them, for then it could be said with justice that he had better pay his debts than engage in war with Christians. But in a war like the present, carried on for his own defence, the Emperor could not be expected to deprive himself of his actual means for prosecuting it with vigour, and His Majesty having, as he has, so many good vassals ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes for him, had called upon them to grant him such a subsidy as would enable him to resist the attacks of those wishing to disturb the peace of Christendom.
"With regard to the friendship and renewal of the alliance he (Don Iñigo) had nothing to add to what he had already said to the King. He would inform the Emperor of the King's sentiments towards him, and had no doubt that His Majesty would be extremely hurt at hearing that his goodwill and affectionate regard for the King, his brother, were not valued at their due."
(Cipher:) That His Majesty may judge how very touchy (delicados) these people are, the ambassador will mention a fact that occurred during the conference, by which it will appear that they are looking out for opportunities [for a rupture]. When at the end of his oration the ambassador pronounced the words "Cæsarem ægrè laturum suam voluntatem atque benevolentiam erga Serenissimum Regem non ita acceptam uti demeritus eat," the Cardinal in a passion interrupted him by saying "ægrè laturum? videlicet interminamini," upon which the ambassador, to appease him, had to explain his words, "dico ægrè laturum quod dolebit," and the conference ended. Some time after the Cardinal took the ambassador aside and requested him to write home and inform the Emperor of the good-will and friendly feeling of his brother of England, and how desirous he was of promoting a peace, for which he would willingly work with all his might. The Emperor might trust him entirely, for respecting Milan he was sure to arrange matters in such a way that the Duchy should remain in the hands of a person appointed by the Emperor. (Common writing:) "If you wish (added the Cardinal) to send your despatch by a land route, you may write by this post, for it has been agreed between France and England that all couriers coming to or from this court are to pass unmolested." The ambassador replied, "I do not trust in Frenchmen, but with your Reverence's permission will send by this next courier a short note addressed to the English ambassador [in Spain], begging him to inform the Emperor of the King's sentiments towards him, and how much (cipher) he feels the present negotiations for peace being conducted otherwise than by his intermediate agency." (Common writing:) Many other unpleasant things were said at the conference which Don Iñigo passes over in silence, as they have no close relation to the affairs under discussion.
(Cipher:) The above is the substance of Don Iñigo's conferences with the King and Cardinal. His impression is that the latter has been trying to take him unawares. One of two things: either he knew from the English ambassador in Spain what was the nature of Mendoça's despatches, or he had them opened and deciphered before they were delivered. This last conjecture seems most probable, for it has since been ascertained that, through the English gentleman (Osborn Etchingham) who was the bearer falling ill at Bordeaux, the despatches were entrusted to a French courier, who brought them to London. However this may be, there can be no doubt that His Reverence has tried all he could to make the ambassador consent to the truce without consulting his court. The greater the attacks, the stouter was the resistance, as well as Mendoça's conviction that the Emperor's despatches to him had been opened and read, and therefore the Cardinal, the better to establish his innocence in this particular, maintained his position. He has since owned to him (Mendoça) and to others that owing to Etchingham's illness the packet of letters had really been brought to London by a French courier. Whence it would appear as if the Cardinal was already preparing his means of defence in case the whole affair should hereafter become public, and the opening and deciphering of the Emperor's letter to Mendoça be proved. He (Mendoça) may be mistaken in what he says, but his opinion is that the duty of an ambassador consists in keeping his own court well acquainted, not only with the facts under his notice, but also with the suspicions he may have formed.
His Majesty will observe by the above that in the discussion of these points his ambassador has taken great care to leave a way open for the adoption of one of these two expedients: either that the Emperor should have the whole matter cleared up, or else approve and confirm the ambassador's answer. In the latter case the way is open for the ambassador to say that as the packet of letters came by an English gentleman he (Don Iñigo) could never imagine that his letters had been deciphered and read, and therefore he attributed the omission either to an involuntary error on the part of the clerks, or to the substitution of one letter for another—a mistake of common occurrence—the more so that when the packet was delivered into the ambassador's hands it bore the Imperial seal without fracture, that being the reason why he (Mendoça) had refrained from accusing anyone until he should be acquainted with the truth, &c.
Really believes that the ill humour and anger shown by King and Cardinal on this occasion has no other cause (cipher) than his not having brought any money with him, and their guessing by the intercepted letters that His Majesty had actually restricted his powers in such a way that peace could no longer be made on conditions agreeable to the English. Perhaps also they have, through the deciphering of the Emperor's letters, got scent of other matters to which neither the King nor the Cardinal has made the least allusion in their conversations, no doubt to conceal as much as they could the fact of his correspondence having been violated.
Has heard from a reliable source that the subject under discussion in the last Council of State was whether war should be declared against Flanders; there was much talking and difference of opinion thereupon, and no decision taken. Cannot say whether his information is correct, or whether the report has been circulated as a sort of threat, that they (the King and Cardinal) may the sooner obtain their object. Rather inclines to the latter conjecture, as he sees no signs of preparations for war. The people in general are fond (es aficionado) of His Imperial Majesty, except those who receive pensions from France; few, however, dare communicate their sentiments to the ambassador. It would not be amiss, on such occasions as these, to have some letters of credit in store; since our adversaries are wonderfully prodigal of such means [of corruption]. Has been told that this last week the King of England sent 30,000 cr. to the Pope, and it is a well-known fact that he (the King) is the principal supporter of the Italian League, helping it as much as he can with his money and his advice. Were the position of Italian affairs different, it is quite certain that the King would not hesitate to put his hand into the fire (la metiera en el fuego). Heard him say the other day that he was so worried and molested by Frenchmen offering him all manner of terms and conditions, that he did not know which way to turn, and was now expecting a numerous embassy (gruessa embaxada) which could not fail to give rise to important business, thereby implying that the Emperor ought to decide at once, and give his ambassadors full powers to sign the truce. Is positively certain that if he (Don Iñigo) had not been detained in France, but had arrived safe with his instructions and despatches, such as they were then, the King would at once have accepted them. Now he refuses, because be waits for letters in confirmation of the proposals made at the time. All this shifting might after all be only a species of admonition and threat, the better to obtain the object he (the King) aims at; but, nevertheless, it would be dangerous, even under that supposition, to delay any longer the settlement of the debt. The Cardinal told Mendoça the other day, "You must know that when the Emperor departed hence, I stood security for certain sums borrowed by him from the King, my master, and for which he left a number of jewels in pawn. These I have since redeemed out of my own pocket, and I am a great sufferer by the Emperor's insolvency."
In the matter of the truce the ambassador has been guided by two principles which he holds to be the foundation of the whole affair. One is (cipher) that His Majesty did not actually order him (Mendoça) to make truce unconditionally, because had such been the Emperor's wish, it is quite clear that the mandate would have been contained in the letter, and the letter would have reached the ambassador's hands. The other is that the Cardinal must have heard of the interception of the letter and its contents, and therefore must be aware that the Imperial mandate never came into his hands. It might also be that some part of the instructions transpired [in Spain], and, the information reaching 'London, it was decided that in case of the letter not containing full powers to make peace, or at least to grant a truce, the English gentleman (Osborne Etchingham) who was bringing the packet home should feign an illness and stop at Bordeaux, in order that, should the truth be found out, the Frenchman who took charge of it should bear the whole blame. (fn. 11) The packet, as above stated, when brought to Don Iñigo was marked with the Imperial seal, and therefore a false one must have been prepared to commit the fraud. These are the principal reasons why, until the Imperial pleasure is known, the ambassador dared not come to a resolution in so important an affair, as nothing but the expedient of delay which had been adopted could effectually serve the Emperor's interests.
With regard to the intercourse of trade, nothing was said either by the Cardinal or the ambassador during the conference. By the latter because Madame of the Low Countries had expressly forbidden him to allude to it; by the Cardinal because they have not yet sufficiently studied the subject in this country. These are matters which require a good deal of consideration and thought, and can only be settled by previous agreements (asientos) between countries, which agreements have not yet been made. Until the matter of the friendship and defensive alliance be fairly settled, the subject of commercial intercourse cannot well be discussed. The Provost of Cassel (Theimseke), who was the person appointed to help in this part of the negotiations, has been recalled by Madame, and is actually returning to Flanders. (Common writing:) Should have wished him to remain in London a few days longer, because in times like these the Provost's company may be useful (la compañia no es mala), and if by chance the Cardinal or any of the Privy Council should bring the subject under discussion, he (Don Iñigo) will scarcely know what to say about it, as he is not well verged in commercial matters. Besides, his health since he came to England is so indifferent that he is often prevented from attending to business as he should wish.
Madame of the Low Countries sent the casket (bujeta) closed, that being the reason why this present letter does not go inside. The ambassador ought to have a key of his own, to open the casket with, and enclose his despatches for greater security. The same might be done in Flanders with the letters coming from Spain.
The vessel (zabra) should have left the port on the day that Don Iñigo received the King's answer to the Imperial message, but the passport and other papers were purposely delayed until to-day (the 19th), when the vessel leaves. He believes the cause of the delay to be the Cardinal's wish to gain a week's time to acquaint the other powers with his answer.
The various packets (envoltorios) of letters going by this courier are addressed to Francisco Ricaldo (Recalde), of Bilbao, who has charge of the post there.
Has been told that the King of England (cipher), perceiving the desperate situation of King Francis, and the need he has of his help and assistance, is determined to ask him for Boulogne [sur Mer]. If France consents to give up that fortress, King Henry will join the Italian League, and do anything else that may be required of him. They expect that Mons. de St. Pol—who, they say, is coming very shortly accompanied by another great personage—will bring some resolution on that point. All agree, however, that on the arrival of the French ambassadors some secret treaty will be made between the two Kings. Indeed it is generally believed that the negotiations are very far advanced, and that the King of England would already have declared himself had not the pending treaty and commercial intercourse with the Low Countries prevented him.
(Common writing:) Could not help being prolix, owing to the variety and importance of subjects contained in this letter. Will be more brief in future, but under the present circumstances, being in duty bound to give all possible information about England and its present politics, he (Don Iñigo) has thought that it was far preferable to be over diffuse than too concise (pccar por carta de mas que por carta de menos).London, 19th Jan. 1527.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
After closing this letter he (Don Iñigo) has been told (cipher) that an Englishman named Maestre Rossel (Sir John Russell), whom this King sent some time ago to Italy, took with him letters of credit to certain bankers, for the purpose of helping the Papal troops with money. The grant, however, is limited in the following manner. Should he perceive that the Imperial army is prosperous, and likely to have the best of it in the fight, he is to give no money at all. If, on the contrary, lie sees that the Pope's party is strong enough to defend itself, in that case he is to help discretionally with such moneys as he has in hand.
Asks for orders and instructions respecting the answer to be given in case the King and Cardinal again hinted at his retiring. When at the last conference he was told in plain terms that he might go if he chose, Don Iñigo saw very well that he (the Cardinal) was only looking out for an opportunity to push matters still further. He took no notice whatever of the intimation, persuaded as he is that in times like these a good deal of forbearance is necessary.
Should also like to hear how he is to conduct himself in his political relations with the Emperor's aunt (Lady Margaret), and whether he (Don Iñigo) is to let her know everything that may be negotiated in London; also whether the ambassador may venture on any decisive step in these and other affairs, without first consulting his court, as the pressure of time and the Emperor's prolonged residence in Spain would seem to recommend.
Addressed: "Sacra Catholica Majestad del Emperador y Rey de España, nuestro Señor-Dése en manos del Secretario Maestre Juan aleman."
Indorsed: "From Don Iñigo de Mendoça. London, 19th January."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines and on the margins, pp. 20.

Footnotes

1 See part I., No. 619.
2 John Broke? His arrival at Brussels on the 30th of November 1526 is mentioned in a letter of Sir John Wallop to Wolsey. See Brewer, vol. iv., part ii., p. 1180.
3 See No. 623.
4 Osborne Etchingham or Ichingham, despatched by Dr. Edward Lee.
5 After the departure of Jean Jonglet in August 1526, the Provost remained in charge of the Imperial embassy. He was still in London in November when Boutton arrived.
6 See King Henry's letter to Dr. Edward Lee, dated the 22nd of October 1526, part i., p. 968, No. 588.
7 Jean Boutton, sieur de Courtbaron, whose arrival in London on the 14th of November has already been recorded, part i., No. 616.
8 "El Prior de San Juan," probably Don Antonio de Mendoza. In a letter of Marco Antonio Venier, the Venetian ambassador in England, abstracted by Rawdon Brown (vol. iv., p. 14), he is called Don Juan Antonio de Mendoza, "chancellor of the Signor Giacomo," from which I conclude that he was Chancellor of the Order of St. James or Santiago.
9 "Pero viendo que la propuesta concordia no quitava la guerra no me parecia qua hera causa de perpetuar la paz."
10 "Y que él responderia por sy y lo defenderia a qualquiera que fuesse."
11 That the English ambassador in Spain, Dr. Edward Lee, was not aware of the interception and reading of the Emperor's letter to Don lñigo, appears evident from the fact of his writing from Medina del Campo, on the 20th of January, "I am much abashed to hear that the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci) can give no news of Ichingham. He has been told that an Englishman was stopped, and was not allowed to pass unless he promised to go by the Court of France." See Brewer, vol. iv., part ii., p. 1254.