May 1527, 1-10


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'Spain: May 1527, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 172-186. URL: Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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May 1527, 1-10

1-3 May.62. French News.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 368.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 186.
By letters dated Lyons, the 1st of May, we hear that the King of England has despatched an ambassador to the court of the Emperor, intimating that if the sons of France are restored to their liberty, King Francis will pay what he owes the Emperor for their ransom, and besides will marry his sister (Eleonor); the eldest, the Dauphin, will marry her daughter (Mary), and his second son, the Duke of Orleans, the Princess of England. Should the Emperor reject these proposals, the King of England will make war on Flanders. It is, however, held as certain that no agreement will be made in Spain, and that Princess Mary of England will be married to the most Christian King. It is also reported that both Kings will soon meet and have a conference on this subject, "absque solempnitate," and that then the war against Flanders will be decided upon.
3rd of May.—By letters of the 29th news has come how Mons. de Tarbes, one of the French ambassadors in England, had arrived [at Lyons] with the treaty of league between England, Venice, and the Duke of Milan, the Pope being omitted. It was to be published on the 30th of last month. The most Christian King engages to furnish 2,000 lances and 20,000 foot; the King of England to invade Flanders with 1,000 lances and 10,000 foot. Heralds are to be sent to Spain to declare war against the Emperor, in case he refuses to surrender the hostages, or withdraw his army from Lombardy, and restore the Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza) to his estate. Respecting the marriages, the King of England is willing to wait one year. Should the Emperor within that time consent to give Francis his own sister, Eleonor, the King of England will raise no objection; otherwise the most Christian King will keep to his engagement and marry the Princess.
Indorsed: "Copy of letters from Lyons"
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
3 May.63. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 401.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 187.
News has come that the Imperial army is on this side of Viterbo, and that the light horse have made inroads only 24 miles from this city. The alarm is great, principally among the courtiers. Preparations for defence are still being made, but the Pope is not yet certain as to what sort of help he is to have from his own subjects. It is rumoured that he intends going out one of these days and addressing them; but whatever assistance he may get, it is hardly credible that the Romans will be able to defend the place if attacked by the Imperialists. Meanwhile there is nothing but packing up cases and bundles, everyone being anxious to send his valuables to some place of safety. Most are sent to Ancona.
Nothing is known about the Viceroy, except that he was at Sienna, where much honour was paid to him.
Secretary Seron was yesterday on horseback, and ready to start, with the Pope's permission, on a message to Don Hugo, at Naples, requesting him not to move with the forces under his command, when the Pope himself sent him word to remain, in order that if the Viceroy wrote about the armistice he (Seron) might be told, &c.
At the moment he (Perez) is writing the Romans are flocking to a general meeting (congregation) which has been summoned, each householder having been called upon to send one of his family. Cannot say for certain what the object of the meeting can be, but has been informed that the citizens have been requested to take away from the Spaniards any arms they may have in their possession, or expel them from Rome. Knows that the citizens have hitherto refused to do either the one or the other, declaring that they (the Romans) were not at war with the Emperor, and had no wish to act in hostility to him. Many, therefore, think that though the Pope utters bravadoes (bravea) and talks of defending himself in case of being attacked, he will in the end quit Rome and take to flight.
Has been told that Andrea Doria offers to destroy all the ports and towns on the Siennese coast, if the Pope only gives him 3,000 infantry to effect landings, &c. Money has accordingly been sent to him to enlist that force in the island of Corsica, and two more companies (banderas) of infantry.— Rome, 3rd May 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 1½.
7 May.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40
f. 375.
B.M. Add.28,576,
f, 189.
64. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Emperor.
Has not written since the 23rd of April as he had no positive news to communicate. Since then the Viceroy of Naples has written to the Pope and to the Florentines, that owing to his accident on his way to Bourbon's camp he had been unable to inform them of the result of his journey. He had been unsuccessful in the negotiations. Though he found Bourbon and the rest of the captains ready to accept the armistice, the Germans had refused to go back unless 300,000 ducats were immediately paid to them; (cipher:) and though the Signory is persuaded that between the Viceroy, the Duke [of Ferrara]; and Bourbon some secret agreement exists, whereby the Imperial army is to proceed on its march, the truth is that the Pope has no real complaint of the Viceroy, and that his Nuncio here (Averoldi) says so.
(Common writing:) Hears from various sources that the Signory has sent to Florence upwards of 300 men-at-arms, 4,000 foot, and some light horse, under the Duke of Urbino and Proveditor Pisani. Has also been told, though he (Sanchez) does not vouch for the truth, that they are now trying to enlist 6,000 Switzers and as many Italians. With this force, joined to the men-at-arms and the light cavalry now being enlisted by the Signory, their object is to invade the Milanese, and if they cannot possess themselves of any fortified town, at least do such harm in the country by destroying the crops, &c, as to make that estate untenable for our troops next year. These rumours are confirmed by the fact of their sending a certain number of men towards Lodi at the present moment. Has written to Leyva about these movements of the Venetians, and likewise to the bishop [of Trent], that he may be on the alert, and inform us of the passage of the Swiss infantry, if it is true, as asserted, that this Signory has sent for some.
It is generally stated here that the Pope perceiving that the armistice is not observed, but that the army is advancing, has already signed a treaty with France and Venice, the substance of which is contained in the enclosed memorandum. The Signory, it is added, are very angry with their ambassador in Rome; they have lately recalled him, and sent in his place Andrea Rosso, the same who was in France. This last they also intend to replace, and send another, who is to remonstrate, and say that their ambassador had no instructions from the Signory to sign the treaty. If he did so, it was because the Pope and the French ambassador told him distinctly that if he (the ambassador) refused to sign they would of themselves enter into an agreement with the Emperor; the ambassador signed, but referred to the Signory for ratification, upon which they wrote to the King of France, begging he would refuse to ratify. Cannot say how all this will end, nor what excuse (color) they will give the Pope, but has written to Rome, where this fact seems not to have been known. Has no means now of informing Mons. de Bourbon, but will do so as soon as an opportunity offers.
(Common writing:) Some days ago, as Cardinals Cortona and Ridolfi, who were at Florence, went out of the city to receive the Duke of Urbino, there was a riot, in which upwards of 400 gentlemen (gentiles hombres), completely armed (armados en blanco), went to the Palace, shouting "Liberta! Impero!" though others say that the cry was "Francia! Marco! "However this may be, the riot was soon appeased, upon which upwards of 60 persons concerned in it quitted the city, and went over to the Imperial camp. (Cipher:) Has been told that these people [the Venetians] are very sorry that the above-mentioned riot was so easily put down, because they would be glad of the government of Florence being taken out of the Pope's hands, as then the Florentines would league themselves with France and Venice. The rumour, however, is that Florence has entered into a confederacy with this Signory and with France, and promises to contribute, as long as the present war lasts, 250 men-at-arms, 5,000 foot, and 5,000 light horse. Others say that when the Venetian ambassador at Rome wrote to the Duke of Urbino and to Luigi Pisano to sign the treaty as he himself had done, their answer was that they would not unless the Florentines promised to help with their forces as aforesaid, and that they have actually done so, increasing by much the offers made by the Pope. Such are the rumours afloat. He (Sanchez) does not vouch for the truth, nor can he believe that the Florentines, being, as they are now under the Pope's government, can really have made a separate engagement with the League.
Has been informed that some days ago, when the Signory thought that the Viceroy's agreement with the Pope would stand, they despatched a courier to France with a separate treaty of league for the King to sign, and that they are now waiting for an answer. According to the tenor of this answer they will prepare for war. Meanwhile orders have been sent to their galleys with the Papal fleet to go to Corfú, there to be refitted and careened. Four more of the kind called bastard (bastardas) are to be joined to them, and all together kept ready for any maritime service that may be required.
This Signory, it is said, has had letters from France of the 13th April confirming the news of the marriage of the King of France to the Princess [Mary] of England. Both Kings had agreed on most points, only the French wished the English to commence war in June, and the King of England not until September. Hears also that with the said letters there came also money from France for this Republic, though in small quantity.
(Cipher:) The Pope is about to create six cardinals, out of whom he will make as much as 240,000 ducats. A gentleman of the King of France has lately arrived in this city, who is going as ambassador to the Vayvod. Hears that the Signory has decided to provide him with a light vessel (fusta) to take him as far as Sienna, or the lands of Count Bernaldino, because they say that he may thence proceed on his journey without difficulty. Heard this news three days ago, and gave immediate notice to the frontiers [of King Ferdinand] for the ambassador's arrest, if he should go that way.
(Common writing:) Encloses copy of letter received from the Bishop of Trent, that His Imperial Majesty may hear the news of those parts.
(Cipher:) Has just heard the name of the messenger going to the Vayvod. He is called Antonio Rangon (Rincon), said to be a Navarrese by birth.
Has received letters from Secretary Perez, dated the 24th and 30th of April last. The Pope, after delaying his answer to the Viceroy till the 28th, had replied that he could in nowise accede to Bourbon's demands; firstly, because he had no money; and secondly, because he did not trust him. He promised to give 150,000 down on condition of the Imperialists evacuating his territory, and yet they had advanced in their march, &c.
Hears from various sources that this Signory has received letters from Luis (Alvise) Pisani, of the 5th instant, announcing that, two days before (on the 3rd), the Imperial army was at Sant Lorenço, three miles from Montefalcone, which is about 50 Italian miles from Rome. It is believed that at the present time they are already in sight of that city, The Signory's forces are 20 miles from Florence, on the road to Rome, and were to march on the very day Pisani wrote.
(Cipher:) Some think that these Venetians are only gaining time to see whether the Pope will come to terms in the neighbourhood of that city with His Imperial Majesty, because if he does they will do their utmost to take the government out of the hands of the Medici, especially as part of the inhabitants greatly desire this.
(Common writing:) Hears also that out of the forces under the Marquis of Saluzzo, nearly 3,000 Switzers have lately deserted with their captains to go back to their own conntry, being discontented with him.—Venice, 7th May 1527.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "Sacre Cese. et Cathce. Mati.
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 10.
65. Summary of the Treaty between France and Venice. (fn. 1)
I. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 406.
M. Add. 28,576,
f. 194.
The articles which, as report goes, have lately been agreed between France and this Signory are as follows:—
The Venetians to give the Pope 15,000 ducats immediately as a gift.
The King of France and the Venetians together to lend him 30,000 more every month, for carrying on the war against the Emperor. That sum to be for three months, each party contributing 15,000. What other engagements the King of France has taken he (Sanchez) cannot say.
The Venetians are to fit out another fleet, in addition to the galleys they now have with the Pope, and send it to the coasts of Pulla (Apuglia). They may not detach one single galley of those now in the Pope's service, unless his consent or that of his commanders be first obtained. A Papal commissary to reside at the Venetian camp to direct the operations and do the Pope's pleasure.
The invasion of Naples to be undertaken at once by the Papal troops and by those of France conjointly, and the Venetians to have four parts of Pulla [when conquered] as formerly agreed. (fn. 2)
The Pope binds himself not to make any arrangement whatever with the Emperor without the consent and approval of the other confederates.
For the greater security of this contract the King of France offers to pay as penalty for the Pope the sum of 2,000 ducats, and the Pope offers to deliver into the hands of the English ambassador at Rome the cities of Ravenna and Faença, to be held as security in his master's name.
Spanish. Original draft, pp. 2.
9 May.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. States Arch.
Wien. Rep.P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 17.
66. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
(Cipher:) Received, on the 4th instant, his letters of the 17th ulto. The two seals were apparently unbroken; thinks they cannot have been tampered with. Sends this in the same way as the best test of its not having been opened.
Before answering its contents, will relate what has lately occurred here. These ambassadors from France have been trying ever since their arrival to obtain by every possible means the promise of marriage between the Princess and their King, offering more than they either can or intend to fulfil when the time comes, and alleging that the betrothal of the King and Queen of France is null and void, as no dispensation was obtained, both being, as they say, within the fourth degree of consanguinity. This being the principal cause of their coming here, the ambassadors have pushed the matter to the extent of their power, and the Legate, it must be said, has not been backward in forwarding their applications. The negotiations had reached such a point, and were made so public, that the whole kingdom, and this city in particular, were aroused to their danger, and so great was the excitement at the idea that this marriage had already been decided upon, that had a leader presented himself at this juncture, open rebellion must have ensued; as it is, though the people dared not contradict the marriage openly, they nevertheless circulated at night a number of handbills (poliças), wherein much greater discontent and irritation were shown against the King's Council than the Legate would have liked. In consequence thereof it was deemed expedient, in order to show the English people that the marriage for the present should neither be agreed to nor discussed, that when the ambassadors went to Greenwich to take leave, an answer should be given to them in public. Accordingly, last week, when the ambassadors repaired to Court, and publicly asked for the hand of the Princess (which before had only been done in private), the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstall), in the name of the King of England, replied that, the Princess being so young, there was plenty of time for the consideration of their request, which answer was, in fact, a virtual refusal of the same. The scene was repeated with greater solemnity on another day, when the King swore friendship to France, and certain articles besides, not specified at the time. Has tried by every means in his power to ascertain the nature of these articles, but can learn nothing definite, as all information is kept back from him more carefully than from anyone else. Has, however, heard in some quarters the report that a marriage is agreed upon between the Princess and one of the sons of the King of France (some say the Dauphin, others the Duke of Orleans), and that in consideration of this the French are to give up [to England] one of their frontier towns. Other points of minor importance are also said to have been arranged between them; as, for instance, that both English and French shall give up frequenting the fairs of Antwerp and Brabant, and take all their wares to Calais. But the authority he [Mendoca] has for all these statements is too unreliable for any weight to be attached to them.
What may be entirely credited is that in this new treaty between the two Kings [of England and France] it is stipulated that without mutual consent they shall not enter into any negotiation with the Emperor. Has been told also, (though from an unreliable source) that this new treaty does not include offensive alliance against the Emperor.
However this may be, one of the results of the agreement seems to be that King Francis is now again sending the Bishop of Tarbes to Spain, and that either with him or separately, by a different route, the King of England is also sending a gentleman named Master Poyntz, both of whom, the Legate says, are to be the bearers of very honourable conditions of peace for His Majesty's acceptance. Is told by the Legate that this King's messenger (Poyntz) has besides for his guidance certain instructions drawn up in the most friendly and conciliatory terms. (fn. 3) Suspects the truth of this statement; thinks that, were the case so, the Dean of the Chapel, (fn. 4) whom the Emperor knows, and who is here considered as friendly to Spain from the good report he made when he returned thence, would certainly not have refused to go, for he was, as he (Mendoça) believes, appointed, and his presence [in Spain] now would be very desirable in the interest of peace. Thinks unless he (the Emperor) condescends to accept this King's mediation, the latter will ultimately show his partiality. Hears that the said ambassadors are to travel post. The Emperro will hear more particularly of the terms they bring. He (Mendoça) has not been able to ascertain further what their real mission is.
The Emperor's last letter, with the instructions therein contained, arrived at the time that the Legate was at Greenwich,and the French ambassadors were being entertained there. Called on his return to inform him of its contents. Thanked the Legate in the Emperor's name for all his good services making show of much greater confidence than he (Mendoça) really felt. Swore to him that he (Mendoça) had now ample instructions and full mandate to negotiate and conclude peace without need of any further reference to his Court, and that if the King of France would only do his duty, all matters would be settled satisfactorily for both parties. But in order that these negotiations should bear permanent fruit (Mendoça observed), it was absolutely necessary that the foundation should be good and solid. (fn. 5) He (Mendoça) had shown the powers presented by the French ambassadors [of which the Legate had given him a copy] to certain lawyers, and asked for their opinion, which was that the said powers were faulty and insufficient. The reasons for this opinion the Legate must already have learned from the answer once given by the Emperor, generally and individually, to all the ambassadors of the [Italian] League. That on this account it was essential that a lawyer should come here from Flanders to examine the said powers.
The Legate replied that all this business seemed to him only a device for postponing the settlement of the question at issue. Two months had now passed since the Imperial ambassador first spoke of sending for a lawyer, and yet the lawyer had never come. Meanwhile he (the Legate) tried in every possible way to get out of Mendoça what, were the promises made [by the King of France] to the Viceroy of Naples. All the answer he could get was that it was an unworthy trick on the part of the French to try and induce the Emperor to declare his own terms, whilst they themselves would not offer any solid basis for the negotiations. Many similar words passed at the conference, and Mendoça finished by stating that until the powers were made right, and a lawyer's opinion taken respecting them, he would not advance a step in the negotiation.
Decided on this course for the following reasons. First, because he (Mendoça) is quite convinced that peace will not he concluded on the terms proposed by the Emperor, and it will therefore be more advisable that such terms should be kept back. Secondly, on account of the armistice in Italy, of which, judging from his letter, the Emperor does not seem to be aware. The truce is considered here as quite certain, and, although there seems to be some disagreement about it amongst the Emperor's captains, yet the King of France, being by the said truce forsaken by the Pope, must sooner or later come to better terms. Thirdly, that whereas when this last letter [of the 4th] arrived the treaty between the Kings of England and France was already made and signed, there was no longer such urgency for propitiating the King of England. Fourthly, that, to say the truth, he (Mendoça) does not trust the Legate one whit more than the King of France; the Legate deals just as craftily with him as the adverse party would, so that he is always obliged to be on his guard, feigning entire confidence in him, and yet feeling none at all. Is besides persuaded that the Legate withholds nothing from the French ambassadors, and, therefore, it would be unwise to acquaint them with the Emperor's intentions before they have shown sufficient powers to treat, especially at a time when, as reported, this King and Legate are sending their own offers to Spain.
It would have been of great help to him (Mendoça) if, at the same time that he received the Emperor's last letter, Madame [of the Low Countries] had been ordered to send him the lawyer with all speed. Has been much blamed and ridiculed (burlado) here for the delay, for although he has declared to them that he will not proceed until the powers [of the French ambassadors] are rectified, yet cannot help thinking that had a lawyer been sent expressly to examine and report upon them, they would, if the powers were found in any way deficient, have tried to get fresh ones, being, as the King ,and Legate really are, anxious that peace should be settled here, and not there (in Spain). Sent Madame a copy of the paragraph in the Emperor's letter respecting the lawyer, and yet has received no answer. His arrival would have been very opportune at this time, as showing that the suspension of the negotiations was entirely caused by the defective powers of the French, not by any disinclination to treat on the part of the Emperor. Now, when he (Mendoça) states, as he has already done, that he has ample powers and instructions to proceed with the negotiations, they entirely disbelieve him, simply on account of the lawyer, so often announced, not having made his appearance. Had Madame only sent him, he might have examined the powers, pronounced them defective, and then returned home at once, whereby all suspicion would have been removed
The news of the truce concluded by the Viceroy between the Emperor and the Pope arrived here more than 35 days ago. (fn. 6) The King of England and the Legate have been unable to conceal their disappointment, both on account of the Pope having made it without any reference to them, and also because it will place the King of France in still greater difficulties, and may eventually oblige them all to sue for peace at the Emperor's door (meterse por puertas de V[uest]ra Magestad). Though of no disadvantage to these people to keep the King of France somewhat subdued, they do not wish him to give up entirely the hope of their assistance, and so have taken the opportunity of making this fresh treaty with him. There are certain articles unknown to most of those who swore to the treaty ; indeed he (Mendoça) has been told that, with the exception of the King of England, the Legate, the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstall), and a treasurer of the household (Sir William Fitzwilliam), who brought over all these proposals from France, no one knows any thing about them, not even the Queen, nor the dukes and prelates [of this kingdom]. It is said that the ambassadors return to France much less elated with success than they expected to be when they came, although they have been splendidly entertained, as if their Master himself had been here, all the ambassadors, except himself (Mendoça), having been invited to the various feasts.
Two circumstances which, have lately occurred here favour his (Mendoça's) conjecture that the King of England and the Legate, either for the purpose of indicating that they are ready to go to war with the Emperor, or because they really and truly intend doing so, are making just now some show of hostility. For instance, a lieutenant of the Admiral of Bretagne, who came over with the French ambassadors, has kept three large ships of war in this river (Thames), and as soon as the treaty was signed between the two Kings, took his ships out a league beyond Sandwich, and there, in English waters, commenced open warfare, and captured two Biscayan vessels laden with Spanish and a small portion of English goods. It is true that the King on hearing of this sent to redress the grievance, and showed some displeasure at what the French captain had done; still so grave an offence against the Emperor in a country at peace with him deserved punishment, not that the offender should be allowed to go about freely. The captain has restored the ships, but is now being sued for the value of 4,000 ducats, which he took from them.
The other circumstance to which he (Mendoça) alludes is this, that certain merchants have lately called on. the Legate to ask him in the name of this city whether they might safely, without any fear of approaching warfare, prepare to lade for the fair of Vergas (Bergues), for that if there were any probability of war with Flanders they would not risk their merchandise in those parts. If there was not, it would be a great loss to them not to go on with their trade. Is assured that the Legate said in reply that the merchants might well dispense with the fairs, both of Vergas (Bergues) and Emberes (Antwerp), for that the King was going to bestow a great boon upon his kingdom, for which they would all be deeply grateful to him, and that when the merchants pressed for a direct reply, and begged the Legate to specify what that boon was, he said that he could not tell them more at that time, but that very shortly he would inform them of the particulars.
All these things, in the ambassador's opinion, are done either by way of a threat, or merely to show their ill-will. (fn. 7) He (Mendoça) does not think that they will actually declare war for the present, partly owing to the increasing prosperity of the Emperor's arms [in Italy], which may God continually augment, and partly because the English in general are such decided Imperialists that they would never be induced to take the field against the Emperor, and, therefore, the King and Legate forbear from undertaking what they might not be able to carry out. Should, however, the opportunity arise, which God forbid, they will give full vent to their malice, and if the King of France should refuse to come to terms, though, perhaps, for the reasons already stated they may not help him with men, they will, no doubt, assist with money, either privately or publicly, as circumstances may dictate. For the present, until they become more openly insulting (hasta ver su desverguença mas publica), or until the Emperor decides upon a different course of action, he (Mendoça) conceals all suspicion, and the less confidence he really feels, the more does he pretend to have. Therefore, in this matter of the ships has spoken with great forbearance, throwing all the blame upon the French, and ignoring the small penalty with which the offenders have been visited. Will continue to act in the same manner, giving them no ground for suspicion, that he (Mendoça) may better discover what they are about.
Has duly received from Secretary [Lallemand] two autograph letters of the King of France and. of his mother, Madame d'Angoulesme, (fn. 8) to Queen Eleonor, in which the former addresses her as his wife, and the latter as her daughter. Was glad to have them that he might show them to the Legate, who has always maintained that they were apocryphal. When, at their last interview, he (Mendoça) exhibited the original letters, the Legate still persisted in his idea that they had been forged, and in proof thereof produced another one from King Francis to show the difference in the handwritings. After a rather warm and long dispute on the subject, the Legate maintaining that they were forgeries, and the ambassador asserting that they were authentic, the latter said, "It matters little whether Your Reverence thinks them genuine or apocryphal, since it is well known that the King of France wishes for nothing so earnestly as to have the Queen, his wife, by his side. It was, therefore, quite superfluous to forge letters for that purpose, and besides no minister of the Emperor's would be guilty of such an act." To which the Legate replied, "I do not mean to imply that the letters (fn. 9) are forged; I merely wish to observe that the King of France uses two different hands, one for writing to us in England, the other for addressing the Emperor." Replied that had the latter chosen, the King would have used not only two different hands, but also two different styles, to be employed with one or other of the parties; as was the case when L'Esleu Bayart went to Spain, for he had then with him two sets of instructions for his guidance, one for negotiating in the presence of the English ambassador, the other private and secret, as Dr. Edward Lee had been informed at the time. The Legate then said, "I am well acquainted with all what passed on the occasion." "Not, perhaps, so well (said Mendoça) as would be desirable, since Your Reverence seems to be ignorant of the King's usual ways of dealing, and doubts the authenticity of his letter."
The conversation then turning upon the Cortes of Castille and their late deliberations, Mendoça informed the Legate that the sittings had been suspended, and that the Emperor had desisted for the present from asking for a grant (servicio) of money, at which intelligence the Legate was so glad that he could not conceal his joy, as it seemed to him to be a sign that the journey to Italy was postponed. There is nothing these people dislike so much as the Emperor's aggrandizement; whenever the Italian journey is mentioned in their presence they seem downcast and disappointed; whereas if they see a chance of its not being undertaken they show visible marks of joy, as did the Cardinal on this occasion.
To conclude, Mendoça has, according to the Emperor's instructions, refused to proceed with the negotiations for peace until the French ambassadors are furnished with new powers, because those they have exhibited have been declared worthless. Again told the Legate that a lawyer was shortly expected [from Flanders] to examine the powers, and that if they were found correct the negotiations should be resumed. The Legate, however, paid no great attention to this remark, evidently because in consequence of this new treaty with France fresh terms are being prepared for the Emperor's acceptance [in Spain]. These the King and Legate declare are such that the Emperor cannot possibly refuse them. Begged to be informed what the terms were, that he (Mendoça) might forward the intelligence to Spain. Was unsuccessful, as neither would declare them, only saying that they were advantageous to the Emperor, and that Master Poyntz, who is to be the bearer, shall depart [for Spain] in a couple of days. That gentleman is one of those who attended the French ambassadors all the time they were in England, and therefore must be a great favourite with them. He (Mendoça) does not intend writing by him; will send the duplicate of this despatch by sea, through a courier now expected from Flanders, and if anything should occur in the meantime worth advising, will not fail to do so, either by way of Flanders, or by the courier announced in the Emperor's last letter, who has not yet arrived.
Hears whilst writing that with this said gentleman (Poyntz) goes a herald-at-arms. (fn. 10) This has led the French to say that should the Emperor not accept the proffered terms, war will probably be declared. On this matter Mendoça can only repeat what the Legate has often declared to him, namely, that the mission is entirely pacific and friendly. Does, therefore, attach no faith to these warlike rumours.—From the City of London, the 9th of May 1527.
Signed: "Don Yñigo de Mendoça."
P.S.—It might still happen that, in some of the meetings daily held, this resolution of sending Master Poyntz to Spain might be altered. Does not, however, think that it will be.
Addressed. "England. To His Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering, pp. 13.
10 May.67. Queen Katharine to the Emperor.
K.u.K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 18.
Most high and powerful Lord,—I hardly know how to confess the many obligations in which I stand towards Your Highness for the many favours conferred upon me. I hold it to be that Your Highness has chosen to show sorrow for my death, perceiving that neither my existence nor my services are such as to deserve being recalled to your memory. (fn. 11) And yet, trusting in Your Highness' innate kindness and virtue, I will, with the help of God, employ my life in the furtherance of those objects which may be for Your Highness' service, though my abilities be scanty, and my powers small.
As Francisco Poynes, (fn. 12) gentleman and esquire (gentil ombre y contino)of the household of the King, my Lord, bearer of this letter, will inform Your Highness, I take this opportunity to write and request that he may be credited in whatever he may say in my name, the said Poynes being a person whom I entirely trust, and to whom I bear much good-will, and am besides under great obligation on account of his many virtues.
As I fear that my letter may be tedious to Your Highness, as written by one unexperienced (lega) in these matters, I shall say no more here than beg and entreat Your Highness to have pity on so much bloodshed and perdition of souls so costly and redeemed at such price, bearing in mind that this world is perishable and of short duration, and the next one eternal. There is urgent need that peace between Christian Princes be concluded, before God sends down his scourge, which cannot tarry if these quarrels and disagreements (desconciertos) continue between Christian Princes.
If in the expression of these my sentiments I have given the least offence, I beg Your Highness to pardon me; my ignorance alone is the cause. God, &c.—Grannuche (Greenwich), 10th of May. Your good aunt Katherina.
Addresse_d: "The Queen of England to the Emperor, her nephew."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 2.


1 The same alluded to in the preceding letter of Alonso Sanchez, p. 175.
2 "Y que à Venecianos se hayan de dar las quatro partes que tenian en Pulla."
3 "Y que el que va de parte de su rey, lleva en su ayuda [una carta] arto amigable templada."
4 "Que si fuera tal qual este [Legado] dice, que el Dean de la Capilla que Via Magd. conosce, y le tienen aca por inclinado a su servicio por el buen reporte que hizo quando de allá vino," &c. The Dean is no other than Dr. Richard Sampson.
5 "Pero que era necessario que el fundamento no fuese falso, para que la obra que sobre él se cargasse fuese perpetua."
6 That is to say about the end of March. It was signed at Rome on the 1st of February.
7 "Todas estas cosas son para amenasçar, o para descargar la ruyn volnntad que tienen."
8 The paragraph stands thus: "El secretario me embió dos letras del Rey de Francia y de su maestre, entramas de mano propia, por las quales el dicho Rey llamava muger á la reyna, y Madama d' Angulesma la llamava hija;" but in a duplicate of this same letter, instead of the words de su maestre, which might be interpreted of the Grand Master of France, i.e. Anne de Montmorency, the reading is: El secretario maestre Juan Aleman me envió dos letras del Rey de Francia y de su madre, entramas de mano propia, &c. This last being evidently a more accurate deciphering, I have adopted it in preference to the other.
9 According to Claude Dodieu's account published by Brewer, Vol. IV., Part II., pp. 1397-415 from a manuscript in the British Museum, Wolsey knew of the existence of these letters as early as February 1527, for he is reported to have asked the French ambassador whether Francis was free to marry, "for he knew that he had espoused Madame Eleonor per verba de presenti, that he had called her his wife in letters and in an apology in his own name, and that he had sent the Secretary Bayard with articles signed by himself to demand her."
10 "Dizenme que en compñia daquel gentilhombre va un Herau Darmas (herault d'armes) por lo qual dizen franceses," &c. The herald or king-at-arms was no other than Clarencieux, as will be seen hereafter.
11 Katharine's style is rather obscure, and some periods in her letters are lamentably ungrammatical. The passage reads thus: "Tengo pues que a querydo mostrar sentymiento de my muerte, vyendo que my vyda ny my servycio es tal que pueda merescer que vuestra alteza se acuerde de my."
12 Sir Francis Poyntz, whose departure for Spain is announced in Don Iñigo's letter of the 9th. He arrived there early in July.