Spain
May 1527, 21-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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204-211

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'Spain: May 1527, 21-25', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 204-211. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87533 Date accessed: 25 October 2014.


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May 1527, 21-25

22 May.72. The Emperor to Lope de Soria, his Ambassador at Genoa.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Muñoz, A. 83,.
f. 56.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 209.
Advises the birth of a son. (fn. 1) —Valladolid, 22nd May 1572.
Latin. Original draft, .. 1.
22 May 73.
Be. Ac. d. Hist.
71, f. 172 vo.
73. Don Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia.
Had written by Longobal, enclosing all the papers that were wanted for the Diet, but the vessel in which he and Mons. de Prat (Praet) went was twice assailed by a most terrific storm, and they were obliged to return to the port whence they had set sail. Mons. de Praet started on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Monserrat, and determined not to go by sea again. In the meantime Longobal received orders to sail again, which he did, but the weather was so bad and the wind so contrary, that he was obliged, not far from the English coast, to return to Laredo, whence he wrote in date of the 6th inst., stating that he would do all he could for His Highness' service. He (Salinas) is afraid that this despatch will reach before Longobal, who took the other. As to Mons. de Praet, after returning from his pilgrimage, such was his desire to go home and serve His Highness, that although he made a vow not to embark again, seeing the impossibility of a journey through France, he has again gone to Laredo to wait for an opportunity.
The Chancellor has written to inform His Highness of the real cause of his departure. Wherever he halts, he says that he is on leave, and intends to return to Court. This Salinas does not believe, and fancies that it is said on purpose to deceive people, and regain, if possible, the Emperor's favour, for all his prayers and requests, as well as those of the courtiers who interest themselves for him, have been rejected, and it is not likely that the Emperor will change his determination. Has reason to believe that the Chancellor is sorry for what he has done.
A son of the late Francisco Çequin has lately arrived here, claiming large sums of money from His Highness, which he pretends were owing to his father from the time of Archduke Philip, and were not settled by the Imperial Ban. As he enjoys some favour at this Court, the Emperor has had his accounts looked into, as well as the contracts made at the time, and it would appear that His Highness is thereby bound to pay all debts contracted by his father, Philip, on the Duchy of Viertanbergue (Wurtemberg), amounting, as it is said, to about 25,000 florins. He (Salinas) has remonstrated, as it was his duty to do, and shown how the said Francisco Çequin had been condemned by the Imperial Ban, and that His Highness was not bound to pay any part of that sum.
Birth of Prince Philip on the 21st of May.—Valladolid 22nd May 1527.
Addressed: "To the King [of Bohemia] my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft, pp. 173 vo.
22 May.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Muñoz, A, 83,
f. 314.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 209.
74. The Emperor to Lope de Soria, his Ambassador in Genoa.
The Empress, his most beloved wife, was delivered on the 21st inst. of a son and heir to his kingdoms. The ambassador, therefore, is to acquaint the Doge and the Signory with that happy event.—Valladolid, 22nd May 1527.
Addressed: "To Lope de Soria, our Ambassador in Genoa."
Indorsed: "The King. 1527. From Valladolid. To the Ambassador, 22nd May.
Spanish. Original draft, docketted by Gattinara, with the following note: "Nacimiento del Serenissimo principe don Felippe." .. 1.
Similar letters were written to Prothonotary Caracciolo at Venice, Abbot of Najera, Secretary Perez, and Alfonso Sanchez.
25 May.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Vienna Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 227, No. 19.
75. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
Has written by Dr. Lee's servant (Bluemantle), who went post, also by Master Poins (Sir Francis Poyntz), one of the King of England's gentlemen, and lastly by one of the Imperial couriers besides. Having in all his letters made a full statement of all that is passing here, will only give now a brief summary of their contents.
(Cipher:) Since the departure of Master Poyntz and of the king-at-arms for Spain, it has been affirmed here more positively than before that their commission is to declare to the Emperor, should he not accept the terms brought by them, that the King of England will support the King of France. Wrote also to say that should these terms not be such as the Emperor could accept, it might be advisable, instead of refusing them altogether, and thus giving the King of England a pretence for declaring war, to have the negotiations referred here (to London), where they had already commenced. Mentioned also the fact of an order having been issued, forbidding all merchants to lade for the fair of Vergas (Bergues), and also that some arms (though in very small quantity) had been bought, and that some French galleys had plundered two Spanish ships that were quietly entering English ports. From which facts some confidently anticipate war, and others hold that they are merely threatening measures adopted in the belief that more favourable terms will thereby be gained for the French, of which the King and Cardinal might make their profit. Those who expect war,, ground their conjectures on the aforesaid warlike demonstrations, however insignificant, and also on the great friendship now existing between the Legate and the King of France; those who take a contrary view maintain that war with Spain would create great disturbances throughout England, and therefore that the Legate will not dare push matters to extremity, from fear of embroiling himself (de miedo de poner la guerra en casa), for it is quite certain that besides the commercial men, whose interests are so largely at stake, all in this kingdom are well disposed towards the Emperor, and hate the Cardinal so intensely that he (Mendoça) should not be surprised at anything that might happen. (fn. 2)
Has been informed that the Legate, by way of exciting the people to war [with Spain], has been complaining of the nonpayment by the Emperor of the moneys owing to the King of England, upon which the merchants said that in order to prevent war they were quite willing to take the Emperor's debt in payment of the late loan made by the King. This was, of course, no welcome offer to the Legate, who immediately proceeded to mention all the privileges which should be granted them (the merchants) if they would trade with Calais or elsewhere, instead of with Flanders or Brabant, to which all at once replied, that if they were not to be allowed to send their goods to the accustomed markets, they would prefer keeping them at home. There is some hope, though a very distant one, that this prohibition of trade with Flanders and Brabant, having caused so much irritation throughout the country, will, for fear of further disaffection, be removed.
Wrote also to advise that the King, the Legate, and certain prelates were discussing the matter of the divorce between the King and Queen. Does not think this can be accomplished for the present; the Queen is so beloved throughout the country, that at any time so iniquitous a transaction (fn. 3) would have caused general excitement, and now, coupled with the disaffection caused by these reports of war, would give a double motive for rebellion. Suggests that the Imperial ambassador at Rome should be secretly informed of the doings of these people, and instructed to defeat and frustrate any action that might be brought there against the said marriage.
(Common writing:) The Legate, it is asserted, will soon go to France with all the ambassadors now residing here, from the Pope as well as from the League. The common people say that he goes because he would be afraid of being here [in London] when war is proclaimed; others aver that he is going about certain important articles which in the late treaty were referred for settlement to him and to the King of France, whilst others again maintain that he goes for the purpose of receiving Boulogne, which is to be given over to England. The Legate no doubt thinks that by this accession of territory, if obtained, he will regain his popularity and that is perhaps the principal reason for his journey.
Thinks that this giving up of Boulogne to the English will be a more difficult matter than people imagine, for, situated as that port is, its importance to England or France is equally paramount. However this may be, unless the rumour of the Cardinal's intended journey to France has been spread purposely to intimidate the Emperor, it must be some mighty interest of his master that takes the Legate thither, for this King is very fond of extreme measures, and likely, just now, if it suits his views, to form the strictest confederacy with France.
(Cipher:) Since the above was written, the Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) has returned post from Paris, bringing with him, as they say, the draft of a new treaty, by which the Pope binds himself to enter again the [Italian] League. (fn. 4) That ambassador is now trying all he can to induce the King to join it without waiting for the Emperor's answer. Does not know what will be settled between them, but as the Englishman (fn. 5) who accompanied the bishop to France is waiting in Paris for his return, he (Mendoça) concludes that these people still adhere to their original plan of sending an embassy to Spain. It is possible that they may still change some of the conditions, raising or lowering their demands according to this last Italian news, which, coming as it does through France, can only he trusted in as far as it is favourable to the Emperor, for were it otherwise they (the French) would not fail to exaggerate and boast of their success.
(Common writing:) The news is that on the 12th inst. the Imperial army was within Rome, and that the Duke of Bourbon was killed in the previous battle. As the Emperor will no doubt receive full information from sources much more reliable than those he (Mendoça) has at his command, he will no longer dwell on the subject, but say that some people think this news will precipitate the King of England's declaration for France and the League; others say that he will still wait to see what happens in Italy. Judging from present appearances, thinks it far more likely that the King of England will declare against the Emperor than that he will adopt a temporizing policy.
Has obtained possession of the articles of this new [Italian] League [with France]; (fn. 6) does not enclose them because the Imperial ambassador [in France] writes to say that he has already forwarded copies [to Spain] by two different routes, and, besides that, they must also have been sent Rome.
(Cipher:) The suit against the Queen of England goes on secretly, but he (Mendoça,) has been told that if the legal terms are to be kept, it will last some time, and that the Queen will neither be notified of it nor indicted for two or more months. (fn. 7) Thinks there will be many more voices in her favour than against her, both because she is much beloved here, as because the Legate, who is suspected to be at the bottom of all this, is universally hated.—London, the 25th of May 1527.
Signed: "Don Iñygo de Mendoça."
Addressed: "To ,His Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 4.
25 May.76. Lope de Soria. to the Emperor.
m. Re. Ac. a. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 446.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 210.
Wrote last by Bernaldino de Albornoz, who sailed on the 18th inst., and before that by Captain Ribadeneyra, who left on the 11th. Since then he (Soria) has positive news of the entrance of the Imperialists into Rome on the 6th, the death of Mons. de Bourbon from a hackbut shot, and the subsequent events, of all of which His Imperial Majesty must already be well informed. Girald Raset, (fn. 8) his secretary, who will be the bearer of this, will inform His Imperial Majesty of all that has occurred since, both at Rome and here (Genoa). Begs for his speedy return, as he is much wanted.
The sack of Rome must be looked upon as a visitation from God. He permitted that the Emperor—who is his most devoted servant and true Catholic Prince—should become the instrument of his vengeance, to teach his Vicar on Earth and the rest of the Christian Princes that their wicked purposes shall be defeated, the unjust wars they have raised against the Emperor cease, and peace be restored to Christendom, so that the exaltation of Faith and the extirpation of heresy may be accomplished. This being the greatest service that could be rendered to His Divine Majesty, the Emperor ought now to try and make his peace with the Pope and with the rest of the Christian Princes, who, perceiving their inability to carry out their wicked purposes (dañadas intenciones), and how favourable Fortune shows itself to the Imperial arms, will certainly not refuse his terms. Should the Emperor think that the Church of God is not what it ought to be, and that the Pope's temporal power emboldens him to promote rebellion (solevar pueblos) and incite the Christian Princes to make war on each other then in that case he (Soria) cannot help reminding His Imperial Majesty that it will not be a sin, but on the contrary a meritorious action to reform the Church in such a manner that the Pope's authority may be confined exclusively to his own spiritual duties, and temporal affairs left to be decided upon by the Cæsar, since by right what is God's belongs to God, and what is Cæsar's belongs to him. Has now resided 28 years in Italy, and has observed that of all the wars and misfortunes he has witnessed during that time, the Popes have been the sole cause; the Popes, who, fearing lest the secular Princes, being at peace and in agreement with each other, should procure the reformation of the Church, are always trying to promote dissension; and since the fear the Popes have of such reformation, which would be very suitable just now, has been the principal cause of so many evils, it seems as if His Imperial Majesty, as supreme Lord on the Earth, was bound to remedy to that evil and its bad consequences. (fn. 9)
Begs to be forgiven if he has been too bold in the expression of his sentiments.—Genoa, 25th May 1527.
Addressed: "A la Sera. Cesa. y Cata. Mad."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 1½.
25 May.
S. E. L. 2,016,
f. 29 v..
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 245.
77. Summarium pacis initæ inter Sanctissimum D. N. Clementem VII. et exercitum Cæsareum, anno 1527.
That His Holiness and the most Reverend Cardinals and others, who are now inside the castle of Sanct Angelo, put themselves in the hands of the Imperial generals with security to their persons and property. Safe-conducts to be given to them to go wherever they please, those cardinals excepted whom His Holiness is to leave behind as hostages.
The castle of Sanct Angelo with all its ammunition of war to be surrendered to the said generals. His Holiness to pay for the ransom (riscatto) of the persons inside the castle 150,000 "scudi del sole."
His Holiness further engages to lay on the estates of the Church a tax equal to 200,000 cr. (scudi) for the pay of the Imperial army, and to give as hostages two archbishops, Sipontino (fn. 10) and Pisano; (fn. 11) two bishops, Pistoya and Verona; Micer Giacomo Salviati, Micer Lorenzo Ridolfi, and Simon de' Ricasoli.
The fortresses of Ostia and Civitta Vecchia, with its port (col porto), Modena, Parma, and Piacenza to be consigned to His Imperial Majesty.
All the lands and property taken from the Colonnese to be restored to them, and Cardinal Colonna to be reinstated in all his honours and dignities.
His Holiness begs the Imperial generals to exert themselves (che voqliano oprassi) for the release of the cardinals, now prisoners in Rome. On his part the Pope promises to absolve them and the soldiers from any ecclesiastical censures which they may have incurred. The Prince [of Orange] to be present when the garrison, citizens, women, &c, make their egress from the castle, that they may go in safety. Three "bande" of Germans and five of Spaniards to accompany and escort them for a space of four or five miles, besides 100 light horse for 2 f. out of Rome.
Safe-conducts (patenti) to be issued to those who may choose to remain at Rome, or go elsewhere. The Imperial soldiers not to enter the castle until the garrison has entirely evacuated it.
His Holiness engages to communicate this capitulation to the warders of Ostia and Civitta Vecchia within a period of 24 hours, that they may evacuate the same (disgombrare), sending them the required watchword (contrasegni) and briefs to deliver the said fortresses into the hands of the Imperial captains.
As soon as the stipulated money be paid, the surrender of Ostia and Civitta Vecchia accompli shed, as well as the delivery of the hostages, and appointment of the commissioners who are to levy the war tax, and give up Parma, Piacenza, and Modena, His Holiness, the cardinals, and all other persons now within the castle of Sanct Angelo, shall be permitted to go freely to the kingdom of Naples. (fn. 12)
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.

Footnotes

1 Philip, born at Valladolid on the 21st. A note at the end of this original minute, drawn in Secretary Soria's hand, has "Similer fuerunt expeditæ ad Prothonot. Caracciolo, Abbatem de Najara, Secretarium Perez, et Alfonsum Sanchez."
2 "Y el odio que tienen al Cardenal es tan grande que no me maravillaria de qualquiera cosa que succediesse."
3 "Creese que no lo pondran en effecto, porque es tan bien quista la reyna que en qualquier tiempe echaria gran alboroto en el reyno tan gran maldad."
4 A copy of this capitulation, signed at Rome on the 25th of April, was sent to the French ambassadors the 10th of May 1527, to be shown to the King and Legate, and hear their opinion about it. On the preceding day Mons, de Ouarty or De Warty, who also formed part of the French embassy, arrived in Paris, sent by his colleagues. See Brewer, Letters and State Papers, vol. iv. p. 1420.
5 Sir Francis Poyntz.
6 For a summary of it see Brewer, p. 1375.
7 "En lo que toca al negocio de la Reyna de Inglatierra el processo se haze secretamente, y anme dicho que a causa de guardar Jos terminos del durará que no se declare ni se denuncie á la dicha Reyna vien por dos meses y mas."
8 Thus in the original, but I am rather inclined to believe that Bassett is meant.
9 "Y pues temiendose de esto, que seria bien, son [los Pontifes] causa de tantos males parece que V. Md. sea obligado, como soberano señor en la tierra, de quitar la causa para que cessen tan malos effectos."
10 Antonio Ciochi di Monte, Archbishop of Manfredonia (Sipontinus), Cardinal of San Vitale and Sancta Praxedes.
11 Francesco Pisani, Archbishop of Padua, Cardinal in Porticu.
12 To this summary of Clement's capitulation, which appears to be the same as that alluded to in the following despatch of the 27th May from the Abbot, no date is affixed. As the Pope refused, to sign it unless a term of six days was allowed him to wait for the army of the League, which was said to be close to Rome, and ready to accomplish his deliverance, I have not hesitated to place it here. It was afterwards modified in some of its articles, and ultimately signed on the 6th of June.