Spain
May 1529, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1879

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1-13

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'Spain: May 1529, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 1-13. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87673 Date accessed: 23 August 2014.


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May 1529, 1-10

1529.
7 May.
1. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 806,
f. 27.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 183.
The Imperial letter granting him (Mendoza) permission to quit this country, where his health has always been so indifferent, arrived just in time to restore him to life (me dió enteramente la vida). The orders therein contained as to what he is to do before his departure have been already executed in part, and therefore but little remains to be done. This King wishes to have back one of his ambassadors [in Spain], namely, the Bishop of Worcester (el obispo Vigornense). Begs the Emperor to have him escorted to the frontier of Perpignan, where the exchange can easily take place.
As this is only a duplicate of what he (Mendoza) wrote on the 23rd and 27th ultimo, (fn. 1) there is no other news to be transmitted. Hopes to be able to quit England soon, and present his respects to the Emperor.—London, 7th May 1529.
Signed: "Don lñigo de Mendoça."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original, pp. 1.
7 May.2. Cardinal Santa Croce to the Emperor.
S. E. Rom. L. 848,
f. 138.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 192.
The Pope's "maestro di Casa" (fn. 2) has taken his departure As by his ciphered despatch of the 25th ultimo, which was sent by a different route, His Imperial Majesty was duly informed of the object and purpose of the Bishop's mission, he (Santa Croce) need not dwell any longer upon it. (Cipher:) The Bishop goes [to Barcelona] as Papal Nuncio, though he does not intend residing at the Imperial Court. He takes with him the bulls of the Crusade and also a commission to apply for the [Papal] galleys in case His Imperial Majesty should change his mind, and not come over [to Italy]. He is likewise the bearer of full powers to contract a marriage between the Pope's nephew (Alessandro de' Medici) and the Emperor's niece [Margaret]. Whatever other commission he may take His Imperial Majesty will find out when he makes his appearance [at Barcelona].—Rome, 7th May 1529.
Spanish. Original, almost entirely in cipher. .. 1.
3. Miçer Miguel Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L., f. 38.
B. M. Add.28,578,
f. 315.
The English ambassadors have been lately urging the Pope to declare that the dispensation brief [of Julius II.] is a forgery. As Capua, Salviati, Tortosa, San Severino, and Cesarino—and in fact all the Cardinals of our party—have frequently warned me against English intrigues; as the Pope himself seems desirous that a formal protest should be entered by us in the Emperor's name, and the Queen's rights protected, a document of that kind has accordingly been drawn up after consulting as to its substance with the Hungarian ambassador (Borgo). Some words in it have been changed, and others omitted, which might perhaps have offended the Pope, and too greatly irritated the King of England, but on the whole the document contains all that is required for upholding the Queen's rights, as His Majesty will judge by the enclosed copy. (fn. 3)
Having subsequently requested His Holiness to appoint a notary of his Apostolic Chamber to make the notification to the parties, he promised at first to do so, though he was afraid, he said, of the English ambassadors alleging that the notary had been chosen by him. Next day, however, the Pope sent word that he thought it better not to appoint a notary at all, but that an application should be made to his chamberlain (camarlengo), who would then make the appointment forthwith. Later in the day the Pope sent another message through Sanga, saying he had thought about it, and saw no necessity for a notary at all. The protest could very well be entered by the Imperial ambassadors themselves at his (the Pope's) next audience (signatura), to prevent, as he said, the English from playing us a trick in the meantime.
I remonstrated against this last proposal, on the plea that I could not possibly wait any longer, for two very good reasons. The first, and principal one, because a messenger was soon to leave for Spain, and I wished to report on the actual state of the affair. The second, that Miçer Andrea del Burgo, ambassador of Ferdinand, the King of Hungary, who had likewise signed the protest, was often laid up with gout, and I wished myself of his services on this occasion, as he happened to be in good health just now, and ready to attend the King's audience. If His Holiness were unwilling to grant my request and appoint a notary of his Apostolic Chamber to make the notification in due form, I could easily procure one of my own to do the work, inasmuch as my application for one from the Apostolic Chamber had been merely out of respect for His Holiness.
The day after Sanga returned, saying that the Pope agreed to this last proposal, but wished to know beforehand the contents of the protest. Read the paper to him word for word, and he entirely approved of it, observing that it was couched in very proper terms. That same day Miçer Andrea waited upon His Holiness, and it was decided that the audience (signatura) should take place on the following morning.
Went thither at the appointed hour, accompanied by Miçer Andrea, and by almost all the Spaniards now residing at Rome. Entered the room, and was duly informed by the Pope that should his own answer to the protest contain any harsh words against the Emperor, we, the Imperial ambassadors, were to take no notice whatever of them, but on the contrary might, and ought to have it circulated, just as it was. Knowing very well what the Pope meant by this, I replied, "Beatissime Pater: So we shall; only let Your Holiness see that justice is done, and leave the rest to us ; we know how to help ourselves." After which Alonso de Cuevas, the Spaniard, entered the hall as notary, accompanied by two witnesses, Jacopo Salviati and Marradas.
Learned on the same day, through two spies I had in the palace, that the English orators had that very morning obtained an audience from the Pope, and come away from it very much annoyed and threatening (muy enojados y bravos). And so it turned out to be, for on the ensuing day the Pope himself confirmed the statement to me, adding that the English had openly declared to him that if the Queen did not consider England a safe place wherein to have her case tried, they on their part had no confidence in His Holiness' judgment when the Imperial forces were known to be almost at the gates of Rome. My reply was: "Your Holiness may judge of the prudence and discretion of these people from their words on this and other occasions. At one time they threaten and bluster; the next day they do not hesitate to say that they consider Rome an unsafe place in which to plead their Bang's suit. It is quite evident to me (I added), that what the English ambassadors intend is dragging Your Holiness to Avignon, and once there, leading you into all manner of political blunders (errores)"
This last argument made an impression on the Pope, and seemed to convince him, for immediately after he promised to fix a day for the audience (hacer signatura), and caused it to be announced for the next morning.
Some hours after His Holiness sent a third message to the effect that it was but proper that I should communicate to the English ambassadors the time and object of the forthcoming audience (signatura), as well as the Imperial mandate, in virtue of which I and Andrea del Burgo were acting. This (His Holiness suggested) might easily be done by means of a tipstaff (cursór), to whom a copy of the Imperial protest might be given for the inspection of the opposite party.
To this proposal I objected, alleging that I had nothing to do with the English ambassadors, or with their king. My business was exclusively with the Pope, to whom I had often applied in the Emperor's name, begging him to have the Queen's cause advocated to his court. If, however, it was His Holiness' pleasure that the English ambassadors should be present at the reading of the protest the Dean of the referendaries might easily, in virtue of his office, send the intimation and summons to both parties. Yet, after mature consideration, and in order to comply as much as possible with the Pope's wishes, I consented. A tipstaff (cursór) was dispatched to the hotel of the English ambassadors, who are living together. He summoned them to appear the next day before the Pope, explained the object of the audience, exhibited the copies of the Imperial mandate and protest, and returned, having miraculously escaped without having his head broken.
All that day I endeavoured so to arrange matters that the Imperial advocates and solicitors should communicate with the referendaries (referendarios) of both parties. Sent them both (unos y otros) to confer with the English ambassadors and with the cardinals, so that everything should be ready (prevenida).It was, moreover, resolved that Andrea del Burgo should call upon Cardinal Ancona beforehand, which he did. The Cardinal could not deny the justice of our case, but observed that a protest such as the one we were about to enter would forcibly delay, and perhaps too injure, the negociations for peace. It was far better (he said) not to have the case advocated (avocado) to Rome just now, but only to suspend the proceedings for two or three months, until peace should be concluded. To which observation Burgo replied, "That the briefs which they (the English ambassadors) were trying to obtain under hand (so manga) would be far more injurious to the negociations for general peace than the protest about to be entered, and that if the Pope or anyone else thought that the Emperor would make peace the sooner in consequence of this pressure (premia), they were very much mistaken."
Seeing the affair about to take a bad turn, and perceiving, as Burgo did, that all this was only a stratagem [of the English] to keep the affair in suspense, and moreover, that if peace was not made now, a gate would be left open whereby the Emperor's interests might sustain injury, I went to the Pope again, and informed him that the intimation and summons had been made in due form, and that the protest was to be duly entered at his first "signatura." He had (I said) on a former occasion promised to Muxetula that it should be entered in due form, and if the Emperor now heard that the act had not taken place, as announced, he would naturally lay the blame on me. If so, I must decline the responsibility, and lay it at his door. I had learnt through my spies that the English ambassadors complained of the Pope being the cause of the conflict in which they were engaged. It was for him (they said) to get them out of the scrape. (fn. 4) If he did not, there was nothing left for them but to write home and report to their king. I did not attach much faith to reports of this kind; but if His Holiness wished me to disbelieve them it was absolutely necessary that he should act towards the Emperor as he was reported to have acted towards the English. The Pope made a long speech to persuade me of the contrary, but however strong his arguments, they did not convince me.
Told him besides that the English ambassadors had to my knowledge that very week presented a very rich fur (un enforro muy rico) to Cardinal Ravenna, the nephew of Ancona, and had dispatched besides a messenger to the latter before he came to Rome. The conference ended by the Pope assuring me that justice should be done, and that he would take care that nothing went wrong at the audience.
Called next on the Bishop of Castellamare, who is at present regent of the Chancery, and at night, half in disguise (medio disfrazado), on auditors Symoneta and Capisucio (Capisuccio), both worthy men, with whom I conversed, not only in my capacity of Imperial ambassador, as far as Your Majesty's political interests are concerned, but also as advocate and proctor to Her most Serene Highness, the Queen of England.
Next morning, fearing lest the English should be already in the Pope's palace (as they actually were), I went to St. Peter's to hear mass, and sent one of my own men to see whether the ambassadors were coming. Was told that both the English and the French had already come, and that soon after their arrival at the palace they had sent for the Venetian to keep them company. Went up and found them in the anteroom waiting for the Venetian. Fearing that neither Andrea del Burgo nor I would be admitted to the Pope's presence, as there was every reason to conclude from his, own words the night before, I sent for secretary Sanga, and told him indignantly: "I am very far from imagining that the Italian league, such as it now is, pays any heed to mere acts of justice, but unless my colleague and I are immediately admitted to the Pope's presence, I beg Your Reverence to be the bearer of the following message to His Holiness: 'Your Reverence may tell him in my name that if mad people can thus get the better of his reason, he will find that in my case, patience, when exhausted, can be goaded into madness.'" (fn. 5) This I said on the spur of the moment, and because it was rumoured throughout Rome that all the ambassadors of the League were actually to be present, whilst the Imperial ones would be excluded from the audience. The idea was so preposterous that I could not repress my anger, and spoke to Sanga as I did, caring as little for the ambassadors of the League in this particular case as Your Majesty cares in the principal one. Sanga answered that the English were very much offended, and had asserted more than once in public that His Holiness had already made his peace with Your Imperial Majesty; and, therefore, that the ambassadors of the confederated powers had good reason to consider themselves injured. However, whether admonished by Sanga, or because they saw us, the Imperial ambassadors, inside, the fact is that neither the English nor those of the other confederated powers would come into the room at first.
Shortly after, however, auditor Symoneta came in to announce that the English wished to speak to the Pope in the presence of the consistory of cardinals, and in mine, if I chose to listen to what they had to say. My answer, as far as I was concerned, was: "my business is exclusively with the Pope not with the English ambassadors. However, as the Imperial ministers are not in the habit of shirking work of this importance, I have no objection to hear what they have to say." Upon which I made a courteous bow, which they returned with equal courtesy, and we went in. Once in the Pope's presence, Miçer Andrea del Burgo and I were asked what our object was in entering the Pope's chamber. My answer was that hearing that those gentlemen (pointing to the English ambassadors) wished to speak to the Pope in the presence of the Emperor's representatives, I had entered the room for the purpose of hearing what they had to say. One of them, a lawyer, (fn. 6) then said in Latin how a tipstaff of the Pope had called at their house yesterday, late in the afternoon, and in offensive terms had summoned them to appear next morning before noon at the palace. They could not but wonder at the shortness of the notice given, and at the secrecy in conducting so important an affair. They had had no time to consult with their Court, nor were they invested with sufficient power to treat thereof. They had, it is true, received the copy of a mandate (commission) and protest, in which the King, their master, was spoken of in injurious terms, since he was therein accused of seeking for a divorce, whereas His Holiness knew well that if the King wished to be separated from his Queen, it was not out of mere caprice, but from scruples of conscience. His Holiness was well aware that the speaker was the first to come to Rome and to consult upon the case with him, having asked for his advice in the presence of cardinals Sancti Quatuor and Monte. Had His Holiness undeceived him on that occasion, and told him that the King's request was inadmissible, he would no longer have insisted upon urging it; but His Holiness would never say "Yes" or "No," or give advice in the matter, though asked again and again, in the presence of the aforesaid cardinals. All he could get from him was the appointment of the two legates (Wolsey and Campeggio) to conduct the inquiry and try the case in England. And since the commission had been given and accepted it could not now be revoked without detriment and dishonour to the King, their master.
All this while the Pope seemed very much excited (muy alterado), especially at hearing the English ambassador repeat the same statement two or three times. The speaker continued, "Now I wish the Imperial ambassador to take note of this, that he may not suppose that it is the King, my master, who wishes for the divorce" My answer was, "It is well that every incident of the affair should be made known," (fn. 7) I did not say anything more from fear of interrupting the Englishman's peroration.
The ambassador then went on to state that there were two words in the protest, the meaning of which he did not sufficiently understand, viz., "conjugal affection." If by these words was meant that the King lived not in all respects with the Queen (fn. 8) as an affectionate husband, he (the ambassador) maintained the contrary. Besides, he added, "I cannot understand why the Imperialists should be more anxious (curiosos) about England, and about the King's daughter than we ourselves are. The Princess is much beloved by the King, her father, as well as by all the English nation. The care of her welfare belongs to them."
"The brief produced (he went on to say) was not an authentic one. He could not and would not tell where and by whom fabricated, but he was sure that it was a forgery."
He concluded by begging the Pope to leave matters as they stood, and allow the case to be tried in England.
It being my turn to reply, I said that if the tipstaff (cursór) had not fulfilled the duties of his office it was not my province to excuse or defend him, but to beg His Holiness to punish him as he deserved. If I had sent him on with the message it was merely to comply with the established rules of the Roman Court, and certainly it was acting far better than the English had done at Orbieto, for had they on that occasion summoned the Imperial ambassadors, which they did not, to hear what they had to say about their master's suit, the mandate taken to England by Cardinal Campeggio would never have been granted, and most likely the Imperial ambassadors would have prevailed upon His Holiness to tender the good advice which they so much wanted in the matter
Respecting the ambassadors' declaration that they had received no powers from their king to treat of this affair, I could not be persuaded that such honourable persons as they were, representing a king so wise and prudent, could have come to the Papal Court entirely devoid of instructions, especially as they must have heard before quitting London that the magnificent [Giovan Antonio] Muxetula had made the very same request and application as the present one. That they had definite instructions how to act in the affair was clearly proved by the fact that their first step in this process had been to ask His Holiness to declare the Papal brief in the Emperor's possession to be apocryphal, without so much as hearing the party concerned or examining the brief itself. It was quite evident, therefore, that the English could not be solicitors in one case and not in the other, and if so no proctor was required, (fn. 9) for if Campeggio's mandate was obtained without the knowledge of the Imperial ambassadors, it stands to reason that it can be revoked without the English being apprized of it.
With regard to the injurious terms, if any, that the English ambassador complained of, I observed that the present audience was not the fit place and time for such recriminations. (fn. 10) For my own part I had never intended offending His most Serene Highness the king of England, but on the contrary had treated him with all due respect in my protests. Divorce meant "to separate," it was a Latin verb, and I knew no other to express the meaning of what the king sought to do. Whether of his own free will or by the advice of others, I could not say; all I knew was that the king of England was endeavouring to bring about a separation from his queen, and words should not be found fault with when the intention was correct, and the meaning appropriate. All the Imperialists were glad to hear that the King's daughter designated in the protest by the title of "Princess" was well treated. The English ought to be thankful for the interest we take in her, and treat and love her more and more as she deserves. Respecting the Queen, her mother, and her treatment by her husband, that was another affair, and His Holiness knows, as well as we do, what to think of it, besides its being substantially proved by the proceedings (deducido en autos).Ended by observing that when Cardinal Campeggio went to England a protest was entered by Muxetula, in the Emperor's name, which protest had been renewed by me more than once. "Besides these (I added) there are other and more potent reasons just now for the Imperial ambassadors to ask that the case be tried at Rome and not in England, a thing which the Pope would readily have granted in former times, ought to grant now, and, speaking with due reverence, cannot possibly refuse."
The ambassador's reply was that the brief was a decided forgery, and he proceeded to state his reasons for believing it to be such, all of which were unfounded. He maintained that the words of the protest, viz., "the King wishes to separate from the Queen," were grave, and he repeated his assertion several times, looking all the while at me as if he wished to pick up a quarrel (queriendose atravar comigo).Answered with composure, "Pray address yourself to the Pope, and observe the ceremonial which is customary at audiences like this, as well as the respect due to His Holiness; after that I will reply to you." And so I did, for having previously asked and obtained the Pope's permission, I addressed the ambassador in these words, "My solemn declaration that I never intended to attaint the honour of His most Serene Highness, the king of England, ought to be a sufficient satisfaction on my part. I again declare that I showed him as much honour as I possibly could, having regard to the Queen's rights. You may believe me when I say that had my intention been a different one, and had I used the above words in an injurious sense, I should never have thought of retracting them, for certainly it is not the Emperor's custom, nor that of his ministers, to retract what they have once said, or do acts of which they may hereafter repent. All they say and do is said and done with premeditation, and they do not proceed lightly in their acts."
"With regard to the pretended forgery of the brief of dispensation, all the reasons alleged for such a supposition are vain and futile, as are most of the allegations made by the English. The cause once in Rome, it was for His Holiness, not for them, to decide whether the brief was an authentic one or not. The very allegation brought forward by the English ambassadors was in my opinion a very good reason, apart from any others, for our begging the Pope to advoke the case to his Court."
The audience at an end all went away. Has since heard that the Pope is very angry with the English, and that he has said certain words (cierta palabra) in our favour, though he has forbidden them to be repeated by those who heard them under pain of excommunication. The settlement of the affair, however, is delayed till another signatura, for the Pope had to retire to his rooms with a touch of his usual pain. I will continue my exertions with the referendaries and the others who intervene in this affair. I consider it a good sign that the English ambassadors have been so explicit in their state- ment, for it seems as if they wished to lay the blame on the Pope, and excuse themselves with us and with the world at large if, as they fear, they should fail in their undertaking. (fn. 11)
The English ambassador also hinted, though in rather ambiguous terms, that had the King, his master, chosen, the present dispute would never have taken place, meaning, perhaps, that poison might have been administered to the Queen. He also said that the King has only one fault, that of being over scrupulous and pious, and that when cases of honour occur he is ever ready to take them up. As these and other general words which the English ambassador uttered might be susceptible of a different meaning I made no attempt to interpret or answer them. (fn. 12) In reply I only laughed, as did also all those present, thinking that all that was needful had been said by me, and especially not choosing to irritate them and the King further against the poor Queen. (fn. 13)
Mentioned above the fact of the said English ambassadors having presented a rich fur pelisse (enforro) to Cardinal Ravenna, the nephew of Ancona, who being a very experienced lawyer has been retained by them for the present case. As the said Cardinal of Ravenna has not the reputation of having very clean hands, the Capuan (Schomberg) observed the other day that he was afraid the English angelots would be the cause of Ravenna giving his soul to the Devil. Will keep my eyes on him, and do what is necessary when the time comes.
Cardinal Ancona (the uncle of Ravenna) professes to be an Imperialist, and as far as I can judge, acts and thinks as such; but in the present case it cannot be said of him that he behaves like a catholic (si va Catholico), for it is asserted that the other day he said to another cardinal, one of his friends whom he happened to meet, "Had I been the Pope I, would never have sent Campeggio to England with the mandate. That was not right; but the measure once taken I would not revoke it." May God forgive Cardinal Santacroce, and Muxetula also, for not having taken proper measures to prevent Campeggio's departure, though as Lautrec was at the time besieging Naples, and the Pope surrounded by confederates who pressed him to join the League, it was not to be wondered at if the Imperial ambassadors, knowing the Pope's versatile humour and indecision, took no notice of it.
I have visited the Cardinal since his arrival in Rome, and spoken to him in general terms of the affection Your Imperial Majesty bears him, &c. Whilst alluding to his literary labours and books the other day, he said he was sadly put out owing to Don Pedro Pacheco having carried away all his manuscripts. I promised him to use all my influence and means for their recovery, and he (Ancona) thanked me with tears in his eyes, saying, "Those manuscripts contain the key of all my works, and are the soul and life of a man of letters." So much does he feel the loss of his works, that the mere offer to procure their recovery is likely to keep him content and in good humour. I would have as readily promised to make him Pope at the next vacancy if it would only have served our purpose in this affair of the divorce. But ways and means shall not be wanting hereafter to obtain the co-operation of the rest of his colleagues, for they themselves dexterously point out to us the way to obtain their favour.
I have also been informed that the Pope is about to summon His Imperial Majesty to send either to Rome or London, within a certain period of time, the brief of dispensation of Julius II. to be inspected and examined, so as to decide whether it be authentic or a forgery, as the English ambassadors pretend. In case of non-compliance with the summons the proceedings to go on. This has been managed with so much secrecy, that had not my informers (espias) brought me the intelligence, I should never have heard of it; and yet, they say, the English are still dissatisfied.
Soon after the audience and conference above described, the Pope was again taken dangerously ill. He has given the Imperial ambassadors (Andrea del Burgo and myself) to understand that the English are exceedingly angry both with him (the Pope) and with the Emperor's agents, and that they have written to their Court all manner of extravagancies (locuras) particularly advising their King to send his Queen out of the country, and marry whomsoever pleases him, without waiting for further declarations. In consequence of this, and to secure a better result to the affair (as he says), the Pope has lately requested the Imperial ambassadors not to insist at present on the case being advocated (advocado) to his Court; but I pay no attention whatever to suggestions of this kind, alleging that justice allows no bias from without (no tiene respetos), and that it would be far worse if, after closing the case, we should be obliged to re-open it. I intend, therefore, to persist in my demand, though I have written to Naples asking the Prince's opinion thereupon.
I have had so much to do of late that I have been unable to transcribe certain allegations of the English ambassadors against the advocation; an attested copy of them has just come. Will forward them in a few days time, as well as a full and detailed account of the progress of negociation entrusted to my care. The present mode of secret conveyance will be used, as after all it appears to be the most safe.— Rome, 9th May 1529. (fn. 14)
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish: Original. pp. 11.
10 May4. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 848, f.37.
B.M. Add. 28,578,
f. 216.
In his despatch of the 9th full account has been given of the principal affair, namely, the divorce case; will now report on other business entrusted to his care.
The Pope has lately had two or three relapses, and consequently given few audiences. Whenever he has had one his time has been equally divided between the ambassadors. As it is, those of the League complain that he has rather favoured the Imperial ones. Besides, as Cardinal Sancti Quatuor (Pucci), who is, as it were, the soul of all ecclesiastic transactions just now, has been for some time past confined to his bed, the Pope would not hear of any business of that kind. For this reason the affair of the newly converted Moors in the Kingdom of Valencia, the pension on the bishopric of Mazzara once granted to Augostino Folleta (Foglieta), the jubilee applied for by the Franciscan friars of Barcelona for the purpose of rebuilding their monastery, the presentation of the brother of Miçer Gian Giacopo, the Regent, to the abbey of Roccamador [in Sicily]; the archbishopric of Cosenza and Annibale Pignatello, the bishopric of Burgos for Don Iñigo de Mendoza, and another for Licte Valdés are all at a standstill, waiting for His Holiness' resolution and signature. His Imperial Majesty has here three protectors, Campeggio for Germany, Colonna for Castille, and Cesarino for Aragon. This is a late innovation, for in old times the Imperial ambassadors by paying a gratuity now to this cardinal, now to the other, induced them to propose candidates for the vacant churches. Nowadays the whole of Your Majesty's kingdoms—one half of which or more are peopled by Christians, is in the hands of three cardinals who, considering their protectorate as part and portion of their patrimony, are not the least grateful for the fees they get, as they would if they were elected ad hoc as before. Mentions this fact because were the former system to be adopted His Majesty would undoubtedly secure more votes among them.
Cardinal Cardona, who was written to at the time of the Pope's dangerous illness, with a view to secure his vote at the next election, answered that he would with great pleasure vote for the Imperial candidate, only that he was very poor and so much in debt that he could not undertake the journey unless the Emperor helped him.
Since the death of Cardinal Cortona, the Pope no longer insists upon giving away the bishopric of Barcelona, and will therefore expedite bulls in favour of Don Luis de Cardona, although he does not willingly yield the fallen fruits.
Has spoken to Cardinal Cesarino about Don Pedro Jordan de Urrias, and his abbacy of Monte Aragon. As to Huesca, and its bishop, Don Juan de Urries, son of the Lord of Ayerbe, as soon as the commander, his brother, who is now at Naples, arrives, the affair will be pushed on. The same may be said respecting the provost of Vualquirch (Walkirk), now in Germany; he shall be presented for the church of Maltha according to orders.
Delivered the Emperor's letter to Cardinal Farnese. His son, Piero Luigi, is doing good service in the army. The Romans dislike him because he was among the Italians who sacked this city, and went (they say) to greater excess than others. The Cardinal wants most particularly the Imperial favours for this one. For his other son, Alessandro, archbishop elect of Parma, the Cardinal wants a privilege of naturalization that may enable him to obtain benefices in the Imperial dominions.
The brieves of absolution for Alcalde Ronquillo and his bailiffs (alguaziles) as well as for Doctor Sant Clemente, of Naples, who sentenced and hanged a clergyman (un clerigo bellaco), are being prepared, as well as another for the Marquis Joan de Urbina allowing him to profess without entering a monastery. (fn. 15)
Cardinal San Severino has not behaved of late as he promised, on the contrary he has in many things opposed us. His brother, the Duke of Somma, is one of the most rebellious barons in the whole kingdom of Naples, and this one (the Cardinal) is likely also to work his own ruin by presuming to know too much. (fn. 16) Enclosed are certain letters (fn. 17) which he (the Cardinal) has addressed him (Mai). It is for the Emperor to decide what answer is to be given to them.—Rome, 10th May 1529
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 17.
(fn. 18)

Footnotes

1 See vol. III., part 2, No. 675.
2 Jerome Selade, the Bishop of Vaison. See vol. III., part 2, pp. 965-6.
3 The document here alluded to is not, as might be expected, appended to Mai's letter, but copies of it are to be found in other volumes at Simancas, entitled "Relaciones y Tratados con Pontifices." It was originally presented on the 27th of April (see vol. III., part 2, No. 676), but whether the protest entered in May was in the same words, or differed materially from that of April, it is difficult to say. Mai informs us that certain words were suppressed in the latter not to wound the susceptibilities of Clement and Henry, and, therefore, it is natural to suppose that the original protest, as abstracted at page 978 of the said second part, was subsequently modified and altered.
4 "Que su Santidad les havia puesto en este compromiso."
5 "Si los locos havian de librar mejor con él, que yo tambien lo sabria hacer porque la paciensia irritada se convierte en furor."
6 Dr. Stephen Gardiner?
7 "Y á esto yo respondi, 'bien es que se sepa todo.'"
8 "Tambien dixo que havia otra palabra que él no la entendia bien, de 'afection marital,' y que el Rey comia y cenaba y dormia con su muger y le dava el devito, y muchas vezes se lo pedia; y que no sabe que le falta para no tener la afection marital."
9 "Y que quando no fuese eso ni esotro, no habia menester procurador."
10 "Que aquel juicio no era para que se que quejaven de ello sino para la causa."
11 "Y tengo á buena señal que los embajadores Angleses lo hayan dicho tan largamente, porque no solo parece que ellos quieren cargar al Papa, pero descargarse con nosotros y con el mundo temiendo que no les ha de salir la empresa."
12 The sense of this passage is rather obscure. It stands thus: "Dixo tambien (pero son palabras cubiertas) que si el Rey quisiese no vernian en esta, disputa, señalando [muerte] de yerbas, y que no le daña [al Rey] sino el ser muy religiose, y porque las cosas de honra fuercan á responder siempre (aunque tambien no se deue responder sino quando no se puede disimular), y como estas palabras generates se podian entender á otro fin, no quise yo interpretarlas."
13 "Para responder á ellas, sino que me rei y dello riyeron tambien todos, y pareciome que no era menester mas en esto, en especial por no irritarlos contra aquella pobre Señora."
14 A copy of the petition made in April to the Pope to advoke the cause of the divorce to Rome is joined to this despatch. It is in Latin, and signed "Michael Maius Eques V. I. (utriusque Juris) doctor, Catholicæ Maiestatis Consiliarius et ad Sanctitatem V[estram], orator. Andrea de Burgo, comes Castrileonis, dictæ Maiestatis Consiliarius ac Serenissimi et Potentissimi Ferdinandi Hun-gariæ et Bohemiæ Regis, dictæ Cæsareæ Maiestatis fratris germani et filii obsequentissimi prædictæ apud S. V. etiam orator." Jo. Ant. Muxetula is also mentioned in the document, which is indorsed "Copia del protesto."
15 "Para la profesion fuera del monastcrio para el Marques Joan de Urbina."
16 "Se pierde por presumir que sabe mucho."
17 The Cardinal's letters are not in the bundle. Most likely they referred to his brother Alphonso, Duke of Soma, who, having revolted in Calabria in 1528, was defeated by Count Borrello, and obliged to fly to Corfu. He revolted again, and was taken prisoner in 1529. See vol. III., part 2, pp. 701, 704, 769, and 859.
18 "Y porque Pier Luis, su hijo sirve á V. Md. en el felicissimo exercito, ye es aqui malvisto por la entrada de Roma, y por algunas cosas que hizo mas que los otros."


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