July 1527, 11-15


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'Spain: July 1527, 11-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 267-282. URL: Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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July 1527, 11-15

11 July.109. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 11.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 295.
Encloses copy of his despatch of the 1st inst., (fn. 1) sent by Knight Commander Figueroa. Since then the Germans have mutinied against the Prince of Orange, complaining that the time has passed at which he promised they should be paid. They went tumultuously to his quarters, but finding that he was out, destroyed or plundered everything within. The Prince, who had received early intelligence of their intentions, secretly left his lodgings and repaired to Sanct Lorenzo, outside Rome. There he stayed twenty-four hours, and then went to Castil Pandolfo, where Ascanio Colonna is now residing. They say that his intention is to go still further, and that he will go to Rocca Priora, which is as far again (otro tanto lexos) from this city.
The day after the mutiny of the Germans the Spaniards rose also, saying that they had not been paid, and insisting upon quitting Rome and retiring to the kingdom of Naples ; but as they are more open to reason than the lansquenets, they have been easily quieted and persuaded to stay, under promise that within the present month the 50,000 ducats which the Pope is to pay shall be fully distributed among them. The Germans are to have now 100,000, besides a security for the remainder. Some clerks of Ansaldo Grimaldo, the banker, and of another Spanish merchant called Miguel Gironimo Sanchez, have arrived in Rome, and offer to give in specie 90,000 ducats before the end of the month, besides which the Viceroy has promised to advance part of the sum from the treasury at Naples. The Pope is to give those merchants 50 per cent, profit upon the whole 90,000. With this arrangement both Germans and Spaniards seem to be contented at present. They have returned to their respective quarters, and it is to be hoped that when the payment has been accomplished they will quit Rome and march to whichever part of Italy they are ordered. They themselves desire this, for the plague has much increased of late, the mortality being some days 700 and even 1,000, though mostly among foreigners (extrangeros). The castle itself has been attacked, notwithstanding Alarcon's vigilance, and some deaths have occurred, in consequence of which the Pope and the cardinals are, as may be supposed, very desirous to go elsewhere.
Don Ugo [de Moncada], perceiving the mutinous spirit of the men, and that he could be of no use here, went the other day to Albano, four leagues off, close to Marino and Castil Pandolfo, whence he is in constant communication with Alarcon and the Abbot. He is not likely to remain there long, but will go to Naples.
Has been told that the members of the War Council are endeavouring to persuade the Prince of Orange to take the command of the Germans only, whilst the Marquis del Guasto would take that of the Spaniards; both to be under that of the Viceroy until His Imperial Majesty decides who is to be commander-in-chief. The Prince however, does not approve of such an arrangement, and declares that he will not move from the place whereat he is staying, close to Rome, until he hears the Emperor's decision.
Briefs for the bishoprics of Oviedo and Zamora.—Death of Cardinal Jacobaciis, a very old man, much attached to the Imperial service.
On the 10th inst. the German and Spanish infantry left Rome. Great has been the joy of the Romans at their departure. Many families are returning, the shops are being re-opened, and the markets getting stocked. Confidence and trade revive. Before departing the Germans sold at very low prices what they could not take away, and the consequence was that what is worth ten sold for two, and that when no purchasers were found the things were put out of doors and in the streets for any one to take away.
There is some talk of His Holiness and the cardinals going to Rocca di Papa, but it is not yet decided, because they say there are no proper apartments at the Rocca (castle) for him, and the village itself offers no accommodation for his suite.
Alarcon, the Abbot, and Juan de Urbina are discussing who is to remain as Governor of Rome during the Pope's absence. It is generally believed that the appointment will be given to Cardinal Colonna as Papal Legate, that the guard of the city will be entrusted to the Colonnese, and that of the gates to some Roman citizens known to be attached to the Imperial cause.
The Siennese persist in their idea of getting Petillano (Pitigliano), which, they say, belongs to them, and are making preparations to attack it.
The Marquis of Astorga (D. Pedro Alvarez Osorio) writes from Sienna to say that he is coming here shortly, en roue for Spain. Should he make his appearance the Secretary will try to ascertain what his real purpose is. If it be only the affair of his marriage, Perez will place in his hands and in those of the Bishop [of Astorga], his uncle, the letters he has for them, and do everything in his power to thwart their application to the Pope.
The hostages whom the Germans were to take with them on their departure have been entrusted to Alarcon's keeping, and are inside Sanct Angelo.—Rome, 11th July 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacrmæ. Cæsæ. Cathocæ.Mati."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 6.
12 July.110. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
f. 298.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 13.
After his letter of yesterday he (Perez) went up to Sanct Angelo, and heard that Alarcon, the Abbot, and Urbina had decided that the Pope with the cardinals and hostages should go together to Salmoneta, as the Rocca (di Papa) could not afford sufficient accommodation for them. Alarcon had sent thither two captains, one German, the other Spanish, announcing this determination to the Lord of the place, and requesting him to make it ready for the reception of the Pope and suite. As soon as the captains return with an answer the Pope is to leave Sanct Angelo, though it must be said that neither he nor the cardinals are very anxious for change of air, which is often fatal under present circumstances, for although the focus of the prevailing disease is here at Rome, yet it is known to have spread all round, so much so that many Roman families are returning.
Two days since the Abbot was attacked, though very slightly. Hopes that he will soon recover, for were he to die the Emperor would lose in him a most faithful servant.
The Legate (Farnese) will, they say, start this evening for Porto Ercole, there to embark for Spain. He takes two galleys, and the Portuguese ambassador (Don Martin de Portugal) accompanies him.
The Germans insist upon having an inventory made of everything within the precincts of Sanct Angelo, and will not allow anything to go out except what is absolutely necessary for the person of the Pope and cardinals—Rome, 12th July 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacramæ. Cæsæ. Cathocæ. Mati."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 1½.
12 July.111. Clement VII. to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 18.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 299.
God, who scrutinizes men's hearts, knows that from the very day that Rome .,as attacked, taken and sacked by the Imperial soldiers, the citizens subjected to all manner of ill-treatment, and himself made a prisoner in Sanct Angelo—where he is still detained until the entire sum of money agreed with the Emperor's captains be paid—he (the Pope) has been wishing to appoint a Nuncio who should go to Spain and report verbally on his sufferings and "ea quæ Nobis in ipso Urbis excidio miserrime acciderunt." He was confident that the moment the Emperor heard of the state to which the Church had been reduced he could not fail to do his best for the honour and welfare of the Apostolic See. Has hitherto been prevented from communicating with him as he wished.
Sends now Don Martin de Portugal, ambassador of the King of Portugal (Dom João II.), whose probity and wisdom are well known to him, to act as his Nuncio and Legate . latere. Begs credence for him.—Datum Romæ, in Arce Sancti Angeli, die XII. Julii 1527.
Signed: "Evangelista."
Addressed: "Charissimo in Christo Filio nostro Carolo Romanorum et Hispaniarum Regi Catholico in Imperatorem electo."
Latin. Original, pp 1½.
12 July.112. Prothonotary Marino Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 16.
Wrote last on the 21st June. Since then, on the 28th, the Venetians and the men of the Duke Francesco [Sforza] occupied Marignano, where Leyva had left two companies of infantry. Hearing of the enemy's approach Leyva went out of Milan to meet them on the 25th, but on his arrival at Marignano found the confederates in possession of the town, and the Imperialists shut up in a church, where they were defending themselves. This notwithstanding, Leyva's vanguard entered the town, expelled the enemy therefrom, and followed them to a very strong place (loco fortissimo) close by, surrounded by water and trenches, where they are now encamped. Frequent skirmishes take place, and Leyva has already possessed himself of a building in the neighbourhood, which he has provided with artillery, and whence he is doing them all the injury he can.
This movement of the confederates cannot have any other object than that of stopping our supplies, spoiling the corn, which is nearly ripe, and preventing us from attending to other parts of Lombardy, such as the Astesano and Alessandria, where Pedro Navarro now is, and the territory of Novara and others also infested by the enemy. If such was their object they have most singularly failed, for Antonio de Leyva has been enabled to detach against the former 1,800 Germans and several companies of Italian infantry under Count Lodrone, and is also about to send reinforcements to Novara, &c.
As Leyva writes by this post, he (Caracciolo) needs not commend the service that has been done in persuading the Germans to quit Milan and attack the enemy, for they pretended that numberless sums (fn. 2) were owing to them, and obstinately refused to march out unless they were paid.
Letters have been received from France, advising that the most Christian King has determined to send Lautrech at the head of an army composed of 10,000 Switzers, 6,000 French infantry, 500 (others say 800) men-at-arms, and 24 pieces of artillery. It is said even that some of the Switzers have already crossed the Alps.—Milan, 12th July 1527.
Signed: "II Prothonotario Caracciolo."
Addressed: "Sacre. Cathce. & Cese. Mti."
Indorsed: "Al Rey. 1527. Del. Protonotario Caracciolo, de 22 de Julio."
Italian. Holograph, pp. 4.
13 July.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 227, No. 22.
113. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
Wrote last by Juan Viscayno, the courier, who embarked at the end of May, as well as by Miguel de Guiçeta (Goiçueta?), master of the ship (zdbra) Magdalena, which left this river on the 4th of June. Knowing that both these messengers have arrived at Bilbao, he (Mendoça) will only relate what has happened since those dates.
Perceiving that the plunder of the Imperial subjects at the mouth of this very river was allowed; that orders had been issued forbidding the English to send their manufactures and other goods either to Flanders or to Spain ; that the Cardinal was hastening his departure for France, and that all these things put together were very unpromising, he (Mendoça) went to the Cardinal and represented to him with the greatest possible moderation (. dixele con toda la templança que pude) that such like measures were not at all calculated to bring about the peace which they (the King and the Cardinal) professed to desire so much, and that having sent to offer this peace to the Emperor, it was only just and reasonable that at least, until the answer should come [from Spain], no changes should be introduced in the amicable relations between the two countries. It might perhaps be thought that these changes (novedades) would move the Emperor from his purpose, but whoever made this representation to the King [of England] deceived him, for the Emperor was so anxious for general peace, and so staunch a friend to the King, that he would rather conclude peace through him than through any other Prince in Christendom. The Legate then asked to what changes the ambassador alluded, upon which he (Mendoça) proceeded to mention one by one the above-mentioned measures, and principally the prohibition to trade with Flanders. Said to him that his visit to France was by no means necessary in the interests of peace, the Emperor having always wished out of regard for the King that it should be settled in England, and since he (the Legate) said that this journey was undertaken chiefly for that purpose, he (Mendoça) could not conceive why, to his own great inconvenience and personal fatigue, and at the risk of lessening the King's authority and his own, he should be thinking of seeking peace in another kingdom, when he could very well have it settled in England, especially as he knew the fickleness of the French, and how very far they would be from carrying out in France what their ambassadors had pledged themselves to do when in London.
The Legate blandly replied that no change whatever had taken place in the King's relations with the Emperor. In the matter of the French galleons and the capture of the Spanish merchant ships, no one could ever suppose that the King, his master, was implicated; and he had besides ordered complete restitution of the property taken. The prohibition to trade with Flanders was issued at the request of the merchants themselves, who wished commercial intercourse to be suspended until certain grievances of which they had to complain were satisfactorily redressed. As to his journey to France, he swore upon his priestly word (. fe de sacerdote) that it was undertaken solely for the purpose of obtaining by all the weight of the King's and his own personal influence the settlement of general peace. He maintained that his own affection for the Emperor had in no way abated, and began to enumerate the many services he had rendered since the first day that he was in power, taking credit to himself for all the treaties concluded between the King and the Emperor, as well as for those which, out of consideration for him, the King and he had refused to make with the French, adding that should the Emperor now desire to restore the Church to its former state, he would find in him (the Legate) a faithful minister and servant, whose conduct would give the lie to any persons who should report otherwise about him. The Legate, however, did not deny that by his journey to France he was thinking of rendering a great service to his King and country by obtaining an extension of territory on the continent.
Finding that the Legate was not to be deterred from his purpose of visiting France by any of his representations, he (Mendoça) determined to try an inducement to which he was almost certain to respond. (fn. 3) Reminded him, first, of all the offers once made him in the Emperor's name, and knowing that the French had lately promised him the archbishopric of Rouen, after giving suitable compensation to the present holder of that see, besides the patriarchate of France and England, and that, therefore, it was necessary to tempt him with a much higher bait, proceeded, without in anywise compromising the Emperor, to point out the way to the Pontificate, dwelling upon his own merits and the opportunity which the Emperor now had of forwarding his elevation, the disposal of the papal chair being entirely in his hands. Should the Emperor see that the Legate's actions deserved it, which at present seemed not to be the case, he would no doubt promote his elevation. (fn. 4) But the Legate seeing that this suggestion was unsupported by any authority, and merely thrown out by the ambassador, rejected it at once, saying that God forbid that he (the Legate) should be influenced by such motives; he served the Emperor from pure affection, which was quite sufficient motive for him, on the supposition that the Emperor really intended to replace the Pope on his chair, and restore the Church to its former splendour. That and no other was the principal object of his journey [to France]. Seeing the way open for a more explicit declaration, he (Mendoça) replied, that the Legate's purpose being such as he stated, and both the spiritual and temporal power being now centred in the Emperor, the King of England and himself being, moreover, the persons through whom he would rather treat of peace than through any other whomsoever, it seemed to him (Mendoça) far the best way of arriving at the much-desired conclusion, settling the affairs of the Church, and deciding upon other points of contention (otros devates), that the Legate, as he was going to France in the interests of peace, should proceed afterwards to Spain, and meet the Emperor there before returning to England; that knowing the Emperor's anxiety for the welfare of the Church, as well as for the settlement of peace with all Christian Princes, the Legate's journey would produce great results, and that a lasting memorial of his labours would remain; also that the people would never again have occasion to accuse him of partiality, seeing that he turned his steps whithersoever he could accomplish any good end, and that it would be an undertaking well worthy of him at the present time to be the minister through whom the Emperor should carry out his never-failing desire for peace.
The Legate's reply to the ambassador's arguments was so shaped as to make him (Mendoça) presume that he is about to despatch secretly a courier about this proposal, for he began to inquire most particularly how many leagues Paris was from Narbonne, and how many there were from the frontier to the place where the Emperor is to hold the Cortes of the three kingdoms, and other things of a similar import, clearly showing that the proposal of a conference (vistas) was not altogether disagreeable to him. Should he not write, the Legate's intention in making those inquiries must have been to persuade us that he is entirely free from partiality in this affair, and that, as he is going to see the King of France, he would also go to the Emperor if a hint to that effect came from that court. Such, indeed, is his ambition to be considered the principal maker of this peace, that he would doubtless take any trouble to gain such reputation. Thinks on the whole that the Legate's journey to Spain would have at least one good result; it would rouse the King of France's suspicions and bring him to offer better terms. Will the Legate continue of this mind? That is more than he (Mendoça) can say. Thinks, however, that he will send a courier from France, if he has not already done so.
The Legate set out on Wednesday, the 3rd inst., accompanied by the Pope's Nuncio (Gambara). Having some time before received the news of the Pope and cardinals being prisoners [in Sanct Angelo], he sent for him (Mendoça) the day before starting on his journey, and said he expected, before entering France, to receive the Emperor's answer through Master Poyntz, and had no doubt it would be favourable. Many other fair speeches did the Cardinal make on this occasion, which in his (Mendoça's) opinion must be attributed rather to the fear which he so carefully conceals than to the love which he manifests in public ; for knowing, as he now does, that the Pope is completely in the Emperor's power, he greatly fears lest the legatine powers with which he is invested, and which are the strongest part of his armour, should be taken away from him. For, truly, besides that the Legate richly deserves such a sentence, this measure would greatly increase the kindly feeling entertained for the Emperor by this people (the English), for although the Cardinal's French tendencies have hitherto done much harm, it is well for this kingdom to know that he does not work for the Emperor's interests. So great is the abhorrence felt for the Legate in this country that it has hitherto proved an actual check upon his wicked designs. (fn. 5) At present, unless the Emperor's answer should work a change in the minds of this King and Cardinal, there is no apparent prospect of war. Believes that, should it be determined upon, the only assistance sent from this country to France will consist in money, either by sending their stipulated contribution to the King, or by keeping a certain number of Swiss in their pay, or else making them a loan on the security of Boulogne, which latter seems, after all, to be the principal object of the Legate's journey to France. As the French fear that, should Boulogne be given up to England, the King and Cardinal may treat and make peace with the Emperor, they are making all the delay they can. Can hardly believe that the King of France will give up a place of such importance to his kingdom, but necessity is a hard master. The Cardinal himself stated the other day, though in general terms, that this was the only cause of his journey, but it might be that he was only trying to deceive the King, his master, with this hope, in order to obtain his permission to undertake this embassy, on which he may possibly have gone for his own personal affairs. Should those of the King not turn out well, the Legate can at any time find sufficient excuses, for he can lead him whichever way he wishes.
The preparations at Calais for the interview between the two Kings are not as active as they were. These and other changes that are likely to occur will be determined by the interview between the Legate and the King of France.
The King of England has been chiefly occupied of late in recounting all the cruelties committed by the Imperial troops at Rome, and declaring that, unless the Emperor shows regret at their excesses and restores the Church to her former position, he (the King of England), as Defender of the Faith, could not but espouse her cause with all those who wish to take part in the quarrel (querella). Has made no answer to such complaint, partly because he has not since then seen the King, who just now dislikes to be disturbed with business, and is constantly on the move, and partly because he (Mendoça) has no sufficient ground for seeking an audience just yet.
Has not, however, neglected to speak to the Cardinal on the subject, reminding him of the Emperor's constant obedience to and respect for the Church. Such being the case, it might well be supposed that the Emperor would deeply regret any injuries inflicted upon Rome (fn. 6) by his own people. Although the miseries caused by war always lay at the door of those who originated the war, still the Emperor would be very sorry for what had taken place. The Cardinal could feel sure that the restoration of the whole universal Church once accomplished, such remedy should be applied as to leave no regret for the past. (fn. 7) To which statement the Legate replied as one who fully hoped that all this would be accomplished, adding that, as far as he was concerned, he would spare no trouble towards it.
Wrote by the last post how the King and his ministers were trying to dissolve the marriage between the Queen and himself, alleging that the Pope had no power to grant a dispensation for her marrying two brothers as she had done, and therefore that there had been between them no marriage at all. No intimation or summons had up to that date been made to the Queen, but since then, on the 22nd of last month (June), the King has virtually separated himself from the Queen, telling her that they had been in mortal sin during all the years they had lived together, and that this being the opinion of many canonists and theologians whom he had consulted on the subject, he had come to the resolution, as his conscience was much troubled thereby, to separate himself from her . mensâ et thoro, and wished her to choose the place to which she would retire. The Queen bursting into tears, and being too much agitated to reply, the King said to her, by way of consolation, that all should be done for the best (todo se haria for mejor), and begged her to keep secrecy upon what he had told her. This the King must have said, as it is generally believed, to inspire her with confidence and prevent her from seeking the redress she is entitled to by right, and also to keep the intelligence from the public, for so great is the attachment that the English bear to the Queen that some demonstration (escandalo) would probably take place in her household (apartamentos). Not that the people of England are ignorant of the Kings intentions, for the affair is as notorious as if it had been proclaimed by the public crier, but they cannot believe that he will ever carry so wicked a purpose into effect. However this may be though people say that such an iniquity cannot be tolerated, he (Mendoça) attaches no faith to such popular asseverations, especially as they have no leader to guide them, (fn. 8) and therefore should this King carry out his design, and the suit now commenced go on, the people will most probably content themselves with grumbling (con murmurar). The Queen, having no one but the Emperor to come to her aid, would, if she could, despatch a special messenger [to Spain], but these English are so suspicious at this time that no courier of hers would be allowed to sail. Besides, as at this point of the negotiations, and until the matters now pending between His Majesty and this King be settled one way or another, such a step would by no means be advisable, he (Mendoça) has dissuaded the Queen from sending a special messenger, giving her to understand that it was far better for her case that she should write a letter than despatch one of her own household.
The Queen's desire is, as she has informed him (Mendoça), to write to the Emperor, that every possible effort should be made with the Pope to deprive the Cardinal of his legatine powers. He (Mendoça) believes that nothing would so increase the favour in which the Emperor is held in England as this measure; besides which, the Cardinal is just now so entirely pledged to France that it would be far more profitable to have him an open enemy than the false friend he now is, and he might perhaps be induced to do out of fear what he never will out of love. The Emperor may believe him, there is so much feeling expressed here about the Queen's divorce, not only on her account, but because, in the event of these proceedings being carried out, her daughter the Princess would be declared illegitimate (bastarda), that should six or seven thousand men land on the coast of Cornwall to espouse the cause of both mother and daughter forty thousand English- men would at once join them, though popular favour often fails when put to the test.
The Legate perceiving that the greatest hindrance to war with Flanders is his own unpopularity, and the attachment that all classes of Englishmen, and especially the citizens of London, bear to the Emperor, has been trying all he could to calumniate him (the Emperor); but they (the people) are aware of his malice, and give little heed to what he says. Should he, however, proceed from France to Spain, it will be well to remember that truth seldom comes from his lips. (fn. 9)
Since writing the above he (Mendoça) hears from the Queen that she has determined to send Francisco Felipe (Francis Phillips) to Spain, as a person in whom she places great trust, with a letter explaining the position in which she is now placed. The Queen wishes that he (Mendoça) should in the Emperor's name speak with the King and Legate on this matter, but his opinion has always been, and is still, that if he were to take notice of the affair it would do more harm than good, and besides that he could not, without express orders from home, enter upon the subject.
Has communicated to the Queen the reasons he has for not bringing the Emperor's name forward at the present moment, and she has in consequence consented to his silence. Begs for the Emperor's instructions as to the line of action he is to pursue though he does not think that on this or other points the opinion of His Majesty will be taken into consideration as it ought to be. (fn. 10)
Had written in his last that in the event of the answer to be given to the embassy not being as favourable as they wish, it might be as well, to avoid further unpleasantness, to refer them to this court, where the negotiations for peace had actually commenced. The Legate being in London at the time the proposal might have been well received, but now that he is in France, and likely to remain there for two or three months, this delay would be too great, as they might consider that it was no answer at all, the French being in a great hurry to begin war at once.—London, the 13th of July.
Signed: "Don Yñigo de Mendoça."
Note (billete).—After writing the above, heard that the English ambassador in France has written to Secretary Brian Tuke to say that if the Legate wishes to enhance the importance of his visit (por encarecer mas su jornada) he should not hurry on his way thither. The want of his presence is so greatly felt by the French just now that it would better serve the interests of England if he were to delay his entry into France. The sum of money required by King Francis is so large, that he (the ambassador) does not believe that what has been promised will satisfy him; (fn. 11) owing to which, and to public opinion in this country, it is believed that should the Emperor decline the terms offered by the embassy, the King of England, either by loan (prestado) or contribution, will supply him of France with the necessary funds to carry on the war, and that in compensation for the said moneys lent or given Boulogne is to be made over to England. Such is the general belief here, and yet he (Mendoça) doubts that the Freneh will part with Boulogne at present.
Indorsed: "Deciphering of Don Yñigo's letter of the 17th of July."
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 13.
14 July.114. Gabriel Sanchez to the Bishop of Trent.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 20.
The Marquis Casimir left for the campaign of Hungary on Monday, the 8th inst., at the head of the Kings forces. He took with him 12,000 lansquenets, 4,000 light horse, 60 pieces of ordnance, large and small, besides a great quantity of ammunition. This last went by the Danube in boats. The citadel of Possonia is first to be attacked, for the town itself, which is very large and strong, is already in His Highness' power. It is situated on the Austrian frontier, on the banks of a river, and not far from Amburgo (Hamburgh), another town belonging to our Archduke. On the 11th the Marquis arrived at the river, and threw bridges over it in order that the artillery might pass, but a sudden flood carried away the bridges, and the work had to be done again. Every thing, however, was prepared for the passage of the artillery and ammunition, and the siege was to commence last night. The citadel, they say, is very strong, and abundantly provided with stores and ammunition. The governor is a Hungarian, named Bornamissa (sic), 70 or 80 years of age, very rich and wise (muy rico y sabio), and much beloved by the late King Louis. He has the reputation of being a very good man (buen hombre), and has lately had differences with the Vayvod. Whether on account of this, or because he dislikes the treacherous conduct of that individual, the fact is that he has always shown himself friendly to our Archduke, and has written to say that he acknowledges his right to the kingdom. Yet he has hitherto refused to give up the citadel, on the plea that he holds it for the Crown of Hungary, and that until our Archduke is fairly appointed King it would be inconsistent with his honour to give him possession of it.
Unwilling to leave behind him such a strong place as Possonia, the Archduke has ordered the Marquis Casimir to attack it with vigour, and we expect soon to hear of its surrender. More infantry and cavalry will come [to Vienna] in 10 days, when the Archduke will march against the Vayvod.—Vienna, 14th July 1527.
Indorsed: "Copy of a letter of Gabriel Sanchez, secretary to His most Serene Highness the King of Bohemia and Hungary."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
14 July.115. The Emperor to Secretary Perez.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 7.
The King, &c. Ordered on the 13th inst. an answer to be drawn up to all his letters. Since then has had no news from Rome. Is anxious to receive some. Begs him to write as often as possible.
The death of Bourbon, before Rome, has been the cause of much grief, as may be imagined.—Valladolid, 11th (fn. 12) of July 1527.
Spanish. Original draft, .. 1.
14 July.116. Antonio de Leyva to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40.
Wrote last by Philippo Arquinto (Archinto). Since then what has happened is this: The Venetians and Sforzini came on the 25th of June to Marignano, and encamped at a place whence they could do much harm to the whole of this city, and also carry off (llevarse) two companies of Italian infantry, under Count Lodovico Beljeioso, which I had placed in a fortified monastery (iglesia) not far from the river Lambro.
Though the river is not large, it was so swollen at the time by the late rains that it could not be crossed except by a bridge. The enemy mustered in all from 13 to 14,000 foot, besides 500 men-at-arms and 700 light horse. About this time Count Pedro Navarro came down from Alessandria with a body of men; from Novara came other captains of the King of France, also with troops, and from Lago Maggiore Count Giovanne Borromeo with the forces of the Duke Francesco [Sforza]. Lastly from the Briana mountains came the warder of Mus, who some time before had by stratagem possessed himself of Mongus (Monguzzo), a small castle in the mountains belonging to Alessandro Bentivoglio. (fn. 13) All these forces came down upon us, knowing that we were in small numbers, and had no provisions in store, most of the towns in the Duchy having scarcely food for two days. Perceiving how imminent our danger was, I made up my mind to engage the enemy, though their numbers compared with ours were four to one. Against Pedro Navarro I detached Count Battista Lodrone, with 2,000 Germans, and 1,000 more Spaniards and Italians. On the approach of Lodrone, who not only has successfully defended Alessandria since, but taken from the enemy a small place called Castelletto, making its garrison of 200 foot and 100 horse prisoners, Navarro retreated two miles.
Towards Novara I sent Count Philippo Torniello, who enjoying much credit in that city, has hitherto defended it against the enemy.
To the Lago Maggiore I sent Count Carlo Borromeo, who is serving well, and holds his ground there against the Venetians and the Duke Francesco's men. I myself, with the remainder of the force, decided to quit Milan, and marched against the enemy, though I had the greatest difficulty in persuading the Germans to move, as they would not do so without having their arrears paid up.
The confederates arrived at Marignano on the 26th of March, when their van, chiefly composed of the Duke [Sforza's] men, began to attack the monastery. I came up with 200 light horse and 500 Spanish infantry just at the time when the place was being attacked. Perceiving the danger of the besieged, and that the Germans could not join us before night, I made up my mind to charge the enemy without waiting for their arrival, and so successful was the attack that in a very short time the enemy lost about 300 men in killed and prisoners, and the rest fled to a place distant one mile from the spot where they had crossed the river, and where, hearing of my departure from Milan, the confederates had already begun to strengthen their camp.
I can assure Your Imperial Majesty that had the Germans come up in time our victory would have been quite complete. As it is, much has been gained, for the enemy, hearing of our success, moved to a stronger position close to the river, where, with the assistance of 2,000 pioneers (gastadores) they had with them, they fortified themselves in such manner that it would have been very difficult, if not impossible, to dislodge them. Nevertheless I occupied Marignano, and pitched my tents one half mile from their camp, and kept daily sending out skirmishers in the hope of inducing them to come out of their camp. It was all in vain; and they did quite right, for whenever any of them sallied out, very few returned. In this manner they lost some of their best captains, and others were wounded, Sforza (fn. 14) among the latter. Thus do matters stand at present, our men trying to provoke the confederates to battle, and they never stirring out of their entrenched camp, pretending that they have orders from the Signory [of Venice] not to take the offensive, which they execute most punctually.
I have detached Count Lodovico Beljoioso with nine companies (banderas) of Italian infantry towards Mongus (Monguzzo), and hope to hear soon of its recovery.
Count d' Egmont has come here to serve Your Imperial Majesty. I have given him the command of the men-at-arms. He is a very brave captain, and whether mounted or on foot he always wishes to be the first in the skirmishes. The other day he was wounded in the neck by a hackbut shot, but thank God he is already well, and on horseback. The command of the light cavalry I have given to Captain Çucaro. (fn. 15) Juan Sarmiento and my half-brother Juan de Leyva are also doing their best. Prothonotary Caracciolo governs Milan during my absence.
The news from Germany is that His Highness the King of Bohemia was about to invade Hungary with an army of 22,000 Germans, 10,000 of whom are paid by the King, and 12,000 by the Empire. The Vayvod is at the head of a very large force, and the Turk is helping him, but I trust in God that His Highness will soon make short work of the two.
(Cipher:) I hold for certain that King Francis has sent some of his agents into Switzerland to recruit more men, and that he is preparing to come to the assistance of the confederates. —Milan, 14th July 1527.
Signed: "Antonio de Leyva."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Leyva, Milan."
Spanish. Original, pp. 4.


1 See Perez's letter of the 8th April (No. 47, p. 138), wherein mention is made of certain letters of the Emperor addressed to the Marquis and Bishop, and commanding them to desist from their application to the Pope.
2 "Che e stato miracolo cacciar di questa terra li alamani [i] quali pretendeno esser creditori d' infinite paghe."
3 "Determiné tentalle por aquello que mejor le sabe."
4 "Y tan vien por que se ha dicho que de Francia le han prometido el arcobispado de Roan (Rouen) dando recompensa all que lc tiene, y junto con esto le hacian Patriarcha de Francia y de Inglatierra, paresciome que era vien ganarles la chaca (choca?) y asomarle, sin obligar á Vuestra Magestad, camino para el pontificado, poniendole bus meritos y la ocasion que V[uest]ra Magestad al presente tenia para poner en aquclla silla á quien quisiese ; y que viendo que de su parte se[lo] merecia obligaria á V[uest]ra Magestad grandemente á tener respecto en esta conjuntura á su acrescentamiento, lo qual no le suponia."
5 "Que allende de tener lo muy bien merescido, doblaria V[uest]ra Magestad en este reyno la voluntad que los del le tienen, de manera que si bien daña esto de ser tan prendado de Francia, aprovecha para el Reyno saver que no es buen obrero en el servicio de V[uest]ra Magestad, y a sido tan importante el tedio (odio?) que a sido arto impedimiento para tener hasta oy en suspenso a la ruyn voluntad del sobredicho."
6 "Y con este prosupuesto se ha de tener creydo que le avrá pesado de qualquier daño que en los de allá, se haya hecho."
7 "No por esso á V[uest]ra Magestad dexara de pesarle de todo lo que en desautoridad de ella [la Iglesia] aya passado, y que quanto al remedy el podia estar seguro que V[uest]ra Magestad lo pondria tal, que vista la restauracion de toda la universal Yglesia, no se tenga por perdida la passada."
8 "Yo ago poco caso de esta comunidad no teniendo quien la guye."
9 "V[uest]ra Magestad trate con el como con hombre que habla pocas verdades."
10 "Pero yo no veo en estos cosa por donde crea quel parescer de V[uest]ra Magestad en esto ni en otra cosa lo tomen como deverian."
11 "Y que segun los dineros quel Rey de Francia avia menester, que no creya que le acabarian de contentar con todo lo platicado."
12 Two drafts of this letter are in the volume; one is dated the 11th, the other the 14th. Similar ones seem to have been addressed on the same day as appears from this minute, to Prothonotary Marino Caracciolo, of the Emperor's Council, and his ambassador at Milan, to the Abbot of Najera at Rome and to Alfonso Sanchez in Venice.
13 Guicciardini says: "Nel qual tempo il Castellano di Mus condotto agli stipendi del Re di Francia, mentre che in Sul Lago di Como aspetta la venuta degli Svizzeri, occupo per ingagno la Rocca di Monguzzo posta tra Lecco e Como, nella quale abitava Alessandro Bentivoglio come en casa propia," lib. xvii. This castellan or warder of Mus, as he is generally called, was no other than Gianiacopo Medici, often mentioned in these pages.
14 Gian Paolo, the bastard brother of Duke Francesco.
15 The same captain called elsewhere Cuçaro by the transposition of a letter. Guicciardini (lib. xvii.) calls him Zucchero; Sandoyal Zucaro and Chucharo. He was made prisoner with others near Piacenza.