Spain
April 1527, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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136-147

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'Spain: April 1527, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 136-147. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87528 Date accessed: 27 November 2014.


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April 1527, 1-15

7-8 April.47. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 146.
Wrote on the 29th ult. By a courier whom the Viceroy despatched by way of Naples. Encloses the duplicate, As the Viceroy himself has written to the Court giving a minute account of what passed since his arrival in Rome, he (Perez) need not dwell further on the subject, especially as the information he has does not come directly from Lannoy himself, but from persons of his suite.
On the 2nd inst. the Pope received news by an estafette from Bologna that the lansquenets would not attend to Bourbon's orders, but insisted on marching upon Florence. The Pope was somewhat alarmed (recibió alguna alteracion) on the receipt of this intelligence, and consequently the Viceroy determined to repair next day to the Imperial camp. He is to be accompanied by a bishop, who is high steward (mayordomo mayor) of His Holiness' household, and greatly attached to the Imperial service. They are very hopeful of making the Germans change their present purpose, having, as they say, found out that the chief cause of their disobedience is that their arrears, amounting to 100,000 ducats, have not been paid. As the Pope has now provided this money, there is reason to believe that they will stop in their march, evacuate the territory of the Church, and pass to the lands of the Venetians until the term granted to them for joining the treaty has expired, which will be at the end of this month. Should Venice not agree to the proposed terms—which, considering the pressing solicitations and brilliant offers of the French King, might very well happen—in that case the Imperial army would have much work in hand, and for that purpose it would be advantageous for them to be installed in the enemy's territory.
Until the Viceroy returns from the camp with a satisfactory answer the Pope will not rest, as this intelligence of the Imperialists marching on Florence keeps him in a state of fear and anxiety. He is now sending thither all the Switzers who were here, and served in the last war against the Colonnese, in all about 1,600 men. There was a great row the other day and much fighting between these same Switzers and the Pope's guard of Italians at the cries of Roma, Roma! Italia, Italia! Had it not been suppressed in time, after two hours' fighting, much evil might have ensued. As it is, more than 20 people were killed on both sides, three or four of them by shots from the Castle of Sant Angelo, which, in order to separate the fighters, had to make use of its artillery.
Since this letter was begun the Viceroy has left for Bologna by post, followed only by a few attendants. The Pope will not rest until he returns. Some hours before his departure the Viceroy received a large packet of letters from Court, among which was one from the Emperor to him (Perez) in date of the 18th February.
It is reported that the King of France has placed at the Pope's disposal the one million and a half of gold which he prepared for paying the ransom of his children, on condition that he (the Pope) will again join the League and make war on the Emperor. He (the King) no doubt thinks that this is the cheapest and surest mode of getting his hostages back. Similar offers have been made by him to Venice, but there is reason to suppose that if the Pope saw the lansquenets and Spaniards fairly out of his territory he would pay little attention to these offers from France, for he is very tired of the last war, by which his estates have suffered much.
It is said that the Datary (Gianmatheo Giberto) is going as Legate to France and England, and afterwards to Spain, and that the general [of the Franciscans] is to accompany him as far as Marseilles. The report is, however, that King Francis refuses to give them a safe-conduct, that being the reason why they have not yet departed on their mission.
(Cipher:) Cannot tell whether the aforesaid ambassador will leave or not. Some assert that if the Datary goes to France and England his real mission will be to persuade those Kings to declare war against the Emperor, for it is well known that what he (the Pope) has hitherto done has been from sheer necessity, not out of respect or affection for the Emperor, whom he hates to see all powerful in Italy. Should he, therefore, find the least encouragement—and most politicians here are of opinion that he will—from the Kings of England and France, he will undoubtedly break off any engagements he may have made previously, and recommence war.
(Common writing:) The Marquis and Bishop of Astorga (fn. 1) have not yet arrived.
On the 3rd the presentations for the bishoprics of Salamanca and Oviedo were made in due form; but the Pope objects to the words presentation and nomination, and wishes that in future supplication should be substituted.
The Prince of Salerno, the Duke of Trayeto (Traietto), and Don Diego de Caravajal have lately arrived in quest of the Viceroy. Thinks that as the latter is absent from [Rome] they will soon go back [to Naples].
A gentleman (fn. 2) of Mons. de Bourbon has also arrived here with a message to the Pope, informing him that both the lansquenets and Spaniards of his army were united (hermanados), and had decided to come to Florence, and even to Rome. He could not help it; they led him on more like their prisoner than anything else; they had attempted his life more than once, and sacked his house. Yet if His Holiness would send him before the 15th inst. 150,000 ducats to pay his troops, he (Bourbon) would do all he could to stop their advance. Every day that passed, their demands would increase. The Pope, as can easily be conceived, was terribly put out by the intelligence, saying, "I have trusted to the Viceroy, given the Emperor the investiture of Naples, and disarmed my own army. I well deserve any calamity that may befall me. Yet as the Viceroy has gone to Bourbon's camp, I trust that he will do his duty." He said he would consult upon the affair with his Datary, and return an answer to-day. Bourbon's messenger accordingly went this morning to call on the Datary, who said he had not yet heard from the Pope; but as to his giving 150,000 ducats at once, as demanded by Bourbon, the thing was as impossible as to make heaven and earth meet. The Pope could not give one ducat more than what he had already sent to the camp. He offered, however, to answer this evening after sunset. Should he (the Datary) fulfil his word, he (Perez) will add a postscriptum to this letter; if not, the Datary's answer will go by the next. Mons. de Bourbon's gentleman bas assured him that there never was a finer or more determined set of men than those now marching under, or rather against, that captain's command; for the Spaniards, having made league with the Germans, are perfectly united, and march in beautiful order, each man taking his biscuit for eight or nine days, so as not to be obliged to stop on the road. They have taken the route to Imola for the sake of the provisions, which are more abundant throughout that district.
Here they fear greatly for Florence and for the rest of the Papal estates (por lo demas). They believe that Bourbon's message to the Pope is only a stratagem to get money, and that he could, if he chose, make his men go back. Some blame the Pope for signing the armistice; others say that if the Viceroy had not consented to it the Pope's army would actually have died of starvation as there was no money at Rome to keep it up. He (the Viceroy) might then have resumed the offensive, and recovered the villages (lugares) which the enemy took from him in Naples.
The Viceroy entered Florence yesterday, but the gentleman of Mons. de Bourbon thinks that he will not dare to go to the Imperial camp, as he would be in danger of his life there, Cesaro Ferramosca had gone to Ferrara, but was expected soon at Bologna.
The Pope's answer to Mons. de Bourbon's message has come at last. The messenger is to start to-morrow. The Pope refers entirely to the Viceroy, and hopes that between him and Bourbon they will be able to persuade the men to evacuate the territory of the Church. This notwithstanding, in addition to the Switzers mentioned elsewhere in this letter, he is now sending three battalions (banderas), once belonging to Giovannino de' Medici, generally called "bande nere," and held in great estimation here, on account of their gallant defence of Frosinone during the last war.—Rome, 8th April 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Ces. Cath. Mti."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 5.
[12?] April.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hofu. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 15.
48. Granvelle's Report to the Emperor upon the Affairs of England.
Has in obedience to His Majesty's commands, drawn the following report upon Don Iñigo's despatches of the 10th, 11th, and 18th March. Though the matter in itself is so important as to require greater repose in mind and body than he (Granvelle) at present enjoys, fatigued as he is by a long journey, (fn. 3) suffering from disease, and worn out by the cares [of his office], he has not hesitated to offer his opinion, and suggest the substance of the answer to be given to that ambassador's despatches. Submits his ideas on the subject to the Emperor's approbation, trusting that His Majesty's privy councillors [in Spain] will correct his faults, and fill up his omissions, so that the public weal may be ensured, andgeneral peace, so much desired on all sides, permanently settled.
To Don Iñigo's first letter of the 10th of March the answer might be that His Imperial Majesty had duly received the despatch sent by his controller (contrarelator), and that if the non-receipt of his (Don Iñigo's) instructions by the first messenger through France had given rise to suspicion [in England] it was not the fault of the Emperor, who firmly believed that the duplicate sent by sea would reach England first. If the despatch by land contained no allusion to the one forwarded by Rea, and to the instructions which accompanied it, it was merely owing to an oversight of the clerk in office, the Emperor having positively ordered that a private letter should be written to his ambassador informing him, in case of the land express reaching England first, that the instructions had gone by sea. Besides, from the very answer which the Emperor caused to be made out in French, for the inspection of the English ambassadors [in Spain], and of which a copy was duly forwarded, Don Iñigo might have concluded that the instructions were not to be sent by the English messenger going through France. Yet Don Iñigo's prudence and discretion in resisting the Cardinal's pressing solicitations and rude attacks is very much to, be commended, as well as his opposition to any measure that might endanger the negotiations. He (Don Iñigo) ought to be warmly thanked for his exertions on this point, and be assured that the Emperor will leave nothing undone for the settlement of this peace on honourable terms, even if he should for that purpose sacrifice some of his own rights.
As the principal basis of the negotiations consists in the powers presented by each of the parties, without which no progress can be made on either side, it appears to him (Granvelle) that the difficulty raised by the English respecting those sent by the Emperor to Don Iñigo, and the clause therein contained that the powers are to be understood with out revocation of any former ones, is without weight, and has been insidiously put forward, since all powers granted on such occasions generally contain a clause to that effect; which clause, if omitted in this instance, as the English suggest, would be equal to an abrogation of all former .powers granted by the Emperor, as well as to an attempt to tie him down in such a manner that peace could only be made through the King of England's hands. For by that means and in the absence of the aforesaid clause, were the Viceroy [of Naples] or any other of the Emperor's ministers in virtue of the said powers to conclude truce or peace, and enter into some sort of agreement with the Pope, the Venetians, or other confederates, such treaties and stipulations would be without value, especially as the Emperor has frequently declared to the English ambassadors that he had sent special powers to Rome to treat for peace whenever an opportunity should offer, and the ambassadors of the League here [in Spain] had offered to bring sufficient powers to treat at the Imperial Court. This notwithstanding, His Imperial Majesty, not to be in fault with anyone, was now forwarding new and fuller powers to Don Iñigo, commanding him at once to commence negotiations [in England], though with this proviso, ...., that if in the meantime there was a chance of peace being made elsewhere, the opportunity of obtaining such a boon should not be allowed to pass.
This being the case, Granvelle's opinion is that on no account ought Don Iñigo's powers to be altered or modified, and that the said clause of non-revocation ought to be forcibly affirmed in them. Yet if the Emperor's Privy Council, after mature deliberation, should be of opinion that England ought to be humoured on this particular point—in order not to alienate entirely the affections of their King—then, in that case, it separate protest might be drawn out in the presence of the same notary and witnesses called for that purpose, so that the non-insertion of the aforesaid clause in the powers should not be interpreted as a declaration that the Emperor consented to revoke all former powers to the Viceroy and others of his ministers, but, on the contrary, intended the same to remain firm and valid as before. If thought preferable other powers of a later date might also be granted to different persons, omitting that clause, but reproducing it separately. (fn. 4) But Granvelle thinks that it would be far more honourable (honesto) to satisfy the English by proving to them that the clause is one of ordinary use in such powers, and that they have no reason to suspect His Imperial Majesty of being desirous of concluding peace elsewhere than in England; for when the powers of Rome and Venice, as well as those sent by France to her ambassadors, were examined at this court (acá), not only were they found insufficient, but the English themselves agreed that they were so. This being a fact, it is natural to suppose that those which the confederates sent to England are equally so; and therefore, though the King of England may promise ratification and give other securities, it stands to reason that the Emperor could not listen to their overtures at the time that their powers were considered defective. This is plainly shown by the answer which the Emperor gave in writing on that occasion, and of which a copy was sent to the English ambassadors residing here. Another copy must be forwarded to Don Iñigo, if not already gone, that he may the better appreciate and point out the many flaws and irregularities contained in the said powers of the Pope, France, and others among the confederates, and perceive more clearly at the same time that the knowledge of these matters appertains more to the lawyer than to the knight. (fn. 5)
With regard to the English argument that the ratification of the powers will easily obviate any defects, the answer is near at hand. It would not be fair and equal (juego ygual) if, whilst the Emperor's powers were considered sufficient for all purposes, the issue of the affairs in question were to depend on the future ratification of those of the opposite parties as His Imperial Majesty would be bound by his own, whilst the confederates remained in perfect liberty to ratify or not as they pleased. If, however, the King and Legate [of England] persisted in opening the negotiations without the powers of the confederates being rectified, and also without a most solemn and binding promise to ratify, then in that case Don Iñigo might still receive orders to treat with all possible caution (cautela) and equal promise of ratification, without, however, being obliged to exhibit his own powers and prove that they were sufficient.
What Don Iñigo said respecting the general peace, and his answer when the proclamation (publication) of the Emperor's intended enterprise against the Turk was alluded to, came very à propos indeed, as also what he stated to some members of the Privy Council concerning the Cardinal's persuasions.
Respecting the threats of an invasion of Flanders, it is necessary for the ambassador to have eyes and ears open, ready to listen to any rumours on the subject, in order to advise home as soon as possible. Occasions also ought to be sought, without raising suspicion, of conversing with the Queen (Katherine), and getting out of her as much information as possible on this point.
As to the specification of the offers made by the King of France to the Viceroy (Lannoy) for peace and for the liberation of his sons, which Don Iñigo says he has never received, though the Emperor gave orders that they should be transmitted to him, Granvelle thinks that a copy ought to be forwarded at once, that the ambassador (Don Iñigo) may communicate them to the King and Legate, telling them that a similar one was already in the hands of the English ambassadors, and intimating at the same time that unless the French acknowledge the said offers it would be quite useless to transmit to England the declarations founded thereupon, as it would be clearly demonstrated that France did not wish for peace, since she took no notice of the promises made by her King.
(fn. 6)
There is no plausible reason for placing the arbitrage of these matters in the hands of the King of England; but whenever he or the Cardinal becomes pressing, it will be wise for the ambassador to dissemble and declare in general terms that the Emperor will be most happy if peace is concluded [in England] through their mediation.
With regard to the Cardinal's pensions, old and new, besides full payment of arrears, care should be taken to keep him always in tempting expectation of them (fn. 7) and in good hope, that though he may not accept at present what has been offered, it shall be kept and reserved for him whenever he may feel inclined to do so, and that orders shall be given for the speedy settlement of all arrears. This, in Granvelle's opinion, is an important matter which admits of no delay; the Emperor should at once take care that the Cardinal is satisfied on this point.
Of the arrival of the French ambassadors [at the Imperial Court], of their proposals, and of the answer given to them, though these matters are in general terms and according to the uses [of diplomacy], yet it would be advisable to dissemble and show that both the overtures and answers are being made with the zealous and sincere intention of promoting peace, and with complete secrecy. (fn. 8)
It seems incredible that there should be any serious contemplation of a marriage between the Princess of England and the King of France, the King having been already married by proxy to the Queen Doña Eleonor, the Emperor's sister, and having since then, when set at liberty and allowed to return to his own kingdom, written many letters begging that the Queen, his consort, might be sent to him. Even supposing that the English should consent to this marriage on the conditions and securities which are reported, it is hardly credible that the French could agree to it, as the terms demanded by the English King would be far more important to the French than the restitution of Burgundy and the fulfilment of the articles of the treaty of Madrid.
The declaration of the proposals (fn. 9) made to the Viceroy, which Don Iñigo has had translated into Latin, and of which he has sent us a copy, appear quite satisfactory, and in accordance with the substance of the memorandum transmitted to that ambassador. He (Granvelle) sees no need for change in them, unless the Emperor, for his own vindication, chooses to moderate some of the articles, in which case the two restrictive notes (apostillas) written in the Chancellor's (fn. 10) own hand at the end of the second and fifth articles might be added, and the sixth also omitted, leaving its import to be expressed generally in the treaty of Madrid. (fn. 11) Care, however should be taken that no innovation be introduced into the treaty of Madrid itself, excepting in those articles which must be adapted to the proposals made to the Viceroy.
Respecting the Cardinal's statement that the Emperor had recently sent a certain person to the French Court with full powers to conclude peace, this is altogether untrue. Don Iñigo ought to be informed of it, that he may contradict the report. It must have originated with the French, and be one of their own inventions to cover the secret mission here [in Spain] of L'Esleu Bayard, who came for the purpose of negotiating both private and general peace, as the Emperor informed the English ambassadors at the time.
As regards Brian Tuke's pension, even though he should be, as reported, in the receipt of one from France, it is desirable that it should be offered to him. Should he not forward the Emperor's interests [in England] it can be stopped. Should there be any other persons to whom, in Don Iñigo's opinion, some sort of gratuity ought to be given, the ambassador might send a list of their names, rank, and the offices held by them, as likewise of the sums to be distributed in each case.
To Don Iñigo's second letter of the 11th, as it is in substance nearly identical with the first, no further answer need be given, excepting to state that the offer made by the King of France to the Viceroy was to pay not only two millions of gold, but also all sums owed by the Emperor to the King of England, in addition to the indemnity promised by the treaty of Madrid.
Should it be decided to conclude peace in England, certainly one or two ambassadors should be sent thither to share the responsibility with Don Iñigo; or if not, an able and experienced lawyer, who would not be easily deceived. Madame [of the Low Countries] should be instructed on this point.
In answer to Don Iñigo's third letter of the 18th, he should be instructed to examine most carefully the new powers which he says have been shown him, and see if they correspond in all respects to the formula now sent him. (fn. 12) If they do, then he can, on the receipt of the copies of the said powers, freely show his own. It would, however, be well for him, if he had time, to send the powers here [to Spain], or at least to Flanders, that they may be examined and inspected.
In answer to the Cardinal's assertion that if the Emperor would trust him he might easily have the ransom raised to two millions, provided that at the same time certain articles in the treaty of Madrid were altered, Don Iñigo should say that the Emperor trusts the Cardinal entirely, and that is the reason why he (the Emperor) fully expected an increase rather than abatement in the terms offered by the King of France to the Viceroy, or than any other change prejudicial to his (the Emperor's) interests.
As regards the offer of making over the State of Milan to the Emperor, on condition of the payment of certain annual pensions, (fn. 13) he (Granvelle) believes that this is merely a stratagem to tempt His Majesty and find out his real feelings on the subject. It is not advisable that the Emperor should in this case show his affection for any particular person. Don Iñigo therefore should be instructed to say that the Emperor simply seeks justice. If the sentence be in favour of the Duke Francesco, let him be reinstated; if, on the contrary, it goes against him, and he is to be deprived of his estates, let them be given over to the Duke of Bourbon, to whom the Emperor has already granted the investiture of the Duchy in the event of the Duke's (Francesco Sforza) guilt being proved. Thinks, nevertheless, that it has been an unwise step to have set Hyeronimo Moron (Girolamo Morono) at liberty, and especially to have given him part in the affairs and counsels of the Emperor. This will give rise to all manner of rumours and surmises, and people will say that there is no real disposition to do justice in this case, and, moreover, that the imprisonment of Moron (Morono) was more for the purpose of bringing an accusation against the Duke [Sforza] than for any other. (fn. 14)
With regard to the proposal of placing the Duchy in the King of England's hands, pending sequestration, (fn. 15) Don Iñigo must be instructed to persist in the answer he has already given. Until justice has taken its course, the Emperor cannot depart from his promise to the Duke of Bourbon. The judges chosen for this purpose (Don Iñigo may add) will be quite free from suspicion.
The Cardinal's overtures to Don Iñigo respecting the King's illegitimate son and the intention of conferring upon him the title of King, together with the proposal for his marriage, might be considered in the light of a joke (burla), were it not that the Cardinal's presumption and folly (presumption y locura) are well known. Such proposals would be unworthy of an answer, were it not that perhaps there may lurk under them some wicked scheme for causing a rupture of the Madrid treaty, to prevent which Don Iñigo must give particular attention. In his (Granvelle's) opinion a courteous answer should be given, saying that the Emperor was pleased to hear of the King of England's intention to bestow such honours upon his illegitimate son, and suggesting that, though the Emperor cannot dispose of the hand of his niece the Infanta of Portugal—as that would be acting in opposition to his own engagements thereupon, (fn. 16) and as the said Infanta is moreover in the power of the King of Portugal—yet he sees no objection, when the King of England has conferred such rank on his said illegitimate son, in forwarding his marriage with some other Princess more suitable to his age and position, and as nearly allied to the Emperor as the said Infanta of Portugal The suggestion might at present be made in the vague terms above expressed, without hinting at the said marriage being with one of the daughters of Denmark, or with an illegitimate daughter of the Emperor. (fn. 17)
The promise made both by the King and Cardinal that no new relationship should in any way affect the old alliance and friendship between the two countries, Spain and England, is of no moment, as they might say, when reminded hereafter of their engagements, that they only meant those treaties of commerce which did not positively include a clause of offensive and defensive alliance. No reliance, therefore, can be placed on such indefinite phrases.
Don Iñigo's reply on the subject of the King of France's marriage was very appropriate.
Thanks should be offered to the King for the reception given to the ambassador of the King of Bohemia (Ferdinand), although little good is likely to result from it.
Respecting the Queen's physician, Dr. Victoria, (fn. 18) Don Iñigo ought to be told that when he arrives the Emperor will treat him as his services deserve.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 7.
(fn. 19)
13 April.49. The Viceroy of Naples to Lope de Soria.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 151.
At the time that the armistice was concluded between the Pope and the Emperor, it was agreed that I should go to Rome within a period of eight days, for the purpose of signing and executing the last agreement, and attending to other matters relating thereto. I consequently went to Rome, but was told by the Pope that I should oblige him very much by coming here [to Florence], so that I might be nearer to Mons. de Bourbon and concert with him the best means for keeping the truce just concluded in the Emperor's name. Immediately after my arrival I despatched a messenger to Mons. de Bourbon, informing him of the cause of my journey. He sent me La Mota (La Mothe) and his own almoner, (fn. 20) with whom and with the persons in whose hands the government of this city at present is I have had long consultations as to the best means of effecting the retreat of the Imperial forces. It has been resolved that to-morrow, the 14th, I go and hold an interview with Mons. de Bourbon to see whether the pending negotiations can be brought to a conclusion, which I have no doubt they will.
Three or four days ago Miçer Andrea Spinola brought me your worship's two letters of the 5th inst; one of them in cipher. He accompanies me to the camp, and promises to return to Genoa as soon as I have given him a letter for your worship.—Florence, 13th April 1527.
Indorsed: "Copy of a letter from the Viceroy to Soria."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.

Footnotes

1 The Marquis' name was Don Pedro Alvarez Osorio; the Bishop's, Don Alvaro Osorio.
2 Probably Mons. de Montbardon, hereafter mentioned in a despatch of Secretary Seron to the Emperor.
3 "Que requeria mas descanso y reposo de cuerpo y de espiritu que de hombre peregrino trabajado de largo camino y de muchas dolencias del cuerpo y del animo." Nicolas Perrenot had recently arrived in Spain.
4 "O si pareciesse mejor se podria hazer otro poder de data posterior en otras personas, dexando tambien la dicha clausula aparte, que suria nueva revocacion?"
5 "Y que entienda mejor que el conocimiento desto appertenesce (sic) mas al letrado que al cavallero."
6 "Y tambien de buscar siempre occasiones de hablar con la Reyna y saccar della lo que se podiere."
7 Literally in savoury lips (con la boca sabrida).
8 The whole paragraph runs thus: "De la llegada de los embaxadores de Francia, y de lo que propusieron y se les respondió, ahunque parezcan cosas generales y ajustadas, todavia es bien dissimularlo, y mostrar que se haze con buen zelo, y verdadera confidentia."If this last underlined word is intended for the French confidence, i.e. "confidential and secret communications," I may, perhaps, be justified in translating as I have done, especially as the negotiations for peace, which at this time were privately conducted both in Spain and France, independently of those attempted in England, were so secret that very little transpired about them, as may be gathered from the correspondence of Dr. Lee and the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci), Henry's ambassadors in Spain. Yet confidentia might also be meant for confianza, i.e. trust or mutual reliance. Granvelle was a native of Flanders, and his knowledge of Spanish was not very extensive. Most of his letters and despatches are in French, and whenever he writes in Castilian his style is anything but clear.
9 "Las declarations de los ofrecimientos del Visorey."
10 Granvelle was at this time High Chancellor in the Low Countries.
11 Dexandolo en la generalidad del concierto de Madrid."
12 "Si en ellos son las condiciones mencionadas en el aucto que se le embia."
13 "En quanto á lo del Estado de Milan, que dize se daria á sa Magestad con las pensiones," &c.
14 "Por que desto saldran muchos juycios ynotamientos de la non recta intencion de hazer justicia, y se presumirá mas presto la prision del Moron haver sido cautelosa, e con manera para hazerle accusar al Duque que por qualquiera otra causa."
15 "De lo del sequestro en poder del rey de Inglaterra," &c.
16 "Por no contravenir de su parte á lo assentado, y por ser la dicha Infanta en poder del Rey de Portugal."
17 Margaret, born in December 1522, and married in 1535 to Alessandro de' Medici, Duke of Florence, and after his death (1537) to Octavio Farnese, Duke of Parma and Piacenza. Christiern II. of Denmark married Isabella, the Emperor's sister. He had two daughters,—Dorotea, who became the wife of the Palatine Frederic; and Christina (Chriestierna),who married Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. The Emperor, however, had another illegitimate daughter, named Juana, who died in 1530, at Salamanca, at the age of seven or nine. See Flores, Reynas Catolicas de España (Madrid, 1761), vol ii., p. 867.
18 "Del phisico de Victoria (sic) quando viniere, que su Magestad terná acuerdo qual conviene á sus servicios." His Christian name was Fernando. He was, as will be seen hereafter, the bearer of a verbal message from Katharine to the Emperor respecting the divorce. See also Don Iñigo's letter of 18th of March, No. 37, p. 121.
19 This report or consulta was evidently drawn at Madrid, where Granvelle was residing at the time. A copy of it might have been sent to Flanders, which accounts for its being now preserved in the Imperial Archives of Vienna. It must have been drawn between the arrival of the English courier (Bluemantle) at Valladolid on the 7th of April, and the answer given by the Charles Ghinucci on the 17th. See Brewer, loco laudato, p. 1368.
20 His name was Montbardon, and he seems to have been employed on various missions.