Spain
July 1527, 26-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1877

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295-311

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'Spain: July 1527, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2: 1527-1529 (1877), pp. 295-311. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87540 Date accessed: 02 September 2014.


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July 1527, 26-31

July 26.124. The Emperor to the Senate and Inhabitants of Rome.
S. E. L. 1,554,
f. 570.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 303.
"Romani Imperii dignitas hac lege a nobis suscepta est ut (quantum per nos fieri posset) sarcinam hanc, non tam pro nostra quam pro Reipublicæ Christianæ, ipsiusque Romani Imperii gloria suscepisse videremur, atque ut Romanorum nomen, temporum iniuria ferè extinctum, in pristinum nobis statum erigere, idque rursus per universas orbis nationes clarissimum reddere liceret, ut qui in christianorum provinciis religionis principatum obtinent, quocumque religiosis legibus a christianis ubique obtemperatur, eorum etiam et religiosis et profanis iuribus Christi nominis hostes colla submitterent, simulque et Christi et Romani Imperil gloria beneficio nostro restitueretur. Verumtamen a vicinis nostris ad bellum provocati civilia arma tamdiu exercere coacti sumus, quousque in potestate nostra fuit labentem Rempublicam restaurare, restitutoque pristinæ libertati Gallorum rege maluimus iniquam pacem amplecti quam bellum æquissimum persequi, utpote qui longè maiora pro Christi gloria proficere posse sperabamus.
"Dumque nos ad tantam provinciam accingimur, eccè Summum Pontificem arma in nos nostramque dignitatem movere sentimus, ita ut [Nos] qui nuper civilia arma posuerimus, plus quam civilia reasumere, novasque copias ad Italiam mittere coacti fuerimus, ni cum maxima ignominia nostra Reipublicæque jactura ei cedere vellemus. Quo factum est, ut dum Pontifex, oblationibus nostris sepius spretis, induciisque violatis, una cum aliis Christianis Principibus arma in Nos, nihil tale ab eo sperantes., mordicus continuare studet, Nosque pro nostra ac subditorum nostrorum et Romani Imperii salute ac dignitate copias nostras manutenere, Nosque a tot hostium inuria defendere curamus, milites nostri Pontificem ad honestam pacem nobiscum componendam compellere volentes, Ducibus nequicquam prohibentibus, nobisque inconsultis, in Urbem istam, quam nos inter cæteras ab omni moleatia preservatam optabamus, eum impetum fecerunt, quem (si fieri posset) Nos vel sanguine ipso nostro redimere vellemus, nostro mœrori ac luctui, nee modum ullum nee finem certè videremus ni malum hoc maius hominum sequi posse apertà via speraremus,Proque Christi vicario, ac eius ministris iniuriis, vobisque damnis illatis tanto sumus dolore affecti ut tum (fn. 1) pacem universalem, tum ad arma in perfidos religionis nostræ hostes convertenda, idque tandem in vestrum et Reipublicæ honorem et commodum futurum nobis polliceremur. Qua re vos, ut omnem preteritæ calamitatis dolorem deponatis, bonoque animo sitis hortamur spretisque (speretisque) incommoda hac multa rerum dignitate ac gloria vobis resarcienda esse. Nos enim Imperium, Regna, Dominiaque omnia, sanguinem vitam atque animam ipsam nostram nunquam non sumus exposituri, ut Carolo Quinto Imperante non modo universalis ecclesia illiusque caput, sed Romani etiam magnum dignitatis gloriæque incrementum assequantur pro ut hæc latius nobilis, fidelis, nobis dilectus Petrus a, Verey Baro Sancti Juliani, Camerarius et Dapifer noster, vobis nostro nomine refert, cui vos summam in his fidem habere poteritis.—Datum Vallisoleti, 7 Calendas Augusti 1527."
Addressed: "Senato Populoque Romano." (fn. 2)
Latin. Original draft by Alfonso Valdés. pp. 3.
27 July.125. Alonso Sanchez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41.
f. 41.
Cardinal Cibo entered Bologna the other day, and released those of the Bentivogli who had been imprisoned.
The Papal commissioner who accompanied Joan Bartolomeo, Gattinara, and Count Lodrone, for the purpose of delivering to them the cities of Parma and Piacenza, as agreed in the capitulation, could not execute the orders whereof he was the bearer, as Count Gayatzo (Gaiazzo) occupied a bridge on the way, and would not allow the party to pass.
With regard to the movements of the Switzers no positive information can be obtained. The Bishop of Trent, in a letter of the 23rd inst., writes that they had been recalled by their lords (que avian sido revocados de sus Señores), either because the King of France had not forwarded the stipulated money, or because he did not wish them to come down until they heard from him again. On the other hand it is generally believed here, at Venice, that they are already on the move, and that a division of them is shortly to cross the Alps. Letters, it is added, have been received from Lyons of the 17th inst., announcing that Mons. de Lautrech had arrived two days before (on the 15th), and was about to start in four or five more. He was expected to be in Italy on the 10th of August.
The Imperialists, it is said, left Rome on the 10th or 11th inst., and took the road to Lombardy. They sacked Narni on the way, and passed on. Who commands them, and what their plans are, nobody here can tell.
The Bishop of Trent writes to say that the Tartar (el Tactaro, was collecting an army of 80,000 horse to invade Poland, and that the King of that country (Sigismond) was making preparations to resist him.
The ambassador appointed by this Signory to go to Lautrech will leave to-night or to-morrow morning. Their captain- general (proveditor) of the sea sailed on the 24th for Corfú to take the command of the fleet.—Venice, 27th July 1527.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "Sacre. Cesae. et Cathce. Mti." and "Domino prothonotario et archidiacono Soria." By triplicate.
Indorsed. "To the King. 1527. Alo. Sanchez. 27th of July."
Spanish. Original, pp. 5.
28 July.126. The Emperor to Cardinal Salviati (fn. 3)
S. E. L. 572.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 304.
Excuses himself, but inculpates the Pope. The sack of Rome was no doing of his. The soldiers, exasperated at his Holiness for not fulfilling his promises and carrying on the war as before, insisted upon marching on. Neither he nor his generals can be made responsible for the excesses of his troops — Vallesoleti, 28th July 1527.
Latin. Original draft. 1.
28 July.127. The Emperor to the King of England.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 25.
Must have heard from his ambassador (Don Iñigo) the many reports which have reached him of the French assertion that he (the King) intends to ally himself with them against him. Cannot possibly believe such reports, considering the cordial affection (bonne et cordiale amour) which the King has always professed for him, the many kindnesses and friendly attentions he has shown him, the mutual love of their own kingdoms and subjects, and the total absence of any just cause or ground for disagreement between them which should lead them to injure one another. He, himself, has always desired, and still desires, to live and die in friendship with the King, that they may together do some good work for the glory of God and the peace and repose of Christendom. Begs the King to ponder well on all these things, to persevere in the love he has always borne him (the Emperor), and to maintain the ancient alliances and treaties between them, without allowing himself to be deceived and diverted from that course, but rather (as he has often promised) pointing out the means whereby the said friendship and alliance can better be preserved. He for his part is willing to co-operate in such a good work, as his ambassador (Don Iñigo), for whom he begs credence, cannot fail to report.
Addressed: "High and Mighty, &c."
French. Minute. 1.
28 July.128. The Emperor to the Cardinal of York.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 227, No. 25.
The Cardinal will see what he (the Emperor) has written to his good brother and uncle the King of England. Doubts not that he will use all his influence, as he has often promised through the English ambassadors, to prevent anything being done contrary to his interests and to the good feeling which he (the Cardinal) has always shown him. Begs him to do his utmost to preserve, not only the same friendship and alliance as hitherto between the two countries, but to help it to grow and increase, informing him of any means which may tend to this result, on which point his advice will be gladly received, as he will hear from his ambassador, the Bishop of Burgos. Begs him to give full credence to the said Bishop, &c.
French. Minute. 1.
28 July.129. Mercurino di Gattinara to Alfonso d'Este, Duke of Ferrara.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 44.
Replied yesterday to his letter concerning Georgio [Frunts- perg] and the money owing to him. There is great talk to-day about the French soon invading the estate of Milan. Mons. de Lautrech was expected at Torino in a day or two. The Switzers who were at Ybrea had advanced as far as the river Pò, which they were about to cross near Sancto Sebastiano. Their principal force was still at Asti, where considerable stores of provisions and ammunition had been collected. The enemy's plan of campaign seems to be to take Alessandria first, and then march on this city (Genoa) and lay siege to it, whilst their fleet under Andrea Doria blockades the port. The Genoese galleys that went to Corsica laden with wool and to bring back wheat dare not come. If we are not speedily succoured, and if the Imperial army does not soon return to Lombardy, Genoa must fall into the hands of the enemy.
Begs him to despatch a messenger with all possible speed to the Prince of Orange or to the captains in command of the Imperial forces, requesting them to make haste, and return to Lombardy as soon as possible.—Genoa, 28th July 1527.
Indorsed: "Napoles. Particularia."
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 1¼.
29 July.130. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41.
f. 46.
Since his letter of the 24th inst., reporting the warlike operations in the immediate neighbourhood of this city, Antonio de Leyva has thought it desirable to collect his forces and occupy the suburbs (li borchi), with a view to ensuring the supplies of provisions to this Imperial camp and to Milan. He will thus be enabled the better to defend this capital against the enemy, as well as Pavia, Alessandria, and other fortified places of lesser importance, such as Novara, Moleno, &c.
News came yesterday that the Switzers, mustering about 6,000, had marched from Ybrea to Asti, there to meet Lautrech, who with the French lances and the whole of the artillery is expected to arrive within a week. What the enemy's plans are nobody knows for certain. Some think that they will march on Alessandria; others that their object is to attempt Parma and Piacenza, which cities have not yet been surrendered to us, notwithstanding the Pope's express orders to that effect. Their design might also be to meet the Imperial army on its march, but this is hardly probable. They might also enter by the Lomelina and effect their junction with the Venetians now encamped in the territory of this city (Milan), or else, by getting possession of Alessandria, open the road to Genoa, which city and port are already invested by the enemy's fleet, and too scantily provisioned to stand a regular siege by sea and land. This last appears to us the point most threatened, especially as Andrea Doria, who has again taken service with the French, and accepted the command of the confederated fleet, is straining every nerve to watch that port and prevent the arrival of supplies. As Genoa, according to the last treaty, has been consigned to King Francis, there can be no doubt that this is their plan of campaign; besides that, the city once taken, they can infest the coasts of Sicily and Apulia with their galleys.
Nothing shall be spared on our part to defend the Duchy, and indeed the whole of Lombardy, against the enemy. Leyva, however, has not a farthing at his disposal; the money that Lope de Soria sent us is already spent. Innumerable families are quitting Milan owing to the dearth of provisions and the insolence and excesses of the soldiers quartered upon them, who, having no money, must needs procure their daily food wherever they can find it. In order to stop the emigration of the inhabitants, and cause the absent families to come back, we have been obliged to issue very strict (acerbissime) proclamations for the absentees to return under pain of confiscation of property, and so forth. Yesterday, whilst we were discussing in the Council room certain measures for the internal administration of Milan, a deputation of the Great Hospital, composed of the principal nobles of the land, made their appearance, and informed us that they could no longer, for want of funds, receive any sick soldiers within the precincts of that establishment, a thing which has never before happened even in the most calamitous times.—Milan, 29th July 1527.
Addressed: "To the King. 1527. From Milan. Prothonotary Caracciolo. 29th July."
Italian. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines, pp. 3.
29 July.131. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoza.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224.
Your letters of the 13th inst. (fn. 4) came duly to hand, together with one from the Queen of England, our good aunt. They were brought by Francisco Phelipez, (fn. 5) who, in virtue of his credentials from the Queen herself, informed us verbally of the state of her affairs, and said in substance what you yourself wrote to us about them. You may well imagine how sorry We were to hear of a case so scandalous in itself, and entailing such lamentable consequences for the future, from which evils innumerable must inevitably arise, especially at the present juncture. We cannot desert the Queen, our good aunt, in her troubles, and intend doing all We can in her favour. To this end, as the first step towards rendering help, it seems to us that this matter ought to be treated with all possible moderation, having recourse to kind remonstrances alone for the present. We have accordingly written a letter to the King in our own hand, as you will see by the enclosed copy of it. You may tell the King, through yourself or in any other way you may consider best, that We have had cognizance of the actual state of things between His most Serene Highness the King of England and the Queen consort, our aunt, and how, immediately after the receipt of this painful intelligence, We took up our pen and wrote in our own hand the letter of which a copy is enclosed, without communicating its import to any member of our Privy Council or others, or asking their advice upon it, persuaded as We are that such important and weighty matters ought to be treated privately between ourselves.
The better to convince the King of our wish to keep this matter secret, you will tell him that, although our first intention was to send to him one of the gentlemen of our chamber, We have since changed our mind and decided to write to him in our own hand ; and, moreover, that foreseeing that this despatch, as well as our private and confidential letter to him, must needs go by land, We have with infinite trouble to ourselves put the same in cipher, intricate and difficult as you know this process to be.
That knowing his (the King's) great personal virtues, his elevation of mind, (fn. 6) his good and righteous intentions, and the perfect love he has always borne towards us and our affairs, We cannot in any manner be persuaded to believe in so strange a determination as this on the part of His Serenity, a step which would so astonish the whole world, were it to be earned into execution. Nor can We believe it possible, considering the good qualities (bondad) of His Serenity and of the Queen, his wife, and the honesty and peace in which they have lived for so many years so much to the fame and reputation of both parties, as is notorious throughout the Christian world— the Queen herself being so good and virtuous, loving so much His Serenity, having always conducted herself towards him in so irreproachable a manner, and being of such Royal blood, that such a design can be entertained. To which We may add that having, as they have, so sweet a Princess for their daughter, it is not to be presumed that His Serenity would consent to have her or her mother dishonoured, a thing so monstrous of itself and wholly without precedent in ancient or modern history.
For even if it were right and allowable—which it is not —to say or think that the Pope could not give dispensation for this marriage, and even supposing that on that occasion there did exist—which there did not—the motives alleged, or other causes and reasons still stronger of any kind whatsoever, which could justify such a scandalous dissolution of the marriage, it would still be a more honourable proceeding (mucho y mas honesto) to keep the matter secret and work out its remedy privately, if necessary, though We maintain that such motives and reasons do not and cannot exist.
Nor is it likely that these proceedings originate with His Serenity, but with persons who bear ill-will towards His most Serene Highness, the Queen, and ourselves, and care not what evils and disasters may spring therefrom. For the present affair, as We have no doubt that you (Don Iñigo) will be able to show and prove to the King, is one in which many Christian Princes are concerned, and may in future times become the cause of great troubles and dissensions among them, some maintaining, after the King's death, that the Princess is his true and legitimate daughter; others asserting the contrary, and pretending that the King of Scotland, in his mother's right, ought to succeed to the throne of England; besides which, other political questions connected with the above might give rise to everlasting feuds and contentions.
You will, therefore, entreat His Serenity, in our name, well to consider the matter, and pay especial attention to the three following points:—1st. To take in good part what We say to him, and to believe that in thus addressing him We have only represented what We know to be most advantageous to himself and to us. 2nd. That We earnestly entreat him, for the honour and service of God, to put an end to this scandalous affair. 3rd. That he may be pleased to treat this matter with such secrecy and reserve as His Serenity, in his great prudence and discretion, cannot fail to see is most fitting in a case of this nature. And you will also promise in our name that whatever measures may be required to ensure the said secrecy We will readily adopt, out of our perfect love for His Serenity, for the said Queen, our aunt, for the Princess their daughter, and for the whole kingdom of England.
This is what We think you should say for the present [to the King], but We still order and command you, as you are likely to know the state of this affair better than ourselves, to say, do, and add whatever you consider necessary in a matter so important for the service of God and our own. This, however, you will do most temperately, without the least acrimony (agrura), and in such manner as your usual prudence and discretion shall dictate.
A duplicate of this letter shall be forwarded to you by sea, and at the same time Francisco Phe. (Phelipe) shall return to England. He will be the bearer of a letter of ours to the Queen, our aunt, to whom you shall as soon as possible communicate the contents of this despatch, in the manner you may think most proper for her tranquillity and satisfaction, giving her at the same time such advice as may comfort her in her present affliction.
Lest the Queen should derive no benefit to her case from the [intended] appeal, We have now also written to our Viceroy of Naples, informing him in full of the nature and circumstances of the case, commanding him to obtain from His Holiness secretly, and in the best manner possible, a letter or brief, wherein, in the mildest possible terms, and with due exhortations, he may persuade the King and his ministers to put a stop to the evils which must necessarily arise out of so scandalous a business.
We ourselves have also written to His Holiness through another channel respecting this ugly affair, entreating him to revoke the legatine power conferred on the Cardinal of England, or, if he should deem it more advisable, to command by sentence that neither the said Cardinal nor any other ecclesiastic of England, of whatever rank or dignity he may be, interfere in the said affair, he (the Cardinal) being strongly suspected of ill-will towards the Queen, our aunt; but, on the contrary, that the case be brought forward at Rome before His Holiness and the Sacred College of Cardinals, there to be tried and judged by them.
A duplicate of the resolution (despacho) on this matter shall be addressed to you by way of Germany, with all possible secrecy, and another one after the receipt of this present letter, that you may show the same to the King as emanating from the Pope (motu proprio) in virtue of his pastoral dignity. (fn. 7)
For your better guidance (por v[uest]ro mayor aviso), and also to ensure the most favourable termination of this case, We now send to Rome the General of the Order of St. Francis (Quiñones), fully qualified, as he is, for this sort of business, with whom and with our Viceroy of Naples you may correspond by means of your own cipher, to which the latter has a key.
True it is that We would much prefer, were it possible, to redress this present evil secretly, rather than bring it to such scandalous publicity; and yet, if no other means be left, We cannot but do everything in our power to assist the Queen, our aunt.
We have likewise written to the Cardinal the enclosed (fn. 8) in our own hand, which you can forward to him if required, or else keep it by you until his return [from France]. Should you decide upon having it sent to him, let it he conveyed secretly through some person deserving all your confidence and with such charge and commission as you may deem best.
Respecting other State affairs of ours now pending in that kingdom, "We cannot but approve all that you said to the Cardinal before he left for France. (fn. 9) But as on this particular point, as well as on the subject of the peace and alliance [with England], We have lately written to you at length by way of France, through the courier of the English ambassadors at this our court as usual, We need not repeat our instructions, save saying that We shall consider it a great service to our person if you will continue to inform us of current events in England.—Valladolid, 29th July 1527.
Spanish. Original draft to be put in cypher, pp. 7.
Indorsed: "Minute de lettre de FEmpereur á Don Inigo."
30 July.132. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 54.
(Cipher:) Leyva has read to him (Caracciolo) the paragraph of a letter respecting the Duke Francesco Sforza. It would be advisable that, in order to treat with him exclusively and in secret, full powers should be forwarded to the said Leyva, or to whoever else is to conduct the negotiations. Clear and ample instructions showing the Emperor's wishes should also come by the same post, because the distance is great and the roads are insecure. Even so, he (Caracciolo) doubts whether the Duke will consent to treat under the present circumstances.
Indorsed: "To the King. 1527. From Milan. 30th of July."
Italian. Original deciphering. 1.
30 July.133. Antonio de Leyva to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 109.
Since his letter of the 14th (fn. 10) Captain Ribadeneyra arrived on the 17th. The orders he brings shall be faithfully attended to, but he (Leyva) cannot help remarking that no account is being taken at Court of his present dangerous position, surrounded as he is by enemies, and without bread or money to give his soldiers. He hears that Soria has orders to furnish him with only 30,000 ducats, which, considering that the monthly pay to the Germans alone amounts to 25,000 ducats, and that of the Spaniards to 8,000, without including the garrisons, is but an insignificant sum towards general expenses. Has since been obliged to raise 4,000 Italian infantry, which must be paid every month, or else they will go home, and everything will be lost. If to this be added that the light horse, the men-at-arms, the garrisons of Lecco, Pizzighitone, Trezzo, Como, Pavia, &c. have not been paid for some time, and that considerable sums must be spent in ordnance, ammunition, spies, couriers, &c., His Imperial Majesty will judge whether 36,000 ducats are sufficient to keep this army. Wishes that he had means of his own to supply these wants, but his estate in the kingdom of Naples is by this time partly mortgaged and partly sold. The commandership (comendaduria) of which the Emperor lately made him present is pawned to Cartagena, the banker, for 2,000 ducats advanced to the Germans. None of his friends and relatives, who otherwise might trust him, will lend him one farthing more, owing to his former engagements in the Emperor's name being still unpaid.
The Emperor intimates in his letter that the Viceroy [of Naples] has received orders to provide as best he can for the wants of this army, but the Viceroy is nearly as far from Milan as we are from Spain, and whilst the orders come and go the whole may be lost. His Imperial Majesty ought not to trust too much to his lucky star, for it is not every day that God works miracles (no todos los dias hace Dios milagros).
King Francis' ordnance left Lyons on the 5th inst. Captain Figueroa must have fully reported on Roman affairs; there is no need for him to say how matters stand there.
Count Gayaço, and private business of his own.
Returns thanks for the acknowledgment of his services conveyed in the Emperor's letter of the 23rd. Will do his duty to the last.
With regard to the Duke [Francesco Sforza] and the message which he (Leyva) has been ordered to send him, Prothonotary Caracciolo and others have been consulted, and though some were of opinion that this was not the time for such overtures, yet an attempt has been made in the following manner. About a fortnight ago a Spaniard of the name of Garro, an honest man and soldier serving under Gian Paolo Sforza, the Duke's bastard brother, fell into our hands, and was lodged with the rest of the prisoners. Through this Garro a message came from Gian Paolo saying that his brother, the Duke, begged him (Leyva) to use his influence with the Emperor to procure the settlement of his affair as soon as possible, and that if he (Leyva) wished it the Duke would send a confidential agent to discuss the terms, &c. His answer was that the Emperor was always ready to receive with open arms those who had offended him, and that if the Duke would stand his trial before unsuspected judges appointed for the purpose, he might be sure of being treated with mercy. He (Leyva) would do all he could in the matter. Those who brought the Duke's message did not fail to mention, by way of argument and of intimidation also, the rumour prevailing at the time of a French army soon coming to Italy. His (Leyva's) reply was that the arrival of the French could in nowise improve the Duke's position for even in the case of their being victorious, which he hoped to God would not happen, the Duchy of Milan would not be restored to him, unless it was in the manner and in the way that his brother held it whilst residing in France. (fn. 11) Has purposely kept this proposal open during seven or eight days until he should hear whether the French are really coming down. Now that this seems to be a certainty according to the last advices, and that they (the Sforzini) are also aware of it, the overtures have been discontinued, and the affair remains as it was.
With regard to this castle of Milan, the very day the news came of Bourbon's death, he (Leyva) made sure of it, without, however, deposing the governor. (fn. 12) There was in reality nothing to fear, as he had only three Frenchmen under him; and besides, strict orders had been given to the Spaniards that no one should go in or out without their permission. But there was within the walls a Grison captain named Paul, in command of the Germans, who on various accounts was not to be trusted. This one Leyva managed to depose in the following manner. Passing one day in front of the castle, Leyva begged him to come out, which the Grison did, and then taking him under some excuse to his own lodgings in the city, he gave the command to another German captain of his acquaintance, named Gaspar, (fn. 13) who immediately entered the castle, and took a fresh oath of allegiance from the men.
All this was done previous to Ribadeneyra's arrival, and before he (Leyva) knew the Emperor's wishes. He has since called upon the governor [La Mothe], and persuaded him, in the best manner he could, to give up his command, which he did immediately and without difficulty, on the promise of .2,500 cr. to marry his two daughters, besides his own pay as governor, which, however, he is not likely to enjoy long, as he is both old and sickly. The Emperor having done him the honour of appointing him warder (castellano) of the said force, he (Leyva) could not do better than to name his brother Juan as his lieutenant.
The administration of justice and government of the city remains, as before, in the hands of Prothonotary Caracciolo, as Chancellor of the Duchy. He is sure to give satisfaction, as he is a very learned man, and a devoted servant of the Emperor. The same may be said of the Abbot of Najers, now at Rome. Respecting the officers of this army he (Leyva) has no change to recommend; all do their duty, Pedrarias commands at Como; he has under his orders the company of Captain Bracamonte besides his own. Villaturiel is at Delea (Lecco?) with his Spaniards, and Diego Lopez de Sosa at Trezzo. All of them are excellent officers.
Juan de Astudillo, servant of the late Marquis of Pescara, defends the castle of Novara. There is no fear of the enemy taking it, even if they should come in force. As to the castle of Vigebano, Guasto has care of it, for it belongs to him.
The Emperor sends to inquire what money remained in the hands of M. de Bourbon's treasurers at the time of his death, but His Majesty must have been misinformed on this point, for he had none to leave. Had he possessed wealth the Constable was the very man to expend it in a short time, and if the Emperor is to undertake to pay the debts he left in this Duchy he will have enough to do. His own servants had not received their wages for many months.
The said Bourbon, before he started on his Roman expedition, had taken from the Seigneur de Via (Viglia) (fn. 14) all his offices and charges, and given them to other people known to be faithful servants of the Empire. This he did because he happened to surprise certain letters wherein, he (Viglia) spoke in very light terms of His Imperial Majesty. The late Constable was right in his suspicions, for he (Leyva) has lately intercepted letters from the ambassador of the Duke Francesco [Sforza], residing at the Court of France, in which he professes to know through Via (Viglia) that His Imperial Majesty has been unable to accomplish his purposes, &c. The said Via was governor of Asti, and senator [here at Milan]. The enemy is now in possession of that city, and none but the most decided Imperialists ought to sit in this senate. It is, therefore, for the Emperor to decide what is to be done, for certainly the said Via is only here as a spy to watch our movements.
With regard to the Milanese emigrants lately arrived from France and the Emperor's warnings respecting them, he (Leyva) can only say that they shall be closely watched, and placed where they can do no harm. On the two brothers Beljoioso (Count Lodovico and Alberico) he (Leyva) can rely as on himself. Captain Pietro Virago has lately enlisted under our banners. The King of France had given him the command of the light horse and infantry, and it was he who defended Frosinone when the Viceroy blockaded it. He has now come over to us, and it is to be hoped will continue in the Imperial service.
Thinks the appointment of the Duke of Ferrara to the command in chief of the Imperial forces in Italy a very excellent one, but doubts his accepting it, knowing, as he does, the scarcity of our means and the mutinous spirit of the men, &c.
Respecting Bourbon's burial, as soon as his corpse is brought to Milan the Emperor's orders shall be punctually executed.
The report is that the Imperial army has gone out of Rome on account of the plague. Believes that it will not go on unless paid.
The Swiss, mustering 22 companies, have arrived at Ybrea. The artillery of France was at Hambrun (Embrun), one day's journey from Suze, on the 25th inst.; the men-at-arms, in great numbers, had marched past Lyons. Venice was raising fresh levies.—Milan, 30th July 1527.
Signed: "Antonio de Leyva."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original, pp. 12.
31 July.
S.E. L. 1,554,
B. M. Add. 28 576,
f. 304.
134. Charles V.'s Manifesto to the Princes of Europe, after the sack of Rome.
Emperor to all, &c.—Protests against the calumnies that have been spread concerning him, as if be could be the author of the sack of Rome. Does not, and never did, harbour suspicion or ill-will towards so good a Pope as Clement VII.—Valladolid, ultimo mensis Julii 1527. (fn. 15)
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Secretary Alfonso de Valdés, pp. 2.
31 July.
S. E. L. 1554,
f. 572,
B. M. Add. 28,576.
f. 302.
135. The Emperor to the College of Cardinals, in credence of Pierre de Verey.
Carolus, &c.—Reverendissimi in Christo Patres, amici carissimi. Tot tantisque argumentis nostrum erga Romanum Pontificem et Apostolicam Sedem animum et voluntatem attestatum esse arbitramur, ut tametsi milites nostri (quod diffiteri nolumus) rem omnium atrocissimam in Urbe patrannt nullum tamen adeò a ratione alienum fore credamus qui ea crimini nostro velit (sic) ascribere, sed his qui beneficio nostro paccatam Rempublicam novis seditionibus turbare, firmatas cum Dom. Ugone a Moncadainduciasviolare,Columnensium que terras ac deinde Regnum nostrum Neapolitanum armis adoriri, potius quam nostra benevolentia frui ac in ocio et quiete vivere elegerunt. Nos verò pro nostra erga vos vestrumque ordinem [benevolentia?] cum promptitudine, licet nulla a vobis facta esse videatur, de quibus iure meriti conqueri possemus, . . . . . . quippe qui, nostri amons ac benevolentise obliti, vestris auspiciis inducias prefatas, ut accipimus, violari, novamque seditionem a qua hæc incommoda orta sunt excitari, nullo nostro merito passi estis, eaque iusto
Dei iudicio facta esse videamur. Tanto tainen dolore vestra hac calamitate perculsi sumus, ut cum id litteris nequaquam committere valeamus, quem istuc mittimus Nobili fideli, nobis dilecto, Petro à Verey, (fn. 16) Baroni Sancti Juliani, camerario et Dapifero nostro, in mandatis dedimus ut hac aliaque Reverendissimis Paternitatibus vestris nostro nomine referat. Vos plurimum hortamur ut summam homini fidem habeatis, deque nostro in vos et A postolicam sedem animo ac voluntate tantum vobis polliceimni ut salva Reipublicæ salute a nobis nihil non sperare debeatis.—Datum Vallisoleti, ultimo Julii 1527.
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Alfonso de Valdés, pp. 1½.
31 July.
S. E. L. 1,554,
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 303.
136. The Emperor to the Cardinals, his friends, in credence of Pierre de Verey.
When the Pope rejected his offers of peace, every one could foretell what would be the result of his obstinacy. His soldiers "iusti potius Dei iudicio quam nostro iussu seu voluntate Romam expugnare coacti sint." Is sorry that his men did so much wrong and injured them so much, "merebatur enim mutua inter nos benevolentia ut magno potius honore quam molestiis a nostris afficeretur."
Sends Pierre de Verey to them, &c.
Vallisoleti, ultimo Julii 1567.
Addressed: "Caxdinalibus amicis affectis, damnaque passis." (fn. 17)
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Alfonso Valdés.
31 July.137. The Emperor to the rest of the Cardinals, individually.
S. E. L. 1,554,
f. 573.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 303.
It is against his nature to seek revenge. The calamities which have fallen on Rome are the just judgment of God.— Vallisoleti, ultimo Julii 1527.
Addressed : "Cæteris Cardinalibus."
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Alfonso de Valdés with the note: "Fiant in hac forma littere XV."
31 July.138. The Emperor to the Roman Nobles.
S. E. L. 1,554,
f.573.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f.303.
Credentials in favour of his envoy, Pierre de Verey, who is to speak to them in the same terms as to the cardinals considered to be friends of the Emperor.—Vallisoleti, ultimo Julii 1527.
Addressed: "Nobilibus Romanis damna passis."
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Alfonso de Valdés. (fn. 18)
31 July.139. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 41,
f. 57.
(Cipher:) After having occupied the suburbs (borghi), the whole army, and especially the Germans, insist upon being quartered in Milan itself. No pay can be issued to them, but they must live somehow. The whole of yesterday they (the Germans) were in a state of mutiny thereupon; the Milanese on the other hand, in great fear of being sacked, were holding consultations together as to the best means of preventing their visit. The men were at last quieted on the promise made by the townsmen of 3,000 cr. per week during one month, which sum, though insufficient to keep half the Germans, they have decided to divide among themselves, and wait until more funds come from Spain. If the Milanese only keep their promise, one month's time is gained, for otherwise, were the army to enter Milan, great evils might ensue.
(Common writing:) News came yesterday to Leyva that the enemy had arrived at a spot called Caia, in the neighbor-hood of Monza, and about 17 miles from this city. Their forces consist of five companies of Grisons, four of Switzers from the cantons of Altorf, Schwytz, and Unterwalden, under a renowned captain named Amantocle, besides five of Italians. Gian Giacomo [de' Medici], the castellan of Mus, and several other captains had joined them with upwards of 150 light cavalry. In short, the whole force mustered 6,000, and 4,000 more were expected in a few days. On the receipt of this intelligence Leyva determined, to attempt a coup de maim. Yesterday evening, at two o'clock of the night, he secretly left Milan at the head of 3,000 men, made up of Germans, Italians, and Spaniards, men-at-arms, and light horse, every one of whom wore a white tunic (con le camisie bianche). He marched all night, and arrived soon after sunrise in sight of the enemy, who, having had time to prepare, put themselves in battle array and fought bravely, until at last their captaingeneral, Amantocle, with four more, being slain, and two taken prisoners, the rest took to flight, leaving on the field of battle upwards of 1,200 of their men, exclusive of many prisoners, and eleven of their banners. The castellan of Musso (Mus), however, managed to escape with some of his mounted followers.
It has been altogether a most signal victory, and one likely to have very good results, for the country about Monza is now freed from the enemy, and when the Switzers of Asti, who have already taken Castellazo, and are threatening Alessandria, hear of the defeat of their countrymen, they will probably lose courage. The whole was planned and executed with such secrecy, that though the Venetian camp is close by, they never knew of the departure of 'our men. Unluckily, our success is damped by the miserable state of the army and of the Milanese themselves. The Germans are incessantly clamouring for their arrears; there is no money to give them, and none comes from Genoa. They insist upon entering Milan and being quartered among the inhabitants, which will be a great misfortune, unless Leyva has the means of preventing it. Only the other day the "Vicario della Provisione" and several deputies came with tears in their eyes, begging us to do everything in our power to avert so awful a calamity, for once within Milan, there is no saying what excesses the soldiers may commit. —Milan, the last day of July.
Signed: "II Protonotario Caracciolo."
Indorsed: "From Prothonotary Caracciolo, 31st July."
Italian. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines, pp. 4.

Footnotes

1 The words in italics are added on the margin.
2 The indorsement has "Nobilibus Romania damna passis."
3 Cardinal Lorenzo Salviati, once Papal Legate in Spain.
4 See above, No. 113, p. 271. This letter of the 29th has appeared already in abstract in Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. part II., p. 1500. Its importance has induced me to give it in full, and translate it again as literally as possible.
5 The name of this individual, who was one of Katharine's servants, is generally written in Don Iñigo's despatches Ph~es or Ph~elz, which can be read alike, Phelipes or Phelipez, a common Spanish name meaning the son of Phelipe or Felipe, according to modern orthography. In a letter of Knight to Wolsey (dat. the 18th of July, and abstracted by Brewer (p. 1488), he is called Philip Françoise (François Philip?), the Queen's sewer. "The King had given him a passport, but finding that the cause of his going [to Spain] was feigned for certain purposes of the Queen, he (the King) wishes him secretly to be arrested and stopped in some part of France," &c. In another from Wolsey to Henry on the 19th, the King is right in presuming that the purpose of Phillies in going to Spain is to disclose the secret matter (p. 1488); and again on the 1st of August Wolsey wrote to Ghinucci and Lee, "You are to watch Ferdinand and Francis, and if the Emperor drops a word on the subject (the contemplated divorce) make such prudent reply as will overcome his prejudices" From what precedes I am inclined to believe that Francisco Phelipez was a Spaniard, and not an Englishman, by birth.
6 "Que aviendo nos tanto experiraentado y cognoscido las grandes virtudes e magnificencia de su persona."
7 "Y el despacho que sobre esto se hiziere será duplicado, el uno se enviaia en v[uest]ras manos muy secretamente por via de Allemagna, y el otro, siendo esto [recibido se enviara] al mismo Rey d'Ynglaterra como cosa que vjene de proprio motu de su St. por razon de su dignidad pastoral."
8 The letter, which is not in the packet, must be different from that of the 23rd, and alluded probably to the divorce.
9 See Don Iñigo's letter of the 13th July, No. 113.
10 This letter, as well as that of the 14th, and a third of the 30th of September, the abstract of which will come hereafter, have been given by Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaysers Karl V., vol. i., pp. 235-18, as forming only one. They are not there in the original Spanish, but in a French translation.
11 Massimiliano Sforza, who died in 1530. Both he and Francesco were the sons of Lodovico Il Moro.
12 Monsieur de la Mothe de Noyers.
13 Gaspar Fruntsperg, the son of George?
14 Probably the same person elsewhere called Billia and Bilia, who in January 1526 represented the Duke of Milan in Spain. See Part L, pp. 551-2.
15 Copies of this declaration seem to have been addressed to all the Princess of Europe individually.
16 The same individual elsewhere called Vere, de Veyre, and Beer.
17 Similar letters were addressed individually to the Cardinals of Sienna (Senensis), La Valle, Cesarino, Campeggio, Egidio, and Capua.
18 With the following memorandum:—"Littere sex cum titulo: 'Magnificis, (sic) dilecti.' Littere quatuor cum titulo 'Venerabilibus (sic) dilectis,'"