Spain
July 1527, 16-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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282-295

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'Spain: July 1527, 16-25', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 282-295. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87539 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


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July 1527, 16-25

17 July.117. Pope Clement VII. to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 15.
Duplicate of his letter of the 12th (No. 111, p. 270), with some slight changes in the wording.
Countersigned: "Evangelista."
Latin. Original on vellum.
17 July.118. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoza, his Ambassador in London.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. .
The King, &c. Your letters of the 25th April and 9th of May came duly to hand, were answered on the 30th, and sent by sea. Since then We have received your despatches of the 18th and 25th of May, one letter of the 4th of June, and two more of the same date by Master Pointz, together with a note of the 16th in cipher, addressed to our undersigned secretary, so that it would appear as if neither on our side or on yours any letter was missing, the only one which you have not yet answered being that of the 30th of May. We thank you very much for the intelligence conveyed in your letters and the zeal displayed in the negotiations. Hope you will continue giving us the same proofs of loyalty and attachment, &c.
The Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) and Master Pointz have arrived here [at Valladolid]. We sent to meet them the Archbishop of Bari [Fr. Estevan Gabriel Merino] and Count Oropesa (D. Francisco Alvarez de Toledo), who, however, could not find them, as they came riding post early in the morning and entered this town by one gate, whilst our deputies went out by another.
The Bishop has brought us letters of credence from the King of France, and explained verbally the great desire his master has of seeing peace firmly established between us two. To insure which (the ambassador said) the King, his master, was ready to pay two millions of gold, one half on the delivery of his sons, and the other half at convenient periods and dates, stipulated beforehand, and for which proper securities should be given. With regard to Naples the King would, during our lifetime, leave in suspense his rights and pretensions to that kingdom. Respecting the Duchy of Milan the King wished us to restore Francesco Sforza, during the life of whom he (the King) would likewise relinquish all his pretended rights. The same conditions were offered by the Bishop for the sovereignty of [the county of] Flanders and Artois, the King consenting, as he said, to waive all his rights during our lifetime. Concerning Tournay and Hesdin, he would willingly give up the latter if We returned the former to him, or else We might keep Tournay and he retain Hesdin. Nothing was said about the remaining articles of the treaty of Madrid, nor about our sister Queen Eleonor's marriage.
Such are in substance the fine offers (gentiles ofertas) which the Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) brings in his master's name, to which We made no other answer at the time, save that We would have them considered and discussed in our Council and inform him of the result.
Next day the Bishop went to our Privy Council, and exhibited to the members deputed to hear him the powers and mandate which he brought from his master, and which, when examined, were found insufficient for the same reasons alleged on a previous occasion, when . . . . . came to our court. (fn. 1) Yet, desirous as we are and have always been of peace at any cost, we gave orders that the Bishop's mandate should be considered sufficiently valid, under the impression that if matters should be satisfactorily arranged between us and the King of France, the latter would find ample means of supplying what may be wanting in his (the Bishop's) mandate.
Under such proviso our councillors began immediately treating with the said Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) and with his colleague the President of Bordeaux (Jean de Calvimont), who accordingly made the offers above described, and no more. Upon which the councillors told them in our name that the conditions offered by their King were so unreasonable and unjust as to require no answer at all from us, it being very strange that they (the ambassadors) should make such meagre proposals and so inferior to those brought by Secretary Commercy when the President of Bordeaux (Calvimont) was last in Spain, or to those which the Viceroy of Naples had forwarded as coming from the King and from Madame the Regent of France (Louise de Savoie), and which Secretary Bayart had afterwards renewed. The whole of which, our councillors observed, were of such nature that they could at any time have been accepted in preference to those now proposed. The French ambassadors were told besides that the terms proposed would never be approved by the King of England, who had offered to mediate, and whom, they said, they wanted to please.
After which, and in further proof of the arguments held by them, the councillors caused to be read to the English ambassadors there present all the papers and correspondence that had passed on the subject of peace between the King of France and ourselves, as well as the treaty of Madrid, and all the original mandates granted to the French and Imperial commissioners for negotiating and concluding the same. This being done, our said councillors exhorted the Bishop of Tarbes to make more reasonable proposals, if he considered himself empowered to do so. He might thus effectually prove the great desire of peace which he said his master the King entertained. Should there be any clause in the Madrid treaty which it was impossible for his King to fulfil, the Bishop should at once point it out, and offer something in compensation, when such answer would be returned to his proposals as to convince the King and the entire world of our utmost desire to secure the blessings of peace, since We were ready for the service of God and the weal of Christendom, as well as for the sake of the King of England, whom We esteem more than any other Prince in the world, to waive any portion of our own rights for the attainment of the aforesaid peace.
The Bishop declares that he has no other commission from the King than this, so that you may judge thereby what good-will and desire (gentil voluntad) Frenchmen have of a good and durable peace.
After this the English ambassadors, who at the express command of the King, their master, attended the conferences, have in his name, as mediator, urged us greatly to accept the Bishop's offers, or propose new conditions; by doing which, their master, they say, may be able to help on the conclusion of the desired peace, and oblige the King of France further to declare his intention (declarasse mas adelante su intention). Our answer has been that they had heard from the Bishop's own mouth that he had no other commission from his master except putting forward the very meagre offers (magros offrecimientos) he had brought with him, and that in order to show them the trust and reliance We placed in the King of England We should prove that the Bishop had other instructions than those exhibited before our Privy Council. In proof of which We caused to be read to them a letter of Messire Nicolas Perrenot [de Granvelle], our ambassador at the court of France, in date of the 12th inst., stating in plain terms that the Archbishop of Bourges (Bruges) and Ambrun (Embrun) and the Queen's secretary Robertet had distinctly told him that the Bishop's commission was to tender the very same offers once made through the Viceroy of Naples, without curtailing or diminishing anything there from, but, on the contrary, adding to them, if necessary. The Bishop perhaps will not like to own it, but the fact is nevertheless true, that he told our said ambassador Granvelle, before starting for his mission, that he wondered much that his powers were so meagre, and the conditions he had to offer so small. (fn. 2)
Yet for the sake of the English King We thought then of doing what We had never done before, which is treating of private conditions. To that end, and in order to show to the world our good intentions towards the furtherance of the said peace, We caused a memorandum (escripto) to be drawn, addressed to the said ambassadors of England, of which a copy is enclosed, that you may be better acquainted with the incidents of this affair, and able to answer, by way of vindication of our conduct, not on any other ground, any objections that may be raised by the King and Legate; endeavouring, however, to enhance as much as possible the value of our concessions on this point, and saying that the only way of making the King of France speak out and offer better terms is the one adopted. (fn. 3)
This being done, We shall send you our final answer to the King's proposals, that they may be fairly discussed in England, and the peace concluded; but you will all the time adhere to your former declarations, namely, that whenever the King of France proposes better and more reasonable conditions for our acceptance—as the King and Legate and yourself know from our correspondence—We shall be disposed to treat for peace and the preservation of our old alliance with England, in such a manner that His most Serene Highness the King may know that We are really in earnest, and ready to waive for his sake part of our rights, more indeed than We should feel inclined to sacrifice for any other living Prince.
We have also informed the said ambassadors of England of our entire trust in the King, and of our full belief that he is labouring and will labour incessantly and uprightly (instante y rectamente) for the adjustment of the differences pending between us and the French King. We are indeed certain that the King of England will act in this case as a good friend and ally, and zealous promoter of peace, putting aside all partisanship. And yet several of our own relatives, friends, and allies, as likewise our principal and greatest vassals, cannot refrain from urging upon us the consideration that since His most Serene Highness has lately acknowledged his alliance and confederation with the French King, he is bound by duty and honesty to do the same with us (fn. 4) In that manner will he appear before the whole of Christendom as the real and zealous promoter of peace between the contending parties, and show that neither for love, favour, nor any other consideration will he allow himself to be biassed or favour one party more than the other. It is, indeed a notorious fact that, were this only a question of affection, many might think that We and the King of England, who have always esteemed each other, ought for ever to be as closely united as if We were only one person, and that our old mutual friendship is so deeply rooted as not to require renewal, except perhaps for the satisfaction of public opinion (por la satisfaction de las oppignones del mundo). But since such like alliance has been concluded with the King of France, We cannot help requesting His most Serene Highness to do the same towards us, to have our mutual friendship and confederation renewed, so that We may he placed at least on equal terms, and the King himself as much bound to the one as to the other of the contending parties. We have no doubt that His Highness will attend to your request, and therefore We command you to solicit and procure to the best of your power the renewal of the said alliance on the terms above specified, and having, as you have, sufficient powers from us to make any arrangement (appointamiento) for the settlement of our debt, so that the King may have no cause or pretext to be our opponent on this occasion, but act towards us as he would have us act towards him.
We enclose a letter for Madame [of the Low Countries] our aunt, begging her to send you a copy of the treaties made with England, lest they should be wanted for the renewal of the English alliance, or for any other purpose. You had better send the said letter to her, and when required ask her for the copy, &c.
Spanish. Original minute, pp. 5.
17 July.119. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar A. 41,
f. 32.
Wrote last on the 28th of June (fn. 5) by Micer Filipo Arquinto (Archinto), the Milanese ambassador. Since then the Venetians and Sforzini took Marignano, three leagues from Milan, but Antonio de Leyva came suddenly upon them, and obliged them to evacuate the town. They are now strongly fortified at a place about one half league from Marignano, whence they are likely to be soon dislodged, for though they muster several thousands, they are a mere rabble (muy ruyn gente). Their commander is one Juanes Campo Fragoso. The Duke Francesco was to have joined them, but hearing that Leyva had left Milan, he returned to Carmona, where he is at present. The forces under the latter are sufficient to defend the Duchy against the confederates, since they muster 400 men-at-arms, 500 light horse, upwards of 3,000 Germans, and 1,000 Spaniards, all picked men (gente escogida); but money is wanted, and the men refuse serving without pay. Had he (Soria) not sent Leyva 50,000 ducats out of the bills he had in hand, the men would certainly not have marched out of Milan, and now it is to be feared that unless another 50,000 is distributed among them they will not move one step from where they are. Soria had no orders to do this, but on Leyva's pressing solicitations, and perceiving his danger, did not hesitate, after consulting both the Grand Chancellor, who is here [at Genoa], and the Abbot of Najera, to forward that sum to the camp. Will not send the remaining 50,000 without first taking the Chancellor's advice, and that of the Viceroy and Marquis del Guasto, to whom he has written. Has no tidings of them. Both have left Rome; the former is said to be at Gaeta, the latter at Iscla (Ischia). What they have done with the Pope, nobody can tell, for certainly the plague is raging more than ever at Rome. Civittà Vecchia had been delivered up, and Don Alonso de Cordoba appointed governor. Sanct Angelo was in the keeping of Felipe de Cervellon and of a German captain. Ripalta (Ripalda) was at Ostia.
The camp of the League is nearly broken up. It is reported that the Duke of Urbino no longer has the command of it, and that he is gone to defend his own estate, which Ascanio Colonna threatens to invade. The Marquis of Saluzzo is in the neighbourhood of Bologna, whose inhabitants refuse admitting him into their territory, the more so that they have taken the government from those who held it in the Pope's name, and constituted themselves into a sort of republic. Count Gayaço is in one of his villages close to Parma, ready to enter that city, and have banners raised for the Emperor. The whole of Romagna has already done this, with the one exception of Ravenna, which the Venetians have seized, and intend keeping like other towns in the estates of the Church, for their custom has always been whilst two people are fighting to steal their cloaks (recoger las capas quando otros riñen). Notwithstanding all this, should the Imperialists leave Rome and take the field, the confederates will not be able to keep their present positions; but provision should at once be made for the wants of these armies, and especially of that under Leyva, and a commander-in-chief appointed, for already dissension has broken out between Germans and Spaniards at Rome.
The Florentines have ostensibly renewed their engagements with the League, principally out of fear of the Venetians and French, who threaten to invade their territory, but they are still negotiating with our generals.
The Medici are at Massa, and intend coming here [to Genoa] to stay with Cardinal Cortona, as they say they have orders from the Pope not to go either into French or Venetian territory, and are still in hopes of returning to Florence with the Emperor's assistance
Count Pedro Navarro left Asti with his forces to lay waste the country about Alessandria, but Count Baptista Lodrone coming up obliged him to retire and shut himself up in that fortress. Lodrone is now laying siege to a castle of the Marchioness of Montferrato, called Casteletto, within which are two companies (banderas) of French infantry, and another one of light horse. They will most likely take it, though Count Navarro, in order to create a diversion and oblige Lodrone to raise the siege, has again left Asti, and invested Guili, which is defended by a Neapolitan captain with about 80 men. During the siege of Castelleto Captain Baeza was killed by a hackbut shot.
There is a rumour afloat that the Kings of France and England have made an arrangement for a certain number of Switzers to come down to Italy, and that the former is about to send Lautrec at the head of considerable forces; but hitherto no movement of that kind has been made.
Andrea Doria passed the other day in front of this port, bound for Savona. He had on board Langes (Langeay), the French ambassador, Alberto di Carpi, and Renço da Ceri, with their respective wives and families, besides other Romans, all of whom seem to be going to France. After putting them on shore [at Savona], he (Doria) came back, and anchored in sight of this port one whole night. Overtures were then made to him in order to ascertain whether he would take service with the Emperor. He answered coldly (tibiamente), saying that he would if he was appointed governor of Genoa. Our impression is that he will definitively espouse the French cause, and return to Porto Hercole, there to join the French fleet, and that they will together do all the injury they can to this port and city.
The building of the new galleys proceeds with great activity; seven of them are at the Emperor's expense, six only at that of this Community, for the Doge says he cannot order more for the present. The occupation by the French of part of this coast (ribera) is the cause that no shipwrights or vessels (fustas) can come this way, and that all material for construction is so dear. Neither are the 20,000 ducats remitted from Spain sufficient to cover all expenses, for each galley costs over 2,000, exclusive of artillery and stores, besides which the ducats are those known as "ducados de moneda," not "ducados de oro," as they ought to be. Four of the Genoese galleys Count Flisco (Fiesco) is building at his own expense, in the hope that the command of them, or of two at least, will be given to him. Three more are contracted for on similar terms, and he (Soria) will defray the expense of another one, so that there will altogether be thirteen next September. Each galley will require 600 ducats to complete the armament, and if Count Flisco (Fiesco) obtains the command of two, he (Soria) will arm two more.
The appointment of a captain-general for this Genoese fleet, in case of Don Ugo refusing to take the command of it, is a matter of great urgency. An inspector (veedor) general ought also to be named to superintend the armament and pro visioning.
A brigantine, which left Barcelona on the 18th of June, has just arrived in port. The news is that the Turkish galleys had captured in sight of Palamós the ship on board of which the general of the Franciscans sailed with despatches for the Emperor.
The jewels which the Duke of Bourbon once pawned with Ansaldo [Grimaldo] and others for 8,000 ducats have been redeemed. They consist in 11 large diamonds, 12 big pearls, and one cross of rubies and diamonds. Wants to know what he is to do with them.
There is still a talk among the Genoese of sending Martin Centurion to Spain for the purpose of obtaining the Emperor's consent to the union. Fancies that during his absence they have persuaded the Grand Chancellor of the advantages of such a scheme, and that he (Mercurino Gattinara) has promised to write home in favour of it. His own private opinion is that there is much danger in granting their application, because most of those who wish for the union belong to the faction of the Fregosi, who aim at the government of this city. Only in the event of their surrendering the castle for His Imperial Majesty to put in a garrison and a governor of his own choosing, and their making besides some contribution in cash, can their petition be granted. The Chancellor is also of this opinion. Does not know, however, in what sense he will write home.
This letter was written on the 7th, thinking that the Chancellor would sail on that day, but he has been detained by contrary winds. Since then Vuldri (Vauldry?) and Figueroa have come, having put in owing to stress of weather. They intend sailing this very night, owing to which reason he (Soria) will be brief in answering the Imperial despatches of the 17th June, which came to hand on the 13th inst.
All the letters enclosed have been forwarded to their address, principally the one for the Viceroy. Every precaution has been taken, as the danger of their interception is greater than ever, all ways by sea as well as land being closely watched by our enemies.
Respecting the union solicited by these citizens, he (Soria) has nothing to add. He will follow strictly the Emperor's orders and instructions. Has not delivered the letters that came in blank, because at present it is not convenient to do so. If the opportunity should occur he will not fail to make use of them.
With regard to the 12 galleys which Miçer Ansaldo Grimaldo has contracted to build no progress whatever has been made. Neither has the Doge's secretary told the truth when he states in his last official report that the building of the other twenty has already commenced. Only six of them are actually on the stocks, and whenever he (Soria) upbraids them in the Chancellor's presence for their want of activity, they answer that their galleys will be ready quite as soon as those which are being built at the Emperor's expense. This, however, is doubtful, for these Genoese seldom fulfil their engagements unless compelled to do so by those who govern them. Has, however, written to the Viceroy and to Antonio de Leyva to procure funds for the armament of the said galleys, and crews to man them.
The pieces of ordnance which the Doge's secretary has applied for from Pavia are really wanted. It had been agreed that Antonio de Leyva should send some of the old guns in that fortress to be recast here with the Imperial arms. The Prior of Barletta (Martinengo) and Soria will take care that the Emperor's orders are punctually executed.
His Imperial Majesty's command that 36,000 ducats should be given to Antonio de Leyva, and the remainder placed at the disposal of the Viceroy, shall be punctually executed. When the order came Soria had already sent to Leyva 42,000 cr., equivalent to 47,500 ducats. Since then the Germans under Count Baptista Lodrone have mutinied, and those under Leyva threatened to do the same. The latter sent two gentlemen to ask for more money, and Soria was compelled to remit to him 10,000 more, after consulting thereupon the Grand Chancellor and Martinengo, Prior of Barletta, who promised to refund the money in case this disposal of it should not be approved at Court. In this manner 52,000 cr., amounting to 58,000 ducats, have been remitted to Leyva. If to this sum be added 8,000 for the redemption of Bourbon's jewels, the payment of certain sums advanced by this Community for the pay of the two companies of Italian infantry, and 2,000 more which he (Soria) has paid to the Lord of Monago by the Chancellor's order, His Imperial Majesty will see that out of the original credit only 16,000 ducats remain in the ambassador's hands. With these, however, he will not part unless he receives direct orders from Spain or from the Viceroy to employ them in the fitting out of the galleys. Has written to Leyva to say this.
Will stop the brigantine that brought Ribadeneyra and the despatches until the answers of the Viceroy and the other Imperial ministers are ready.
Cardinals Cibo and Cortona with the Medici have left Carrara and gone to Bologna, whence it is presumed they will go to Venice, the place of rendezvous of all the cardinals who are out of Rome, and there appoint another Pope, or take some equally ill-advised step (garbullo) under the favour and protection of France.
Micer Juan Bartolomé di Gattinara, who left Rome with a Papal commissioner in order to take possession of Parma, Piacenza, and Lucca, has been robbed (desbalijado) and ill treated on the road by a party of armed peasants (villanos), whilst still within the territory of the Florentines, who had procured him a safe-conduct for that purpose. He himself had to fly to a village of the Duke of Ferrara, called Castilnovo.
Count Nogarolo is dead at Naples. He was one of the members of the Council [della Sumaria] in that kingdom. Begs for the vacant place and salary, that he may the better keep up the rank of ambassador.—Genoa, 17th July 1527.
Signed: "Lope de Soria"
Addressed: "A la Sacrma. Cesa. y Catca Md."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Lope de Soria. The 17th of July."
Spanish. Original, pp. 8¼.
20 July.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 27.
120. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Emperor.
Since his letter of the 13th the Bishop of Trent has sent him the enclosed (fn. 6) summaries of news, whence it appears that the Marquis Casimir has declared war against the Vayvod in the name of his master, the King of Bohemia and Hungary.
The Imperialists have already evacuated Rome, as the rumour goes, but nobody knows for certain what route they will take on their return to Lombardy. It is generally believed that they will come through the Florentine territory, where, as well as at Rome, the plague is now making great ravages.
Hears that this Signory has received letters from Constantinople stating that the Grand Turk [Soliman] had heard of the taking of Rome by the Imperialists. He had settled the affairs of Anatolia, and Ibrahim Pashá, who had gone there for that purpose, was soon expected back, when he would invade Germany, &c.
Count Guido Rangone is still here, though with little or no hope of coming to an agreement with this Signory,
Mentioned in his last how Juan (Giovanni) di Sassatello had entered Imola; he has since taken possession of the citadel. The Signory have offered him very fair conditions, and a "condotta" besides, which, however, he has not yet accepted.
The Pope has addressed a brief to his Legate at Bologna, commanding him to admit the Ventivollas (Bentivogli) into the city.
The duplicate (fn. 7) of his letter of the 13th went by way of Genoa. Has cause to suspect that it has been intercepted by the enemy, as Count Gayatzo is on the road thither, doing all the harm he can, and is known besides to have stopped the last courier despatched by the Duke of Ferrara.—Venice 20th July 1527.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "Sacre Cesare et Catholice Magti."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Venice. Alonso Sanchez. 20th July. Answered."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
21 July.121. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 29.
On the 23rd inst. Marco Pio, ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara, sailed for Barcelona, and took his (Soria's) letters. It would appear that the Duke declines altogether to take the command of the Imperial forces on the plea of bad health, but in reality because he is afraid of the soldiers mutinying for want of pay. Certain Knights of St. John, who arrived yesterday from Cornetto, close to Rome, relate that on the 12th inst. the Imperialists evacuated that city, in still greater number than when they left Lombardy, for the Spaniards whom the Viceroy brought with him [from Naples] had joined them. The Germans residing in Rome (todos los alemanes gue estauan alli de estancia) had likewise left, as well as many Italians, deserters from the camp of the League, who had joined our ranks, so that in reality it is a very strong and powerful army, capable of achieving anything. The only drawback is that it has no commander-in-chief, for according to the reports of the said Knights Commanders (comendadores) the Prince of Orange remained at Rome, ill in bed, from his wounds having opened. They also heard the Master of St. John say that the Abbot of Najera (Fernando Marin) had died of the plague, a piece of intelligence which has since been confirmed by merchants of those parts, though the news is not yet officially announced. No one knew at Rome what direction the Imperialists would take, nor what they intended doing with the Pope.
The news conveyed in his last despatch about the Bentivogli being at the gates of Bologna has turned out quite true. They could not however enter, owing to the Papal governor having arrested those of their adherents who were within the city.
Cardinals Cibo and Cortona are gone to Parma and Piacenza to prevent their surrender, in spite of the Pope's orders, as agreed. Micer Jno. Bartolomeo di Gattinara, and the Papal commissioner who had been sent for the purpose of taking possession of those cities, are now at Rezzo, in the territory of the Duke of Ferrara, negotiating with the respective governors. It is believed, however, that they will not succeed until the approach of the Imperial army.
The Portuguese ambassador (Don Martin de Portugal), who is going to Spain in company with one of the Pope's chamberlains, has arrived, and will soon sail for Barcelona. (fn. 8) It is said that he speaks rather unfavourably of His Imperial Majesty, and has sent a message to Cardinal Cortona, through a Spaniard of this place who acts as his secretary, requesting him not to surrender to us Parma and Piacenza, but to keep them for the Pope, and stating that the principal object of his journey is to advise the King, his master, to help His Holiness with all his power, and even to ally himself with the French King for that purpose. Such are the reports afloat about this Portuguese ambassador, though it must be said that whenever the Grand Chancellor (Gattinara) and he (Soria) have spoken to him, he has expressed himself in very different terms.
Andrea Doria has again taken service with the French, and is now cruising before this port, waiting for a convoy of wheat that is to come from Corsica, escorted by nine Imperial galleys. Should our fleet be defeated, and the wheat fall into the hands of the enemy, it is to be feared that on the approach of the confederates by land, Genoa will surrender without resistance, for never were the citizens more disheartened and crest-fallen than they are at present. The Doge has despatched one of his secretaries to the Viceroy of Naples, asking for money and provisions to carry on the defence of this port and city, as likewise for the Neapolitan fleet to come to these seas and disperse the enemy. Should his request be denied, it is his intention to protest, and if the confederates come in force, to treat with them for the surrender.
Advices from Milan state that Leyva had removed the governor of the castle, one of Bourbon's creatures, and replaced him by a Spaniard in his own confidence. The news is not official, and may be a mere report sent by merchants, but he (Soria) would be glad to hear it confirmed, for certainly the fidelity of that governor has been and is much suspected.
Since the above was written letters have come to hand from Secretary Perez of the 11th and 13th inst., the substance of which is that the whole of the Imperial army has left Rome for Lombardy, though without a commander and in a most disorderly manner, for the Prince of Orange had remained behind, declaring that he would not leave the country of the Colonnese until he had received an answer to his despatches. The Imperialists had decided to send the Pope, the cardinals, and the hostages to Salmonet (sic). Colonna was to remain as Papal Legate at Rome. The Abbot of Najera had been struck by the plague.
It is said that the Duke of Urbino has again made his peace with the Venetians, who are actually arming 50 galleys to assail the coast of Naples and Sicily. Part of the confederated army is still near Sienna, as well as the Marquis of Saluzzo, so that the whole of Italy may be said to be in a blaze.
The Grand Chancellor does not intend going further on his journey, and has made up his mind to return to Spain as soon as possible.
The last advices from France are that warlike preparations were being conducted with great activity. Their artillery was crossing the Alps; 5,000 Switzers were already close to Asti, and more were expected. Their intention is no doubt to attack this city.—Genoa, 21st July 1527.
Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty"
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Genoa. Lope de Soria. 21st of July."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
24 July.122. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
33.
Has forwarded by Philippo Archinto, the ambassador whom this city of Milan determined to send to the Emperor, the duplicates of his despatches of the 21st and 23rd of May. Has written several times since, lastly on the 12th inst. The insecurity of the roads, and consequent delay of his correspondence, which must needs go by sea, is perhaps the reason of his letters and those of other Imperial ministers in Italy not having been answered in time. No negligence is therefore to be imputed to him or them, if the Emperor is not fully acquainted with the general state of affairs and the movements of the confederates.
Since his last the enemy came to Marignano. Dislodged from that place by Antonio de Leyva, who went out of Milan to meet them, they pitched their tents at a spot in the neighbourhood of such great natural strength that it will be almost impossible with the small force that captain has under his command to drive them from it, or stop their supplies, besides which their number is increasing every day. Another division of the confederates has come as far as Monza. If they succeed in effecting their junction with these, Leyva will have enough to do to defend this city until the army now at Rome returns to Lombardy, which it is to be hoped will take place soon. .
(Cipher:) All things considered, since God, who well notes the Emperor's kind acts and righteous intentions, has been pleased to grant him full victory over his enemies; since the two sons of the French King are in his power, and His Holiness himself is at his mercy (in suo arbitrio), it is reasonable to presume that all the Emperor's enemies will gladly seize the opportunity of making peace on honourable conditions. His (Caracciolo's) opinion has always been, and is still, that every effort should be made to obtain that peace which is the sole remedy to the evils by which Italy and the whole of Christendom are distracted. His Imperial Majesty has conducted himself so honourably in every previous treaty, that no concession now made to his enemy for the sake of putting an end to this war can be imputed to weakness. Every one will see in it his desire to secure the peace of the World.
Signed: "II Protonotario Caracciolo."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Milan. Prothonotary Caracciolo."
Italian. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 9.
25 July.123. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 39.
Has received the Emperor's letter of the 2nd with the appointment of Chancellor of the Duchy of Milan. Returns thanks for so eminent a favour, and will not fail to exert himself, as hitherto, in the Emperor's service. Will use in future the new cipher which came enclosed.
This morning Antonio de Leyva went up to the castle and had a conversation with the governor [appointed by Bourbon]. After explaining the Emperor's intentions and the favours to be bestowed upon him, Leyva informed him in the mildest possible terms that his office had been conferred upon Joan de Leyva, his own natural brother, and Field Master (Maestro de Campo) of the Imperial army. There, in the presence of all bystanders, Leyva swore him, Spanish fashion, saying to him, "As I may be taken prisoner in this war, and be tempted by the enemy to surrender this castle, I command you, should such a thing come to pass, not to obey my orders, but to preserve it for His Imperial Majesty."
Will communicate with the Duke of Ferrara and the Viceroy, according to the instructions last received, whenever anything occurs [at Milan] worth mentioning.—Milan, 25th July 1527.
Signed: "Protonotario Caracciolo."
Addressed: "A Sua Mta."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Milan. Prothonotary Caracciolo. 25th of July."
Italian. Holograph. pp. 2.

Footnotes

1 Here follows an almost unintelligible word, probably intended as a substitute for a proper name. I read celer baybod, which might be intended either for François de Tournon, Archbishop of Embrun, or for President Jean de Selve or for Philippe Chabot, who went first to Spain as ambassadors of Louise of Savoy.
2 "El dicho Tarbes no lo querrá dezir assi, pero el hecho es que antes de su partida reparó en tener tan magra commission."
3 "Para que seays mejor informado de todas cosas para responder al Rey y Reymo. Legado á nuestra justifficacion y no de otra manera, salvo que aveis de hazer valler la mercaduria, y trabajar de encarescerles lo que avemos dado por nuestra parte commo dicho es, y que este es el verdadero camyno para hazer hablar al Rey de Francia."
4 "Assi mesmo les avemos dicho que nos creemos y cognoscemos que su Scrd. demuestra de bien en mejor officio de verdadero amigo y zellator de la dicha paz, sin tener ninguna parcialidad, empero muchos parientes, amigos y confederados nuestros, y assi mismo de nuestros principals y mas grandes vasallos, no pueden abstenerse de nos importunar diciendo que pues dicho Sermo. Rey d'Inglaterra ha reconocido despues tan poco tyempo sus confederationes y amistades con el Rey de Francia," &c.
5 No 100, but dated the 30th. See p. 257.
6 See above, No. 114, p. 277.
7 Both must have been intercepted, for they are not in the Academy's volumes of original papers.
8 Pope Clement's credentials to this nobleman under date of the 12th July are under No.111.