Spain
March 1527, 11-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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94-119

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'Spain: March 1527, 11-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 94-119. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87526 Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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March 1527, 11-15

11 March.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 242.
B. M. Add. 28, 575,
f. 130.
35. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Emperor
Wrote on the last day of February. (fn. 1) Since then he has heard (cipher) that the Signory has received letters from France (some say of the 17th and others of the 23rd ult), stating that King Francis had resolved to come to no agreement whatever, not even signing a truce with the Emperor, though the Pope himself might be inclined to do so. He (Sanchez) does not vouch for the truth of this report; all he can say is that his informers assert that the King [of France] has promised this Republic men and money, in case they are wanted, exhorting them to remain firm, and not listen to overtures for peace from any quarter, as this would undoubtedly work their ruin, &c. Has been told that Secretary Andrea Rosso is daily expected from France with 25,000 ducats in specie, instructions to treat with the Duke Francesco Sforza, and new articles also for a league with this Signory, in case the Pope should, as it is feared, make his own peace with the Emperor. In such an event the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) is expected to join the Italian League, as he is not likely to side with the Pope, &c.
Has long been thinking of informing the Viceroy of these intrigues, but being unable to do so on account of the distance and the insecurity of the roads, has communicated his fears to Secretary Perez that he may inform Lannoy and Ferramosca thereof. Great care should be taken in any treaty with the Pope to protect the Duke [of Ferrara's] interests; otherwise he is sure to abandon the Imperial service, and pass over to the enemy. Hears that Bourbon does not wish for an armistice, but prefers a good and solid peace with His Holiness, as more profitable for the Imperial interests in Italy. One of his servants, now at Rome, said so the other day to the general of the Franciscans and to Cesaro Ferramosca, in the hearing of the Duke of Ferrara's agent, and of Secretary Perez, who happened to be present, maintaining that his master (Bourbon) was no friend at all to an armistice, but would strongly recommend peace. As much on account of this opinion of M. de Bourbon, as because the Pope said to Cesaro that he wished to consult the confederates as to the terms (concierto) proposed to him, or the suspension of hostilities for one year, the negotiations seem lately to have received a check, for Ferramosca, observing the delay, suddenly quitted Rome on the 25th ult. Nevertheless, Secretary Perez writes in date of the 6th inst. that the Viceroy had desired the general of the Franciscans to wait at once on the Pope, and apply for a decisive and categorical answer, thus intimating that the choice of truce or peace is still left to him. The Viceroy added in his letter that he took this step for the Emperor's vindication and to show his love of religion (por que era cristianisimo) than out of necessity. The Pope had again sent for Don Ugo de Monçada and Cesaro Ferramosca. Cannot tell whether they will come, and what is likely to be the result of the conference; but this he can say, that unless the Duke's affairs are definitively settled with Rome, and Modena is restored to him, no armistice or peace with the Pope will make him continue in His Majesty's service. He (the Duke) has lately had an interview with Bourbon at a place 20 miles from Ferrara, where, besides furnishing him with provisions for the Imperial army and good advise, he has given artillery, ammunition, pioneers, and all manner of things. The Imperialists in return have consigned Carpi to him. It is to be inferred from all this that the Duke [of Ferrara], who has the reputation of being a shrewd politician, cannot have failed to ascertain first in what sort of position he will remain after the Pope has signed the treaty of truce or peace. His Majesty has no doubt heard from Mons. de Bourbon and from Ferramosca, as well from, the Abbot of Najera, who was present at the interview, what the Duke said on the occasion.
The Duke [of Bourbon] writes in great spirits. Sanchez has had letters from him stating that the army under his command is prepared for any undertaking whatsoever (fn. 2) It is to advance on Rome by forced marches. The Duke [of Ferrara] had given him (Bourbon) good advise and provisions for his troops. This was about a month ago. Has not heard from him since, but is told that on the 7th inst. he was with the Imperial army at Castel Sant Joan (San Giovanne) and at Sant Jorge (San Giorgio), about 10 miles from Bologna.
Hears from various sources that a letter which the Viceroy wrote lately to Bourbon, telling him to quicken his march as the kingdom of Naples was in danger of an invasion has been intercepted by the enemy. Has written to the Viceroy communicating this intelligence.
As one of the English ambassadors, who went lately to Rome, was on his road to this city, for the purpose of inducing the Signory to accept the armistice about to be concluded between the general of the Franciscans and Cesaro Ferramosca on one side, and His Holiness on the other, he had a fall from his horse, broke his leg, and was obliged to return to Rome. Hears that the credentials of the said English ambassador (fn. 3) are not direct from the King, but from the Cardinal, and that it was Prothonotary Casale, who resides here, who, in the absence of the other ambassador (Russell), delivered the message to the Senate. Cannot learn what the Signory's answer has been, but fancies that they will consent to no agreement unless the King of France is included in it, and that they will do everything in their power to encourage the Pope, and calm his fears of the Imperial arms. The Prothonotary (Giovanne Casale) left this for Ferrara on the 6th, on a visit to its Duke, probably to induce him to desert the Emperor's cause. Imagines that the Prothonotary applies too late, and will make no impression on the Duke. Before his departure [for Ferrara] the Prothonotary called upon the Duke's resident ambassador here, and declared to him his intentions. He was going (he said) merely to remind the Duke of his own advantages, and how interested he ought to be in the peace of Italy. This (he said) was the only object of his journey, and not, as reported, to do a bad turn to the Emperor, since the King, his master, was no party to, and only a mediator in, the present quarrel. But the truth is that the English ambassador (Casale) has often shown himself as great a partisan in these troubles as the French Bishop of Bayeux) himself, and that by order of his master, the King of England.
The Signory has promised the Pope 30,000 ducats, one half about the 15th of this month; the other on the same day of April next. They hesitate, however, to pay that money for fear the Pope should in the meantime come to an agreement with His Majesty.
(Common writing:) A jubilee has just been granted by the Pope with many indulgences, not only to Venice, but to other towns of this Signory, from which considerable sums are expected to come in. A new and strange manner of proceeding in these matters to grant crusades or jubilees against Christians; though it must be said that, according to the words of the bull, the money is to be spent in war against the Turk.
(Cipher:) The Signory is fitting out nine new galleys, destined, as they say, to the coast of Apulia (Puglia). Has acquainted the Viceroy with the fact.—Venice, 11th March 1527.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To His Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 5.
11 March.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
C. 71, f. 167, vo
36. Don Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia.
On the 16th of February Longobal arrived with the despatches. The Emperor was not in town, having gone to Segovia to see the Empress, but Secretary Lallemand forwarded His Highness' letters, explained their contents, and asked for orders. The answer was that the Emperor would be back very shortly; and so he was, for on the following Friday he made his public entrance into Valladolid, accompanied by the Empress, who, on account of her state of pregnancy, was carried on the shoulders of the principal people of the place.
The Emperor was glad to hear of Fruntsperg's (fn. 4) arrival in Italy, and of the manner in which it was accomplished. It was thought at first that more reinforcements would have been required, but the news lately received is that they are considered quite sufficient for the intended purpose.
Respecting Micer Andrea [del Borgo] and the instructions to be sent to the Imperial commissaries (comisarios) in Italy, the Emperor is of opinion that in the present state of affairs it is not advisable to make any change, as it would create discontent among people who are doing all they can for the Imperial service.
The passage to Italy of the Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalon) was already known here, though not with the details contained in His Highness' last letters.
With regard to the Swiss the Emperor thinks that it would be unwise to give them money before it was ascertained whether they wished to take service or not. There is, however, no danger in promising them, should they forsake the French alliance, that they will be paid what is owed them [by France], for the Emperor has a good pledge in his hands, and will take care that any arrangement made with that country will also" include the settlement of their claims.
The Emperor is also of opinion that some learned men of those parts should be selected to write pamphlets in Latin or German, similar to those lately circulated by the French, showing the many infractions of the existing treaties which King Francis has committed. The Diet ought to see to this, and have the text of the last treaty (concordia) of Madrid printed and circulated, as well as of the enclosed copy of the proposals since made by that monarch, of the Pope's brief and the Emperor's answer to it.
The said King has published a paper against the electors who appointed the Emperor King of the Romans, pretending that they only consulted their own private interest and were led away by promises that have remained unfulfilled. The Emperor is of opinion that a refutation of such arguments ought to be printed, showing that it was he (King Francis) who, in order to gain the votes of the electors, made most brilliant offers to the Marquis of Brandenburg and others. The electors should be informed of this beforehand, that they may not take offence.
The election made by the Bohemians has given great satisfaction at this court; but His Imperial Majesty is sorry to hear that the affairs of Germany, as regards religion, are far from improving. The Duke Ulric of Wurtemberg is to continue in command of the Suabian League. Warrants have been issued for him to proceed against the Landgrave [of Hesse] and all other defaulters.
The members of the Imperial Diet have been instructed to attend to the rights of the Archduke to the Crown of Hungary, and to follow strictly the orders that His Highness may be pleased to give them thereupon. The Provost of Valtrique, about whom His Highness wrote recommending him for the post of commissary [in Italy], is very much wanted in Spam. The Emperor has just appointed him Vice-Chancellor of the Empire, and were he to allow him to leave, there would be no one left here to attend to the business he has in hand, and execute His Highness' orders.
The promise made to Secretary Lallemand of 300 ducats pension every year has not been fulfilled, and yet it is important that it should be, as the said Lallemand is doing all he can to promote His Highness' interests at Court. The city of Francfort is bound to pay the Emperor 900 florins annually. Two years are now owing; if His Highness should recover them, part of that sum might be applied, with the Emperor's consent, to the payment of the arrears owing to Lallemand, or in the shape of a gratuity to Secretary Castillejo, (fn. 5) who is also doing good service there.
By letters of the ambassador at Venice (Sanchez) we have heard that the Vayvod [of Transylvania] had sent to implore the help of that Signory. The reply was that he was to join the League first, and then send for the Turk.
A search has been made here for the papers relating to the treaty of alliance which the late Emperor Maximilian concluded with Hungary and Poland, but hitherto no trace of them has been found. Some suspect that they are still in Flanders, and therefore orders have been sent to search for them, and send His Highness attested copies of the same.
The last news from Rome is that everything there and in the rest of Italy is going on well.
The letters for the King and Queen of Portugal (Dom João III. and Donna Catalina) have been duly received, but for the reasons stated in a previous despatch, (fn. 6) as well as the circumstance of the Cortes of Castile being now deliberating on the subsidy to be granted for a war against the Turk, it has been thought advisable that he (Salinas) should not be absent from Court. Having asked the Emperor's orders thereupon, he has been told that he had better stay at Valladolid, and send some trusty person to Lisbon to deliver the said letters and friendly message, which has been done, His Imperial Majesty having furnished him with letters of introduction to the King (Dom João III.), the Queen (Donna Catalina), and Dona Maria de Velasco, (fn. 7) of which copies are enclosed. (fn. 8)
Has according to orders applied for some ecclesiastic benefice or pension in behalf of Secretary Castillejo, and the Emperor has kindly promised to think of him whenever a vacancy should occur.
Salinas' private affairs. Proposals made to the Cortes and discussion thereof.
Never fails to consult over affairs with His Imperial Majesty's confessor (Loaysa), for many reasons. The first and principal, because that prelate enjoys great favour just now; the other, that he is most sincerely attached to His Highness' service, and does all he can to promote our interests.
The Emperor is about to send to Vienna one of his own secretaries, a native of Transylvania, and a vassal of His Highness. His father was slain at the battle [of Mohatz], and he now wishes to enter the King's service and fight against the Turks. He will be the bearer of letters of recommendation for His Highness.
During his residence at Granada the Emperor created a Council of State, composed of the Archbishop of Toledo (D. Alonso de Fonseca), the Duke of Alba (Don Fadrique Alvarez de Toledo), the Duke of Bejar (D. Alvaro de Zuñiga) the confessor (Fr. Garcia de Loaysa), the Bishop of Jaen, (fn. 9) and others. As long as he held his court in that city, the councillors met, and discussed various State affairs, giving their opinion thereupon; but since his arrival at Valladolid, though very important business has been transacted, the Emperor has not consulted them thereupon, neither will they be consulted henceforward, as the rumour goes, except perhaps the confessor (Loaysa), of whom much notice is taken just now, and Secretary Jean Lallemand. This innovation has been the cause of great dissatisfaction among certain grandees who see themselves excluded from the Emperor's councils, but the truth is that the Catholic Kings in former times tried as much as they could to limit the admission of the titled nobility in the Privy Council. (fn. 10)
It is said here that the King of France is seeking this marriage with Princess Mary of England for no other purpose than that of increasing his power against the Emperor and his brother the Archduke. This notwithstanding, he goes on writing very sweet letters (cartas muy graciosas) to Queen Leonor, whom he calls his wife; but his words differ much from his deeds.
There is a rumour here that Mons. de Labrid (Jean d'Albert), who has assumed the title of King of Navarre, is collecting a force wherewith to invade that kingdom. If so, it must be at the instigation of King Francis, his kinsman. The Emperor, however, has ordered certain men-at-arms to go to the frontiers, and in the event of an invasion they will give Frenchmen their due.
News has come that the Viceroy of Naples (Charles de Lannoy) was in treaty with the Pope, and that there was hope of a good settlement of the Italian question. If so, it would be advisable not to have the Papal brief of the 23rd of June (1526) and the Emperor's answer to it published, though all the other papers, tracts, and apologies [of the Emperor] against the French King may still be printed and circulated, since he well deserves that and any other measures.
A servant of Mons. de Bourbon arrived on the 7th inst. with news of the Viceroy's army, and of his own military movements. The state of affairs in Italy is not as good as might be expected. The same messenger brought letters from the Imperial ambassador at Venice (Alonso Sanchez), announcing that the Vayvod of Transylvania had already concluded a defensive and offensive alliance with the Turk.
Intelligence has been received here that the King of France is sending an embassy (fn. 11) to England to ask for the hand of Princess Mary. His Highness knows very well that whenever such formal embassies are sent, it is for the purpose of negotiating on matters proposed or already settled between the parties, and therefore the news must be true. The principal condition asked by the English is the giving up to them of Boulogne-sur-Mer, to gain which they will grant anything that may be demanded of them.
Spice Islands. Mexico, Cortes, &c.
Miscarriage of the Marchioness of Zenete. (fn. 12)
Chancellor Gattinara still persists in his determination. He will soon leave for Flanders, for there are no symptoms of the Emperor wishing to retain him near his person. He is now suffering from gout. The business about which he (Salinas) was ordered to communicate with the Çhancellor was accomplished in due time, as his own despatch of the 10th of February, forwarded by an Imperial courier going to Flanders and England, will show.—Valladolid, 11th March 1527.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft, pp. 8½.
18 March.37. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 227, No. 10.
Chateau arrived [in London] on the 1st ult. with the Emperor's letter, and the instructions for the negotiation of peace. He came 27 days later than the mandate itself, which was sent by land without any letters whatsoever.
(Cipher:) Words will not avail at the present juncture; it being suspected here that all these proposals and counter proposals are simply professions of good-will, but convey no real intention of having the peace settled in England, which is what the King and Cardinal desire. (Common writing:) Cannot make out why the courier who brought the first mandate Ly land did not inform him (Mendoça) that the Emperor's instructions and dsepatches were coming by sea; he could then have at once accounted for the delay when pressed for an answer. Had good reason to suspect that the despatches had been intercepted in France, as he (Mendoça) stated in his letter of the 2nd. (Cipher:) Firstly because the Englishman in charge of them feigned illness at Bordeaux, and gave the packet to a Frenchman, who brought it here; secondly, because a servant of M. dePraet's, who accompanied the Frenchman to Paris, writes to say that the despatches were actually missing In that capital for two or three days and no tidings to be heard of them. This happened just at the time that the armies [of France] were marching to Italy, and that the people here were clamouring for a truce. Was therefore induced to believe that the enemy's object was to obtain by violence what they could not get otherwise. As he had neither powers to conclude an armistice nor instructions for his guidance, he (Mendoça) was entirely in their hands. Escaped out of the dilemma, as the Emperor must have seen by his former despatches
Received on the same day by a different courier coining through Germany another Imperial letter, dated the 28th December, in which he is desired, in accordance with his first instructions, to abstain, if possible, from speaking of the debts, and to excuse himself on the ground that his instructions had been burnt. He (Mendoça) might then place in the hands of the King and Cardinal the articles of peace, which is what they most desire, and withhold for the present the new mandate and instructions lately received.
(Cipher:) Still adheres to his former opinion as expressed in all his letters since leaving Seville. He always thought that a change in his instructions was absolutely necessary. Wrote to say so the very day he was released from prison at Arques. Went to Brussels for the express purpose of ascertaining whether new instructions, improving on the former ones, had been received there. Had hoped that, after eight months had passed, this deficiency would have been supplied. Was disappointed both at Madame's Court and here. He (Mendoça) only found two letters, one brought by Boton, the other by Ricarte, ordering him at once to come to England, commence negotiations as previously instructed, and report the result to the Emperor.
At the time of his (Mendoça's) arrival in London the news from Italy was very prosperous. Being very hard pressed by the Cardinal of York to state what mandate he had brought concerning the payment of the Emperor's debts, and thinking the time was favourable for making them accept whatever terms he might offer; (fn. 13) perceiving besides that the powers for negotiating peace were defective, he (Mendoça) could no longer temporize, as directed by the Emperor, as to give no answer to the Cardinal's question, or to say that he had received no instructions thereupon, would have been the worst possible course to pursue. Mere words and promises are now absolutely useless. No sooner has one uttered them in the presence of the King and Cardinal than they turn their backs and go away. (fn. 14) Even if the last mandate, which reached the ambassador one month after his interview with the King of England, had come in time, it would have been impossible, without giving extreme offence to him and the Cardinal, to avoid speaking of the terms of payment; for in a matter so important as this, and having to deal with people so suspicious as are these, the Emperor must own that it would have been extremely difficult for him (Mendoça) to persuade them that in losing his instructions he had at the same time lost all recollection of the principal object for which he came hither.
Assures him that, though his (Mendoça's) answer was not deemed satisfactory at all, yet neither the King nor the Cardinal seemed to doubt of the Emperor's readiness to meet his engagements.
All things considered, and knowing the Emperor's anxiety for speedy information on these matters, he (Mendoça) sends off this despatch by a vessel, which at this season ought to make the passage in six or seven days.
Perceiving from the Emperor's instructions his willingness to conclude peace, both general and private, he (Mendoça) went to the Cardinal and showed him his powers, that he might see that His Majesty was sincere in his desire for peace. Told the Cardinal that the Emperor would be more content with the arrangement proposed than with any other; that the negotiations should be conducted by the King and himself (the Cardinal); that the delay caused by the non-arrival of the despatches was unavoidable, as it could not be expected that papers of that importance, and which related so nearly to them (the King and Cardinal), should be sent by land, and through the enemy's territory; that in consequence of bad weather at sea they had been much longer in coming than was anticipated. He (Mendoça) had been instructed to seek the advice of the King and Cardinal respecting the Emperor's affairs, persuaded, as the latter was, that they would not advise any but an honest and just course; that in order to render the negotiations more effective the adverse party must produce their powers first; and, moreover, that he (Mendoça) being quite unacquainted with matters of civil law, it was indispensable to await the arrival of a lawyer from Flanders, whom he expected shortly, having already written to Madame on the subject.
The Cardinal replied that he fully believed in the Emperor's wish for peace, but that immediate action was now imperative, as one month had passed since the arrival of the first powers, and all that time had been lost, to the great detriment of Christendom at large; that he (the Cardinal) could not conceive why the Emperor, who always showed in his letters such great anxiety for peace, should have sent orders for these incessant delays. He (Mendoça) had hitherto parried his (the Cardinal's) attacks with mere words; firstly, saying that, along with the powers sent by land, he had received no instructions; and, secondly, that a lawyer was wanted for the revision of the powers, which after all was only an excuse for farther postponement. The King, his master, engaged to ratify immediately whatever terms should be settled between the contracting parties, as at the present crisis not an hour should be lost. Upon which the Cardinal showed him (Mendoça) the powers of the adverse parties, which at first sight seemed efficient, though he did not examine them closely.
Replied that neither the Emperor, nor he in the Emperors name, desired to delay in the least this good work of peace, but that it was essential at the outset to establish the efficiency of the powers; that the arrival of the lawyer could not be long delayed; were it so, he (Mendoça) would begin at once the negotiations for general peace, on condition of their ratification by the King; and thus, with much discontent at the delay, the interview terminated. Wrote at once to Madame for the lawyer to come with all possible speed, as so much suspicion and displeasure would arise here in consequence of his non-arrival. (fn. 15) He has not yet come, nor, judging from what Madame writes, will he come.
Went to Greenwich two days afterwards to present his letter to the King, and made nearly the same statements to him as to the Cardinal. Was received very ungraciously by the King, who had already learnt from the Cardinal the result of their last interview, The King said he could not conceive how the Emperor, whilst writing such fair words, could do such ill deeds through his ambassador. The lawyer, who was the sole excuse for the present delay, was not wanted at all, for the Emperor knew well that no treaty could be concluded without ratification, and therefore that no danger could be incurred by the negotiations. Ever since the arrival of the last courier by land, he (Mendoça) had been in possession of the Emperor's mandate, and instructed how to proceed, and yet had made no use whatever of his powers, waiting to see the matter settled anywhere else but in London. His (Mendoça's) powers were quite incorrect, since they contained one clause stating that no former ones were to be abrogated by the last granted, which clause had been inserted for the sole purpose of negotiating peace elsewhere. All these impediments and excuses, wilfully introduced by the Emperor's ambassador, ought to be set aside, and each contracting party fully empowered to make a settlement, when the negotiations might proceed at once.
Replied that the King, and indeed the whole world, would soon witness the Emperor's justification, and be convinced how completely his enemies were in the wrong. He (the King) had been misinformed as to his having received secret instructions from the Emperor. The cause of the non-arrival of his powers was known to the Cardinal. They were drawn in due form; they could not well be altered, for had the clause in question been omitted, the abrogation of all former powers whatsoever might have been claimed by the parties. To avoid so great an inconvenience the clause was generally inserted in all powers of whatsoever kind. Was contradicted on this point by the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstal), who is a great legal authority, (fn. 16) and by some other members of the Privy Council, but the King interfered, saying, "Enough about the powers; let us all proceed together in the work of negotiation, each party agreeing to ratify the terms, and everything will be satisfactorily settled. In case of doubt let the matter be referred to me or to the Cardinal; otherwise I shall be obliged to believe that the Emperor has acted insincerely towards me."
Thought the time had now come for speaking of general peace; said that since the King so earnestly desired the common welfare and repose of Christendom, disturbed as it was by incessant wars; since the infidels, who had already done so much damage in Hungary, might be encouraged by the present state of things, it was very desirable that the King should support the Emperor's proposals for a truce of three or four years, which would allow him to recall his armies from Italy and wage war on the Turk, conjointly with the rest of the Christian Princes. In this way, and each party agreeing to pay their share of the expenses, and the Holy Father, as of ancient custom, opening the treasures of the Church, granting a Crusade and bidding the clergy to assist in this holy enterprise, the power of the Infidel would be crushed, and Christendom saved from destruction.
Hearing this, the Cardinal, after private consultation with the King, replied that there were many objections to the proposed truce, for unless general peace were first made between the different powers now maintaining armies in Italy, it would be difficult for them to unite in one common enterprise. It would be wiser to enter first upon the negotiations for private peace, from which a general one would undoubtedly ensue.
Replied that the Emperor was equally ready to negotiate general or private peace, but that as the service of God must needs come before that of the World, the Emperor naturally wished to begin with that which would he most profitable for Christendom, which in his opinion was the immediate repulsion of the Turk. Were all the Christian Princes to unite in this holy enterprise, he did not doubt that God would reward them by giving them universal and lasting peace amongst themselves. Should, however, the King and Cardinal prefer treating first of private peace, and opening the negotiations with that view, they would find him (the Emperor) equally ready to meet them, seeking only what was just and lawful, and consenting even to waive some portion of his own rights if that would further the private peace, and through it the general one, which he (the Bong) so much desired. Here ended the conference. Begs for particular instructions as to the course he is to pursue with regard to the King of France and to the Pope, for he (Mendoça) has been very much pressed by the King and Cardinal to declare the Emperor's intentions and wishes, which has harassed him greatly. (fn. 17) To escape from their pressing questions on those topics, he (Mendoça) has answered that as soon as he has examined the powers and proposals brought by the French ambassadors and the Pope's Nuncio he will completely vindicate the Emperor's conduct towards them.
The same day Don Antonio de Mendoça, whom the Emperor had sent to Germany, went to present his credentials to the King.
News has been published by some merchants here that the Emperor is rapidly advancing with his preparations against the Turks, and has already obtained from his subjects the promise of large grants of money to assist in this undertaking. The King of England was very angry on hearing this, (cipher) complaining that the Emperor had first decided on the enterprise, and then sent to inform him of it. Was obliged to state in the Emperor's defence that the King had been misinformed. (Common writing:) The Emperor had not yet reached Valladolid, where the Cortes were to be assembled. The resolution adopted by them would be communicated to the King in time. At present he (Mendoça) knew nothing further of the affair than what he had stated to the King in the Emperor's name. His reply was (cipher) that these were suspicious ways of proceeding in such times as the present. The Turks had already retreated [to their own country] If the Emperor meant to seize this opportunity for disturbing Christendom, he (the King) gave him clearly to understand that he would meet with resistance, since neither his nor the rest of the Christian Princes could ever allow the Emperor thus to aim at universal monarchy; all which was said by the King with much gesticulation, showing his anger even more in manner than in words. (fn. 18) (fn. 19)
Replied that the Emperor was entirely guiltless of the charge. He had never given cause for such grave suspicions. He (Mendoça) could not conceive how, when the blood spilt by the Christians in Hungary was still fresh, revenge for such an insult could be considered ill-timed, unless it was established beforehand that arms were never to be taken against the Turks until they had made the first attack. Being then asked what route the Emperor proposed to take, Mendoça answered, that "should he go to Germany, he (the Emperor) would certainly come to this kingdom, and avail himself of the King's help and counsel." At which the King looked very incredulous, (fn. 20) and observed, "That may be so, but I thought Italy was the Emperor's destination. If he follows my advice, he had better remain quiet at home where he is." Replied that this change in the King's sentiments seemed to him (Mendoça) unaccountable. Only a few days ago he was invoking all Christendom to rise against their common enemy, the Turk, and now he advised the exactly opposite course. Upon which the King said, "Were it a question only of war against the Turk, I should be the first to join, but I know with what object these military preparations are being made. The Emperor ought to be content with his present dominions." Failed not to meet the accusation by stating that the Emperor had never to his (Mendoça's) knowledge done a single thing to justify such an imputation. His policy was not aggressive, and he had no ambition, but wished only to retain what he had inherited from his grandfather. With this reasoning the conference ended.
On the same day, after dinner, the Cardinal took him (Mendoça) aside to a window of the apartment, and having sent for the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and for some other noblemen, began explaining to them in English, as far as he (Mendoça) could follow the language (through the French and Latin words which it contains), how the King had been making great efforts to obtain peace, both private and general, but that he (Mendoça) would not advance a step towards it: how the Emperor was now hastening his warlike preparations, which, if peace were not soon made, would give rise to much scandal. All the members of the Italian League wished that peace should be concluded here by the King, his master, and had accordingly sent their ambassadors [to London] with ample powers for that purpose. He (Mendoça) was the only obstacle to peace, as there was a clause in his powers, by means of which the negotiations might be carried on elsewhere than in London. The King had done all he could in the matter, but had not met with corresponding fairness on our part. Saying which, the Cardinal turned towards him (Mendoça) as if he wished him to understand that he was the object of the conversation. Was glad of the opportunity thus given him of replying to the allusion, as he saw that the Cardinal was only trying to create a bad feeling against the Emperor. Stated then in the most positive terms, and loud enough for those Lords (Milores) to hear him, that the Emperor had nothing so much at heart as peace, both general and private, between all Christian Princes, and that he (Mendoça) had received ample powers to conclude both; that as regarded general peace the Emperor sought it not only for the prevention of present and future evils, but also that all their forces might thereby be directed against the common foe. The Emperor was willing to pay his share of the expenses, provided the Holy Father did his duty, and helped with a crusade, &c. If, therefore, the Emperor, now so powerful in Italy, could propose this, it only showed how far he was from having fostered the present wars, much more from wishing to promote them in the future. That as regarded private peace, the Emperor would, as soon as the other side offered just and honourable terms, treat with them in the same spirit. He was determined to observe strictly all former treaties, and those who sought to evade this would have to vindicate their conduct hereafter. He was moreover content to waive a portion even of his rights if that would serve the interests of peace. As a proof that he (the Emperor) wished for nothing better than that peace should be settled by the King [of England], he had sent him (Mendoça) ample powers for negotiating the same as soon as fair terms should be offered. If such were not the case, the Emperor could nowise be responsible for the delay. The report of the advanced state of his armaments was quite incorrect. The Emperor had communicated his plans to the King. After the sitting of the Spanish Cortes, and before setting out on his expedition [against the Turk], he would not fail to consult with the King, nor would he undertake anything of the sort without first hearing his opinion about it. (Cipher:) During the latter part of the ambassador's speech the Legate gave evident signs of impatience and ill-humour, and alter saying a few more words to the Lords, in English, took leave of him (Mendoça) and of them, and returned to the King. Mendoça was then privately and confidentially addressed m French by one of the Knights of the Garter there present, (fn. 21) Lord Aejer (Exeter?), who congratulated him on having spoken so well to the purpose; for, he said, statements in direct opposition to those he had just made were being daily circulated at Court, so that they had given up any hope of the negotiations for peace advancing. The Lord did not wait for an answer, but went away immediately.
Was then summoned by the King, who said to him, "This delay must end; let the Emperor name the conditions on which he will give up the hostages at once, and the conferences shall begin immediately. Thirty days have already passed, during which you (Mendoça) have been quite inactive. The negotiations cannot be postponed, as you wish, until the powers of the ambassadors are examined, for I pledge my most solemn word that they shall be ratified before the conclusion of the treaty. You must act at once, or else I shall be convinced of the Emperor's bad faith, and will then seek other means of obtaining peace."
Begged the King to wait ten days longer, having already sent [to Flanders] for the lawyer. Promised, at the end of that time, if the lawyer had not come, to act in conformity with his instructions, provided the other side made their proposals first. Then took leave, the King remaining apparently little satisfied with the result of the conference.
* "Y temo que con esta embaxada que agora viene se haga alguna declaration."
Has found in all these interviews that the King of England is much more violent than the Legate, which is quite the reverse of their usual manner. Heard this very week that there had been again some talk of war against Flanders, which was stoutly opposed by several (English) gentlemen (algunos cavalleros) on account of the woollen trade. No preparations for war, however, are visible. Is convinced that the King is sending money to Italy. Fears that through the embassy, now daily expected [in England], some agreement will be made about this. The Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont), the third President of [the Parliament of] Paris, (fn. 22) and another gentleman, not an ecclesiastic, whose name escapes him at this moment, are to be the ambassadors. (fn. 23) It is not M. de St. Pol, nor anyone of his rank, as had been announced. The King is having preparations made at Greenwich for some great entertainment or banquet, at which the Princess, who has not generally come to Court since she has had her own separate establishment, is also to be present. This has led to a rumour that the Princess (Mary) is going to be betrothed to the King of France. Cannot ascertain whether there is any truth in the report. Has advised Madame of everything, that she may forward the intelligence in cipher, either by way of France or by sea, from Flanders. Does not think that besides the King and Cardinal any living person here knows what they are about, but it is generally believed that no settlement whatever between this country and France can be of long duration. (Cipher:) Great discontent prevails throughout the kingdom at these public mummeries (farsas); disaffection to the King and hatred to the Legate are visible everywhere. The King and Legate have still another business in hand, which is to make the King's illegitimate son [Henry Fitzroy] King of Ireland. He was created Duke [of Richmond] last year. The plan is most unwelcome to the nation, who hold that should this be carried out it will be tantamount to having a second King of Scotland for this kingdom. The cause has roused such ill-will [among the people] that, were only a leader to present himself and head the malcontents the King would soon be obliged to change his councillors (fn. 24) The Queen is very dissatisfied with these proceedings, though little of it is communicated to her. Since his arrival in England, he (Mendoça) has never been able to speak to her alone, though she desires it, and has tried for an interview. She has several times sent the Bishop, her confessor, to him, to say that he (Mendoça) can only obtain an interview by applying to the Cardinal. He must not let it appear that he has any political communication to make to her, but merely messages and commendations from former friends in Spain. Went therefore to the Cardinal, and said to him that having been formerly in waiting on the Queen herself, and on her mother [Isabella], he had many things to say to her respecting old friends and things in which she took interest, and therefore wished to know when he might wait upon her. The Cardinal said he would let him know. Next Sunday spoke to the Queen in the Cardinal's presence, taking care not to mention any matters except those connected with the Queen's friends and servants [in Spain], as previously stated. Their conversation, however, was suddenly interrupted by the Cardinal, who said, "The King has many things to tell you. Her Highness will perhaps excuse us if we take leave and go. You shall have audience another time." He (Mendoça) has not the least doubt that this interference of the Cardinal was the result of a preconcerted plan to prevent any conversation between the Queen and himself. She (the Queen) thinks, and he (Mendoça) is of her opinion, that without the Cardinals consent it will be impossible for them to communicate in future, and that even if they did, whatever might be said about her would do more harm than good. (fn. 25) As far as he can judge, the Queen wishes to learn from him (Mendoça) what are the Emperor's real intentions and wishes respecting this matter of the general and private peace, and what mandate he himself has brought to England to guard against any hostile determination of the King, her husband, (fn. 26) because her suspicions are raised, as she sees that they do not tell her truth in these and other matters. She would very much like, if an opportunity offered itself, to speak to the ambassador on these subjects, and knows quite well that he (Mendoça) is equally desirous to inform her of the present state of affairs. She would do everything in her power to preserve the old alliance between Spain and England, but in reality, though her wishes are strong, her means of carrying them out are small.
(Common writing:) The ten days' term having expired, and the lawyer from Flanders not having made his appearance, the Cardinal sent the other day for him (Mendoça) and said, "You must now be fully convinced of the King's desire for peace. Forty days have been lost entirely by your fault. I cannot make up my mind to believe that you have acted on this occasion according to instructions received from your court, and yet your whole conduct in the affair has been so inconsistent with your master's wishes, as expressed in his letters to the King [of England], that I cannot help thinking you had a mandate and instructions to that effect, and that whilst the Emperor assured us that he desired nothing so much as a speedy settlement of all pending questions, and the establishment of a good and solid peace through the mediation of the King, my master, he was actually deceiving us as to his real sentiments. Words will no longer do; unless you declare immediately the Emperor's intentions respecting this peace, the King will withdraw his offer of mediation, and have no more to say to it." (Cipher:) This last sentence the Cardinal mixed with certain words of ambiguous meaning, as if he wished to intimate that his master would be glad of an opportunity to break off with the Emperor, and pass over to the other side.
Recollecting what the King had told him on a similar occasion, and perceiving that an attempt at further delay might bring on a rupture of the negotiations; that the French ambassadors were on the road [to Greenwich], and that the King had promised to ratify before the conclusion of the treaty, Mendoça told the Cardinal that as soon as the opposite party spoke by his mouth, he would reply. The Cardinal then said, "I will tell you at once and in two words what the proposals are. Firstly, that the Duchy of Milan be placed in the hands of a third person, pending arbitration (intimating that the King of England should be named the umpire), (fn. 27) and all matters [concerning the Duke] referred to persons entirely free from suspicion, all necessary securities being given for the restitution of the Duchy. Secondly, that the ransom to be paid for the sons of the King of France should be of the same amount as that paid by the King Don Juan [Jean Sans terre] when a prisoner in England, viz., one million. These two points once settled (the Cardinal added) peace will soon follow, as the others offer no difficulty."
Replied that such proposals as these were far more likely to promote discord than peace, and that if no fairer ones could be offered, he (Mendoça) would not advance one step in the negotiation. Were King Francis to give as much as his predecessor, King Jean [Sans terre], he would find that the territory ceded to England on that occasion was of much greater value than the Duchy of Burgundy. Many words passed on both sides; persisted in his refusal to negotiate until fairer terms were offered, but promised that if new overtures were made they should be taken into consideration, and an answer given.
Seven more days passed, and some time was thus gained for the expected lawyer to arrive; though in reality, what with the promise of ratification by the King and the new powers to be produced by all the commissioners, his presence was no longer so urgently needed. During this time he (Mendoça) was frequently pressed to come forward, but perceiving that no better offers were made, resolutely maintained his position and refused to answer. At last, the embassy from France having arrived at Calais, the Cardinal sent again for him, and having first warned him in rather angry words that unless he (Mendoça) opened the negotiations the King would throw them up altogether, proceeded to say that he had a proposal to offer from the King of France which he (Mendoça) would do well to accept in the Emperor's name, viz., that the ransom for the King's sons should be fixed at one million and a half; and as regards the Pope and other Italian questions, that the Duchy of Milan should be placed in other hands than those of the Duke of Bourbon, since it was quite irregular that whilst the Duchy was under arbitration it should remain, in the possession of one of the claimants.
Could not longer safely delay answering; said therefore that this question of the ransom was not the one on which the negotiations could be established, but that in order to inspire the King with full confidence he (Mendoça) would, if the Legate would but give him his priestly word that the communication should be kept secret between the King and himself, tell him the basis on which the Emperor would consent to negotiate for peace. The Legate placing his hand on his breast and taking a solemn oath of secrecy, Mendoça proceeded to say that the basis on which the Emperor would treat was the fulfilment by the King of France of the engagements entered into with the Viceroy of Naples. This point once granted, he (Mendoça) would at once exhibit certain articles and declarations in writing, which would throw much light on the said offers and promises made by the King of France to the Viceroy of Naples. As regarded Milan, the Duchy or part of it was now completely in the hands of the Imperial army. If the Duke's case was to be referred to arbitration, and his estate placed in the hands of a third person (terceria), what better security could be demanded than that offered by the Emperor of taking it out of the bands of his soldiers and placing it in those of Mons. de Bourbon? The Emperor could but follow in this case of Milan the practice observed between rulers and their vassals whenever the estates of the latter are placed under arbitration He (Mendoça) had never heard that it was the custom for Princes, whilst they took cognizance of crimes committed by their vassals, to place their fiefs under arbitration. The Emperor had done as much as he could in the matter by consenting that, until the case was properly investigated and judgment given, each party should retain its own, on condition, however, that Lodi and Cremona should be restored at the issue of the aforesaid inquiry, since it was but just that in the event of a confiscation, whoever should hereafter receive from the Emperor the investiture of Milan, should also have the cities forming part of it.
The Legate's answer was that, as regarded the King of France and his promises to the Viceroy, the ambassadors had not been explicit enough. He, himself, knew nothing about those promises, and unless they were specified and explained he could not give his opinion. The articles and declarations which he (Mendoça) offered to bring forward might be of such nature that, although both (the ambassador and himself) agreed upon the principal point, they might very well dissent on minor ones. He had reason to "believe that the promises alluded to, as made by the King of France to the Viceroy, were only in case and on condition of this new treaty abrogating the Madrid one. After saying which, he (the Cardinal) began to specify the articles, to the abrogation of which he (Mendoça) ought in his opinion to consent.
Replied that of the engagements taken by King Francis the Viceroy was the beat judge and witness. If, however, the King chose to specify what those promises were he could do it with the greatest ease, since they originated with him. As to the abrogation (revocacion) of the Madrid treaty, that was a sort of proposition that could not for a moment be entertained, for it was not to be supposed that the opposite party would be so unreasonable as to make such a demand. At present he (Mendoça) could make no further declaration on the subject. The promises and engagements of the King of France once taken as a basis for the new negotiation, he (Mendoça) was ready to come forward with the Emperor's additional conditions (adiciones).
After trying in vain to ascertain from him what those additional clauses could be, the Cardinal, as he (Mendoça) suspects, concluded that the discussion of the treaty of Madrid and its articles would be left to the last, and, therefore, persisted no longer in his demands. He (Mendoça) ended by assuring him that the terms lie had to propose were so just and honourable that everyone would see how earnestly the Emperor desired peace, even though he should be a loser, and his enemies gainers by it. After which, and without any further allusion to the Milan affair or to the Pope, the conference ended.
(Cipher:) Mendoca declined to name and specify the engagements entered into by the King of France, which the Cardinal often pressed him to do, for two very good reasons. Firstly because, though His Majesty frequently referred to them in his letters, they were not actually enclosed in the last packet that came by Chasteau; and secondly, because by his ambassador not mentioning them, a way is left open for the Emperor to increase his demands as may best suit his purpose. He is therefore determined not to give any explanation whatever on this subject until he has received [from Spain] the copy of the memorandum containing the said engagements and their specification, and knows for certain what the Emperor's intentions are. By this means some time may be gained, though there is reason to suppose that the Cardinal, perceiving his (Mendoça's) opposition to having the treaty of Madrid abrogated (revocado), will give up his point, as he must be convinced by this time that we intend it to remain in full force, and must fear lest the declarations to be made thereupon should be stronger and more explicit even than those contained in that instrument.
Will therefore conclude nothing without first referring to the Emperor. (Cipher:) Does not yet see any chance of a speedy termination. The Legate has positively stated that the King of France will only make peace through his brother of England. Is sure that the former has been induced by offers from this country to retract what he promised in the first instance, and that unless it be agreed beforehand that peace is to be concluded here and nowhere else, the proposals from France must be unfavourable to the Emperor, and the negotiations [in Spain] indefinitely delayed. Thinks, however, that two good results might be obtained by referring the settlement of peace to the King of England: the first, that the King of France will then have no one to support him in his claims for an improvement of the conditions; the other, that the Emperor will thus secure this King as his ally; otherwise, though peace might perhaps be more firmly knit [in Spain], yet King Henry would be seriously annoyed by it, and seek hereafter occasions for discord, both on account of the English trade which he wants to promote, and also because this would give him an opportunity to show his displeasure at the peace not having been settled through his mediation. (fn. 28)
Perceives clearly that they aim at obtaining the abrogation of all previous treaties, and also at the appointing of the King of England as arbitrator, in case of any difference arising during the negotiations. Evaded this point as well as he could without giving offence; though in truth they are not likely to insist any longer on it, when in looking over his (Mendoça's) mandate and instructions they find that the abrogation of all former treaties is formally and positively prohibited therein.
(Cipher:) Should his opinion be asked as to whether the King of England ought to be chosen for the said arbitration, he (Mendoça) would not hesitate to say, that all things considered, and from his knowledge of men and things in this country, it is not advisable to make this King an arbiter of the differences, &c.; in the first place, because he is sure to act far more in the King of France's interests than in his (the Emperor's); and in the second, because, though openly professing to desire this peace, he is secretly hostile to it, and if the arbitration were put in his hands the Legate would immediately contrive to upset it; whereas if the King is not made the judge, and the peace is in a fair way towards settlement, it could be concluded more to the Emperor's advantage here than elsewhere. Should the Emperor incline to this course of action, the ambassador begs him to send at once some member of his own Privy Council to assist him in the negotiations (two persons carrying so much more weight than one). In this manner he has no doubt that with the new instructions that may come from Spain, and with God's help, the Emperor's wishes may yet be carried out.
(Common writing:) Received on the 12th of February, by an English courier, a letter from His Majesty of the 1st of the said month, dated from Valladolid. Has communicated its contents to the King and Cardinal. The latter received the information sent him by the Emperor respecting the embassy now with him from the Pope and the King of France far more graciously than usual (con mejor voluntad que suele); took therefore the opportunity of speaking to him (the Cardinal) on his own private affairs, (cipher) both concerning his pensions and also the promise of a larger sum of money if in the treaty of peace now being negotiated between the King of France and His Majesty lie (the Cardinal) would support the Emperor's interests. The Cardinal replied in a few words, begging him (Mendoça) to thank the Emperor in his name for his kindness and generosity to him, and saying that he should be glad to receive payment of all arrears on the ecclesiastical pensions hitherto granted to him, but that as to any further offers the Emperor must pardon his declining them, as he had already refused several ecclesiastical benefices in France; that as to serving the Emperor's cause, that he always had done, and would do to the extent of his power. With regard to his (Mendoça's) offer of a large recompense in money, if in these negotiations with the King of France he (the Cardinal) would support the Emperor's interests, he could only say that not all the gold in the World could make him alter his conviction that private peace must first be settled, as that and no other was the pivot on which a general and lasting peace turned. Was then dismissed by the Cardinal with more gracious words than on the last occasion.
No reliance., however, is to be placed on this apparent friendliness. Is convinced that the Cardinal is pledged to the King of France, and that his services are not to he secured without large sums of money. His son is now in Paris, and it is said that the King of France has promised to bestow especial favours upon him. The Cardinal, moreover, is in constant communication with the French ambassador (Gioachino Passano), for whom there is no secret chamber, as he has audience from the Cardinal in his own closet and at all hours. Thinks it necessary to dissemble and conceal all suspicion until the present storm has blown over. (fn. 29)
(Common writing:) Has since waited on the King, presented His Majesty's holograph letter, and informed him of the arrival [in Spain] of the ambassadors from the Pope and the King of France, as well as of the state in which the negotiations were at the time the letter was written. Added that His Majesty, desirous of acting now, as he had ever done in all former treaties, quite as much in the King's interests as in his own, begged to be informed whether in these last negotiations for a private peace with France, or in the matter of the liberation of the hostages, there was any point in which he could oblige the King; if there was, he [the King] would find him as well disposed as ever to do so. The King replied that he thanked the Emperor very much for his message, as also for his promise of friendly interest in his own private affairs with France before the liberation of the hostages, but that for the present no differences had arisen between King Francis and himself to interfere with their friendship, &c. (fn. 30)
(Cipher:) The same day the ambassador presented the Emperor's letter to the Queen, whom hitherto he has been unable to see. Related to her all that had passed between the King, her husband, and the Emperor, touching the mediation for the settlement of peace, and also the terms brought by him (Mendoça) for the King's especial gratification. The Queen replied as one who would fain make every possible effort to preserve the former good understanding between the King and the Emperor. Judging from the pleasure which the Queen seemed to receive on hearing the flattering words contained in the Emperor's letter, he (Don Iñigo) thinks she must have been previously misinformed respecting the Emperor's real sentiments in this affair. Were it as easy to secure the Cardinal's good-will for the preservation of this good understanding as the Queen's, there would be nothing to fear. (fn. 31)
(Common writing:) The ambassadors arrived here on the 3rd inst., and were very well received; they had been twenty days coining from Paris. (Cipher;) Thinks this delay was intentional, in the expectation of some treaty of peace being concluded in the meantime (in Spain) between the King of France and the Emperor. Had that been the case the ambassadors' instructions would have been changed. It is reported that these ambassadors bring also proposals for an alliance by marriage, and that the King of France himself will soon follow. Does not, however, think that this visit of the King will take place so soon. Although the preparations now going on at Greenwich somewhat confirm the report, it might be only a sort of demonstration on the part of these people, the better to gain their object. On the other hand, it is asserted by the English, that previously to the marriage between the King of France and the Princess of Wales, who has just arrived at Richmond, both the King and Princess will respectively renounce their rights to the kingdom of Ireland in favour of the illegitimate son of the King of England [Henry Fitzroy]. All these negotiations are most unwelcome to the English nation, and will be more so still if the plan is earned into execution.
(Common writing:) Letters from Master Russell have arrived here, stating that be had raised thirty thousand ducats in aid of the Pope, and that there had been an encounter between the Imperial army and that of the Pope, in which the former, commanded by the Viceroy [of Naples], had sustained great loss. The damage done was in reality very small. It has since been reported that a truce for some years has been agreed upon between the Emperor and the Pope, in which the King of France is not included; that therefore the latter intends recommencing war, and sending fresh captains and men-at-arms to Italy; also that between King Francis and the Venetians 12,000 Switzers are to be paid to strengthen the armies of the League. Thinks this news must have been the cause of the King and Legate no longer pressing him (Mendoça) to give the specification of Francis' engagements to the Viceroy; they have not spoken to him on the subject for a fortnight. (Cipher:) They had decided on sending a courier [to Spain] to ask for particulars, but since the arrival in London of the said news, have given it up. Fears that this delay may have arisen out of despair of obtaining peace on their own terms, and if so, that they will have recourse to war.
(Common writing:) Was writing the above to send by one of the galleys now in port, when he (Mendoça) received a summons to wait upon the Cardinal. (fn. 32)
To make quite sure of having rightly interpreted the cipher, encloses a copy of the terms (declaraciones) which he (Mendoça) was to propose in case of the French agreeing to accept the engagements made with the Viceroy as the basis for negotiation. Takes this precaution, because the cipher being new, and his secretary not yet well acquainted with it, there might be errors in the transcribing, and the matter is too important to be neglected.
Begs also to be informed whether the said terms (declaraciones) which he (Mendoça) was to bring forward, in case the French ambassadors consented to treat as before stated, are to remain in their present form, or whether they are likely to be augmented or diminished according to circumstances. However this may be, let them come properly amended and drawn out, so that the ambassador may at once commence the negotiations for peace. The memorandum concerning the engagements entered into by the King of France with the Viceroy (Charles de Lannoy) might also come at the same time, for although it is to be presumed that the parties here will have some difficulty in accepting them, they will object still more to the treaty (concordia) of Madrid remaining in full vigour.
Has been told by the Cardinal that he knew that the Emperor had lately sent a personage of his court to France with ample powers to treat for peace. "The Emperor," he added, "makes a great mistake when he thinks that he can negotiate more to his advantage in any other country than in England. I take God to witness that nowhere in the world can the Emperor obtain more advantageous terms than here in London. He is very much mistaken if he thinks otherwise." Saying which, and in order that he (Mendoça) might have time to put down in writing the substance of the above conferences before the sailing of the vessel for Spain, the Cardinal withdrew to his own apartments, after informing the ambassador that the King no longer contemplated sending a courier by land [to the Emperor] as announced, but that the ambassador's letter could for greater security be enclosed in his own (the Cardinal's) packet. (Cipher:) As his letter was entirely written in cipher, he (Mendoça) did not hesitate to intrust it to him. The Emperor must already have received it. It is dated the 11th, and contains in abstract what is here given in detail. Another letter sent by Captain Mingo de Larrea will also inform His Majesty of what has been done since his (Mendoça's) arrival in England.
The present goes by the Emperor's comptroller, &c.
(Cipher:) With regard to Brian Tuke and his pension, His
Majesty ought to know, before he (Mendoça) offers it to him in the Emperor's name, that the said Brian Tuke is already in receipt of one from the King of France. This being the case, as he (Mendoça) has been assured, and the Cardinal, who is the principal party, not being on our side, no other support can be of much use under present circumstances. Yet if His Majesty should decide that, notwithstanding the above consideration, the ambassador is to make the offer, let the Imperial warrants come for him and the rest, as mere promises will not do at the present time, for the truth is that there is great want just now, not of promises, which these people entertain unwillingly, but of substantial gifts to be distributed to several individuals to prevent at least their doing mischief. (fn. 33)
Count Salamanca, ambassador from the King of Bohemia, Ferdinand, arrived here yesterday, the 17th inst., and was well received by the King and Cardinal; but as his object is to obtain help in money, he (Mendoça) fancies that he will not succeed. As the Count is shortly to sail [for Spain], he will no doubt inform His Majesty of the state of affairs in this country.—London, 18th March 1527.
P.S.—Considering that these French ambassadors were supposed to be trying for an offensive alliance against the Emperor, he (Mendoça) thinks that this King's pledge, as reported by the Cardinal, in the last interview, (fn. 34) must be of very good omen, for if there had been any real impediment, why take an engagement which nobody asked for? It now remains for His Majesty to decide what had better be done for his service, and let the instructions come with all possible speed, that the ambassador may at once set at work, his will to execute the Emperor's commands being always the same, &c.
Signed: "Don Iñygo de Mendoza."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the margins and between the lines, pp. 24.

Footnotes

1 See above, No. 31.
2 "Y dize que aquel felicissimo exercito está muy detenninado é dispuesto para qualquier expedicion, é que sin perdida de tiempo yria la buelta de Roma á buenas jornadas."
3 Sir John Russell. The accident happened on the 24th of February. See Domenico Venier's letter to the Doge and Signory in Rawdon Brown, Venet state Papers, vol. iv., p. 32.
4 The same captain elsewhere called Frendsperg, Fronsperg, or Frenesperg. His arrival in Italy at the head of 6,000 lansquenets has already been recorded, part i., pp. 967 and seq.
5 Christoval de Castillejo, one of the most popular poets of this time, had been appointed some years before to the post of secretary. Pie resided at the court of Ferdinand until his death, which occurred in 1557. His collected works were first printed at Madrid, 1573, 8o, considerably expurgated by the Inquisition.
6 See above, No. 31.
7 Doña Maria de Velasco, daughter of the sixth Constable of Castile, D. Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, and at this time lady in waiting to Queen Katharine of Portugal.
8 Not in the volume, which, as elsewhere slated, is Salinas' original copy-book
9 Don Estevan Gabriel Merino. Among the Councillors whose names are omitted, Henry Count of Nassau was one, and Mercurino di Gattinara anotner; John Lallemand was the secretary. See Sandoval, Historia de Carlos V., vol. i., lib xiv., and Gil Gonzalez Davila, Grandezas de Madrid, f. 509.
10 In Ferdinand and Isabella's time the Privy Council (Consejo del Rey) was chiefly composed of the first nobility in their respective kingdoms of Castile and Aragon to whom a certain number of ecclesiastics, including the Archbishops of Toledo, Seville, and Saragossa, was added. Charles remodelled it in 1526, and called it "Consejo de Estado."
11 The Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont), Le Vyste, third president o the Parliament of Paris, and Viscount de Turenne. See above, p. 87.
12 Da Mencia de Mendoza, Marchioness de Cenete, and wife of Henry de Nassau, the Emperor's High Chamberlain.
13 "Para que aqui tragassen qualquier mal recado."
14 "Crea V. Md. que hechandolas hombre por la boca, buelven las espaldas."
15 This last paragraph was inserted later by the ambassador himself.
16 "Que es un gran letrado."
17 "Y sobre esto tanto el Rey como el Cardenal me han dado muy mala vida."
18 "Davame á entender claramente que hallaria quien le resistiesse, que no avian de consentir los otros que quisiese vuestra Magestad ocupar todo el mundo y trayer (sic) asi la monarchia dél, y esto todo dezia con mas furor de manos que de palabras."
19 According to the Emperors Itinerary, published by William Bradford in the Appendix to his Correspondence of Charles .,. (London, 1850), Charles did not enter Valladolid until the 24th August.
20 "Estuvo quando esto dixe un poco dudando y como mal tragando."
21 "Llegó a mi uno de aquellos de la Orden que despues supe se llamava Millor de Aejer (sic) y disimuladamente me dixo en lengua francesa" &c.
22 Le Vyste.
23 Francis, Viscount of Turenne.
24 "Y el Reyno todo siente mucho aquella platica por parescer que si se conclnye, sera adelante otro rey de Escocia para este reyno. Está la cosa tan preñada de malas voluntades que si ubiere uno que guiare la dança, creen que se mudaria todo el Consejo del Rey de Inglatierra."
25 Y syn su consentimiento paresce á la Reyna y aun á mi que dannaria mas lo que se hablase della."
26 "Querria, segun lo que yo be conocido informarse de mi de toda la voluntad de Vuestra Magestad en la paz general y particular [que] tiene, y principalmente en los medios que truxe para que su marido no [la?] quebrasse."
27 "Que Vuestra Magestad pusiese el ducado Millano (sic) en terceria, y parece como que me señalava su Rey por tercero."
28 "Assi por complirle para que su mercaderia mejor se venda como por el sentimiento que le daria de que la paz no se hiciesse por su mano."
29 "Y tiene aqui tanta ynteligencia con el embaxador de Francia, que para con el no ay camara secreta ni hora; pero en todo esto es menester hazer del ladron fiel hasta ver en que paran estos nublados."
30 "Respondiome quel tenia en merced a vuestra Maiestad la quenta que le dava de lo que allá [en España] passava, y mucho mas en lo que le ofrecio cerca del hazer sus negocios antes de la entrega de los hijos de Francia; pero que no tenia al presente ninguna diferencia con el dicho Bey syno amistad."
31 "Y si tan presto se pudiese persuadir la amistad de vuestra Majestad y del Rey de Inglaterra al Cardenal como à su Alteza, no temeria [yo] à hombre."
32 For an account of this interview, see Don Iñigo's letter of the 2d, No. 31, page 84, which is also to be found in duplicate under date of the 11th.
33 "Y en verdad que aqui ay gran necessidad no de prometer, que no lo oyen de buena gana, pero de dar algo de presente á algunas personas si quiera para que no dannasen."
34 "Segun la platica que aquy avya de pensar que estos enbaxadores avyan de sacar de aqui amystades ofensivas contra vuestra Majestad, he tenido por buena nueva la prenda que de parte del Rey en la postrera platica me dixo el Cardenal."