Spain
September 1529, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1879

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188-203

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'Spain: September 1529, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 188-203. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87687 Date accessed: 19 September 2014.


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September 1529, 1-10

2 Sept.130. The Emperor to the Grand Chancellor Gattinara.
S. E. L. 1,533,
f. 507.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 6.
The Florentine ambassadors have sent one of their number to treat with us, the very same who came to Savona. His name is Lalamant. (fn. 1) Having asked him whether he had powers to treat also with the Pope, he said no; he and his colleagues had only power to treat with us, as the Community of Florence did not intend treating with the Pope. Upon which We declared to him, as We have done at other times, that We could in nowise enter into negociations with the Community unless they were conducted at the same time through the Papal Nuncio. The ambassadors then sent to Florence for instructions. Should they receive full powers to treat in the manner above specified, We have promised to treat with them as good princes.
We have letters from Antonio de Leyva, announcing that according to advices received from Count Felix [de Werden-berg], on the 28th inst., the Flemish and Burgundian troops would begin to march together. — Gavy, (fn. 2) 2nd September 1529.
Signed: "Charles."
Countersigned: "Perrenot."
Addressed. "A Monsieur le Gran Chancellier, le comte de Gattinara."
Spanish.Original draft, pp. 2½.
[1] Sept.131. Alarcon (fn. 3) to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,005,
f. 84.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 105.
Has found the army in such a state of insubordination that it is almost impossible, without extreme severity, both as regards the men and the captains themselves, to reduce them to obedience. The Marquis del Guasto (Vasto) and Hernando Gonzaga have allowed too much liberty to their men, and the consequence is that the captains of infantry and cavalry fancy themselves independent, and consider the people and their property as absolutely belonging to them, or even worse, for they would not willingly destroy and ruin their own property. Begs permission and authority to take energetic measures against them.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
1 Sept.132. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 225, No. 16.
On my arrival at this city (London) I found that the King had already gone to a place upwards of 60 miles distant, where he generally spends his time in hunting. As no one could inform me as to the precise time and spot whereat I could meet him, I, by the advice and recommendation of the Queen and other well-disposed persons, friends to Your Imperial Majesty, and following also the example of other ambassadors who have to negociate, sent one of my secretaries to inquire when and at what place it would be the King's pleasure that I should wait upon him. I expect an answer every hour, and when received will lose no time in presenting my credentials, and acquainting Your Majesty with the result of the first interview.
Meanwhile, I cannot pass over in silence certain information I have obtained since my landing. (Cipher:) It is generally and almost publicly stated that the affairs of the Cardinal are getting worse and worse every day. For Some time past the King has forbidden any applications for audience to be made to him by foreign ambassadors, those of France not excepted, who have at all times found refuge in him. So much so that M. de Langes (Guillaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeay), who arrived from France a fortnight ago, was here in London full eight days waiting for an answer to his application, and although the Cardinal was not far from this city, and the French secretary had nothing to do but to go backwards and forwards with the ambassador's message to the Cardinal's residence, I am informed that the meeting did not ultimately take place, and that they held no communication whatever, which is so strange that there must be some substantial cause for it.
(Cipher:) The cause of this misunderstanding between the King and the Cardinal can be no other than the utter failure of the measures taken in order to bring about the divorce, on which failure those parties, who for a long time have been watching their opportunity to revenge old injuries, and take the power out of the Cardinal's hands, have founded their attacks to undermine his influence with the King, and get the administration of affairs in their own hands.
The people who have thus sworn the Cardinal's ruin I shall name in my next despatch, when I have obtained more credible information on this point. The. object of M. de Langeais' (fn. 4) late mission was, if I am rightly informed, to recover what still remained of the rings [and jewels of Maximilian] in this country, and also to ask for some help in money towards the sum stipulated by the peace of Cambray, as payment of the ransom. And I was told this very morning by M. de Bayonne, the brother of De Langes, who came to call at my lodgings, that this request of the King, their master, was readily granted, and that he is sure to get as much money as he wants for that particular purpose.
There has been lately a question of sending ambassadors to the Emperor. Besides those whose names I gave in a former despatch, there is now much talk about the Admiral of England and Mr. de Montjoye (Lord Mountjoy), the Queen's Chamberlain; but, after all, I presume that they will appoint the Master of the Horse (Sir Nicholas Carew) and Dr. Sampson, and perhaps a third. The first two named will not make a long stay; the other will remain as resident ambassador at the Imperial Court. There is likewise a rumour that George Boleyn, a brother of the Lady Anne, is to form part of a new embassy to France. Who the others are to be I cannot tell yet.—London, 1st September 1529.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "A 1'Empereur."
French. Original. pp. 2.
1 Sept.133. Praët and Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 88.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 106.
Since their despatch of the 28th ulto., (fn. 5) which Albornoz took to Genoa, no news has been received from Venice; nor has there been an answer to the letter which Cardinal Cornaro wrote to the Signory nine days ago. This, however, cannot be long delayed, for the Pope assured the Venetian ambassador the other day that he had heard the Duke Francesco Sforza had actually come to terms with the Emperor. As the Venetians besides know that the Imperial fleet is fast getting ready, and that more reinforcements are expected from Germany, it is probable that they will ere long sue for peace. We know, moreover, that they have written to Florence and Leghorn, begging to be kept "au courant" of events in those parts.
The Marquis del Guasto (Vasto) arrived here on Sunday last, and was very well received by the Pope, who ordered rooms to be prepared for him at the Palace. He (the Marquis) told us this morning that 2,000 Spanish infantry are to arrive to-morrow, and that he himself will leave Rome at night, in order to avoid any meeting with the ex- Abbot of Farfa, as he has only brought 50 or 60 light horse for his escort. In two or three days he (the Marquis) will join the Prince of Orange, of whom we have no news save those contained in our letter of the 28th, by Albornoz, namely, that he was at Foligno, and meditated the enterprize of Espelli, (fn. 6) and that Juan de Urbina had received an arquebuse shot in the calf of his leg, though the wound was reported at first not very dangerous.
The Pope has had letters from Florence, in which they hold out hopes of reconciliation.
The bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) arrived here two days ago, as ambassador from the king of France. He comes last from Venice and Florence. He had yesterday an audience from the Pope. Did not positively speak against peace, but assured His Holiness that neither the Florentines nor the Venetians would move one step in the negociations without the consent and advice of the King, his master. In short, the. bishop pretends, as it appears, to set the world to rights with his own hand (asentar el Mundo de su mano).
(Cipher:) The chief object of this despatch is to report proceedings in the divorce trial. As stated in their joint letter of the 28th ulto, an attempt was made by the English ambassadors in general, and by one of them in particular, strongly backed by His Holiness the Pope, to make us give way in a few things, and consent to a suspension of the proceedings. This (they alleged) might be the means of bringing their master, the King, to reason; but although peace has been concluded and signed, no signs of giving way on their part are visible, and they are still petitioning the Pope for three things, namely: 1st. For the suit to be removed from the Rotta, and placed entirely in His Holiness' hands. 2nd. For a suspension of the judicial proceedings at the Pope's pleasure (beneplacito). 3rd. For the revocation of all censures fulminated against the King personally.
Our answer to these proposals, which, as above stated, have been and are still strongly backed by His Holiness, has been in general terms that, however inclined we, the Imperial ambassadors, might feel to bring about a reconciliation between the parties, we dared not and could not stir in the matter without first consulting Your Majesty. (fn. 7) The affair was too (Repeat word by word the statements made in their despatch of the 28th August, and then continue):
(Common writing:) Cardinal Doria's presentation to the bishopric of Elna (fn. 8) cannot take place until Licte. Valdes, (fn. 9) who has been promoted to the see of Orense, takes out his bulls. This is naturally delayed until the latter remits money or bills of exchange to defray the expense, for these Roman gentlemen never accept a bishop without ascertaining first what his credit may be at his banker's.
Cardinal Campeggio and the bishopric of Huesca.— The son of Felipe Cervellon presented for the abbacy of Villa Beltran.
Beg that the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) be recalled to Rome as soon as possible. He can be of much use here. The Pope is of a vacillating temper (hasto dubio), and his ministers are mostly of a different mode of thinking (de otro designo) to himself.
Your Imperial Majesty knows no doubt that the Venetians have lately overrun the whole coast of Otranto, taking possession of Brindisi, though most of the Emperor's servants had time to take refuge in the castle. This might become a very serious affair should the Venetians be driven to despair and deliver that town into the hands of the Turk, as there has been already some talk of doing.
Enclose summary of letters from Hungary to Miçer Andrea del Burgo and to Count Leonardo Nogarolo. —Rome, 1st September 1529.
Spanish. Original. pp. 8.
3-4 Sept.134. Praët and Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848,
f. 87.
B. M. Add. 8,579,
f. III.
Wrote the day before yesterday by Captain Juan Baptista Gastaldo and also on the 28th ulto. Since then Hispello (Spello) has surrendered at discretion, a most important acquisition, as the castle is very strong and was defended by no less than 500 foreign adventurers. The Pope and all his friends are delighted at the news, as the reduction of such a fortress is considered a good beginning towards the enterprize of Perugia and Florence.
Respecting these cities the last news is rather good, for the Prince has sent to the former place one Giovanni Pietro Cafarello, a Roman gentleman, considered to be a good Imperialist, and who is besides a brother-in-law of Malatesta. As he did lately make proposals here for the reduction of Perugia to the Papal sway it is confidently expected that he will bring back a favourable answer. With regard to Florence, the Pope has had letters which he has shown to us, stating that his partisans had begun to speak in his favour freely and fearlessly, and that immediately after Your Majesty's answer to the Florentine ambassadors was known they would send an embassy to the Pope to treat for the surrender. We learn besides through intercepted letters from that city that the Florentines had lately dismissed Ercole d' Este, the son of the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso), who used to be the commander-in-chief of all their forces.
The ex-Abbot of Farfa, with the money taken from one of his secretaries, and which we were obliged to refund to him in order to obtain the liberty of Cardinal Santa Croce, whom he took prisoner, has lately been enlisting more men, with whom he overruns the Campagna to the very gates of Rome. Almost every day he is to be seen on the roads leading to this capital committing depredations, stopping passengers, &c. Last week he detained an Imperial courier coming to us with dispatches, whether from the Prince of Orange or from Antonio de Leyva we cannot precisely say. The Pope does not consider himself secure, and every night a strong detachment is sent outside Rome, and sentries are posted in various places from fear of a surprise. We have often requested His Holiness to put an end to this man's outrages, and offered to assist him with the Imperial forces, but his excuse is that he has no money, and besides that he knows through his spies that the ex- Abbot is soon to go to Florence. When he does (he tells us), every effort shall be made to get possession of his stronghold, the castle of Bracciano. Meanwhile this palace of the Embassy where Mai and myself (Praët) reside has been well provided with artillery and men, so that should the ex- Abbot attempt a " coup de main " he will be well received. Your Imperial Majesty has been duly informed of various conferences which the French ambassador is said to have held with the Pope, with a view no doubt to make him desert the Imperial cause and join the Italian League. Wishing to know more about this, we adroitly inquired from the Pope whether the Bishop [of Tarbes] had really mentioned the names of the supposed con-federates. He told us he had not, and moreover that he showed discontent with the Venetians, though he said that neither the Florentines nor Malatesta, the lord of Perugia, would do anything without consulting the King, his master. There may be some truth in this, for the other day a secretary of that captain, who was returning from France with money, which he said was the amount of Malatesta's pay whilst in the service of Francis, was arrested on the road by the Pope's men and brought here, and when the Bishop knew of it he claimed both the prisoner and the money as belonging to his master, upon which the Pope answered that the prisoner was not a Frenchman but a servant of Malatesta, and that the money belonged to the latter, not to the King. The Bishop then insisted upon the man being allowed to go his way, promising that Malatesta would take the service into account but the Pope refused, saying: "Let Malatesta do first what he is bound to do, and we shall not fail in our duty towards him."
Respecting the new league proposed by the French ambassador, no doubt to the Emperor's detriment, the Pope answered him in categorical terms: "That he had made an alliance with Your Imperial Majesty, and wished to be at peace with all the world. He could not go against the letter of the treaty of Barcelona; he was an honest man and wished to be held as such. He had agreed with Your Imperial Majesty not to treat with any prince whomsoever without his consent, and therefore would not listen to any other proposals." The Bishop's answer was that his allusion did not refer to the present times but to the future. Alliances between princes did not last long, especially between emperors and popes. He must be aware that the Emperor's Grand Chancellor (Gatti-nara), whom he had lately created cardinal, aimed at the Pontificate, and he wondered much that he (the Pope) should have conferred such ecclesiastical dignity upon him, &c. The King, his master, would also consider this a most strange and inconsiderate act. The Pope replied: "Do you not think it still more strange that I should have given a cardinal's hat to your chancellor ? (fn. 10) "
No great attention, however, is to be paid to the words of the French ambassador, at least such is the Pope's belief.
The Bishop of Tarbes (he says) talks too much and without proper consideration, as the light-headed man that he is. We are of the same opinion, and firmly believe that no reliance is to be placed on the assertions of the French ambassador. He left France in June, when the league between Your Majesty and the Pope was not yet made or the peace with France concluded, and he is still acting upon instructions received before his departure.
Nevertheless, we have not failed to thank the Pope for this intelligence, at the same time assuring him that should the French attempt new follies Your Imperial Majesty was now in a better position than ever to defeat their plans.
Canal of Aragon and the Emperor's petition about it. — The whole affair is in the hands of Cardinal Sancti Quatuor, who has refused his emoluments on this occasion, as well as the 400 crs. a year by way of fee (propina). Cardinals Ancona and Cesarino, who acted as reporter (relator) and commissary for the Traietto affair, have likewise renounced their honorarium.
The Pope has received letters from Cardinal Campeggio saying that neither by fair means nor by foul (ni á buenas ni á malas) have the English been able to convert (subvertir) him to their views. When pressed to pronounce sentence he had said resolutely: "So I will; I vote at once in favour of the legitimacy of the marriage, and of the Queen of England. If my colleague, the Legate of England, is of the same opinion, well and good; if not, no sentence can possibly be given, since I and Cardinal Wolsey must first agree on all points." In consequence of which (the letter adds) those who induced the King to this measure arc mightily ashamed (quedan muy corridos), and some of them in order to recover their lost honour wish now for the suit to be advoked to Rome. Nevertheless (says the writer), all passes are secured and measures taken to prevent the summons and inhibition from reaching England. As, however, Campeggio is soon to return to Rome, and the Archbishop of York (Wolsey) will therefore remain alone in his commission, we are now trying to have a certain brief of the Pope reformed, so as to guard against any possible disaster.
Alarcon writes from Naples, and so does the Prince, that the Spaniards are deserting him to come this way, and that the light horse are doing the same, so that they will soon be left without forces to march against the enemy. (fn. 11) — Rome, 3rd September 1529.
Signed "Loys de Praët. — Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
4 Sept.135. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 225, No. 16.
As I informed Your Imperial Majesty in my despatch of the 1st inst., the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, and Milord Roche-fort, (fn. 12) the father of the Lady Anne Boleyn, (fn. 13) are the King's most favourite courtiers, and the nearest to his person. Now that the Cardinal is absent from Court it is they who transact all state business. It is entirely in their power, as people generally say, to remain in office, and if the said Lady Anne chooses, the Cardinal will be soon dismissed, and his affair settled; for she happens to be the person in all this kingdom who hates him most, and has spoken and acted the most openly against him. (Cipher:) I cannot say what will be the upshot of all this, certain it is that from this moment the affairs of the said Cardinal are beginning to take a very bad turn. Formerly no one dared say a word against him, but now the tables are turned, and his name is in everybody's mouth, and what is still worse for him, libellous writings, I am told, are being circulated about him. (fn. 14)
Parliament is to meet at the end of this month, some say to hear certain complaints against the administrators of justice, and of the finances of the kingdom, in which they say much abuse and defalcation have prevailed in former times. The whole of this, as I am given to understand, is for the purpose of taking away the seals from the Cardinal, which could not well be done, according to the use and custom of this country without Parliament or the Estates General of this kingdom assembling to sanction the measure. However this may be, the day for the meeting is not far distant. I will not fail to inform Your Majesty of whatever happens in this respect; but as to myself, until I see the effect I will not believe in any such demonstrations of popular feeling against any given minister, knowing very well by experience that people very often speak lightly of men and things, and then suddenly change their opinion. When at Court I will make inquiries and ascertain what truth there is in the general report, in order to shape my conduct accordingly.
The Queen's business, which is the first and principal in. my instructions, is now at a standstill, and since the departure of Don Iñigo de Mendoça for Flanders nothing has been done one way or the other. They were waiting for the 2nd of October, which was the day fixed for the opening of the trial, but Cardinal Campeggio having heard of the advocation of the affair to Rome, and being besides greatly annoyed at his long stay in England, has ever since been importuning the King to allow him to go away. Four days ago he went to visit the Cardinal at a country house of his, 20 miles from London, intending afterwards to wait on the King at a place in the neighbourhood, and ask for his congè. He is still staying with Cardinal Wolsey, who wishes to take him to the King. But, if I am rightly informed, the King has not yet granted permission for his Cardinal to go where he is, and as to the other (Campeggio), he is, as I said before, by no means pleased with his recall to Rome.
(Cipher;)The King's affection for La Bolaing (Boleyn) increases daily. It is so great just now that it can hardly be greater; such is the intimacy and familiarity in which they live at present. May God remedy it all !
The Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber [Ghinucci], who was to have come here from Spain, has not yet passed Lyons. Some days ago he sent here his nephew, who has since returned to him with despatches, and with an order from this King to remain at Rome, as he was before, and represent this King, in case Sir Gregory da Casale and another Englishman now residing as ambassadors at the Papal Court should be recalled, as is presumed will be the case. There will be no great loss for the Queen in the change, for I am informed that the said English ambassadors have done all the harm they could to the Queen's cause, and I believe more even than was expected of them. There is now a talk of sending to Italy Dr. Sanson, (fn. 15) once accredited to Your Majesty at Toledo; he is to be accompanied by the Bishop of this city (Tunstall); but whether he is to go to the Pope or to Your Majesty I have not yet been able to ascertain.
The greatest rejoicings have been made here on account of this peace, the proclamation of which took place the other day with the greatest possible solemnity. It is, however, remarkable that no mention whatever was made during the act either of the Pope or of the other contracting parties, but merely of Your Imperial Majesty and of the king of England. Venice, Ferrara, and the Duke Francesco Sforza, (fn. 16) have still their ambassadors here, who are but unfavourably looked upon, a treatment which they, however, return with interest.—London, 4th September 1529.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "A l'Empereur."
French. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet pp. 2½.
4 Sept.136. The Same to the Lady Margaret.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 225, No. 17.
Duplicate of his two despatches to the Emperor of the 1st and 4th, with some additions of small importance.
French. Original. pp. 5.
5 Sept.137. The Emperor to His Grand Chancellor Gattinara.
S. E. L. 1,553,
f. 506.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 120.
The legates have requested him in the name of His Holiness the Pope, and of the College of Cardinals, to take an oath concerning Parma and Piacenza. The difficulty is that he (the Emperor) does not know whether in so doing he does not prejudice the rights of the Holy Empire, &c. Has written to his ambassadors at Rome inquiring how, where, and in what form such an oath is to be sworn, &c.—Castel San Giovanni, Sunday, 5th September 1529.
Signed: "Charles."
Countersigned: "Perrenot."
Addressed: "A Mons. le Grand Chancellier, comte de Gattinare."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
6 Sept.138. The King of Hungary to Count Bernardo Nogarolo.
S. E. L. 635,
f.50.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f.121.
After his letter of the 12th of August a messenger arrived with the news that the Turk had twice attacked Buda. The garrison did all they could to defend the town, but were at last compelled to yield to the greatly superior numbers of the enemy, and retire to the castle. The city was indeed too large to be successfully defended by a handful of men.
The Emperor tarries in sending the promised reinforcements; besides which, some doubt prevails as to whether the auxiliary forces when sent are to advance further [than the frontiers of the Empire]. Such doubts are very detrimental to his cause.
Has no news of the Archbishop of Strigonia except that he has gone over to the Turk. This last intelligence may easily be believed, after his refusing to admit into his castle some companies of infantry sent to its relief, in consequence of which the Turkish nasadites (fn. 17) have advanced as far as Strigonia without opposition.
Is to relate all this to the Emperor and entreat him to send as soon as possible as great a succour as he can.—Lintz, 6th September 1529.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
7 Sept.139. The Emperor to his Ambassadors at Rome.
S. E. L. 1,555,
f.127.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
131.
After dispatching Albornoz, the cardinal legates asked us to swear the oath, a copy of which is annexed, adding that We were bound to do it as Emperor. Said We could not without consulting our High Chancellor thereupon. Dispatched a courier to him, but as the courier did not return, next day another messenger was sent to the place where the legates and Granvelle were staying, bidding the latter to arrange matters between themselves. Objected principally to the final words of the oath, but the cardinals said it was unimportant whether We left them out or swore to them. We yielded. Went accordingly to the church of Sant Antonio, and swore the oath. Orders them to inform the Pope thereof.
Spanish. Original draft in the hand-writing of Covos.
7 Sept.140. Praët and Mai to the Emperor.
S. Guerra. Mary
Tierra, L. 2.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 122.
Wrote last on the 4th inst. about the Pope's fears of a separate negociation being commenced there [at Genoa].
Gave him Your Majesty's holograph letter, after reading which he repeated to us the same words as on previous occasions. He was (he said) very glad to hear that the peace concluded at Cambray had been ratified, and he thanked Your Imperial Majesty for the trouble taken in communicating the intelligence by a letter in your own hand. With regard to the proclamation of the peace in the estates of the Church, His Holiness not only assented gladly, but said he was about to order fireworks and other rejoicings, to which he was about to invite also the ambassadors of France and England, that the people at large might witness the alacrity and good-will of all parties on the occasion. He would, moreover, order a most solemn mass to be said in the chapel of St. Peter. He accordingly took upon himself to speak to the said ambassadors, and it was agreed that as the peace was to be sworn to on the 15th, the rejoicings would take place on that very day.
The Pope has since spoken to the French ambassadors. The one who was here first has answered that peace has not yet been officially announced to him. The Bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont), who came after, said the same, but added that the day for the rejoicings might be fixed at once, as he was expecting letters from France by way of the Switzers. This answer of the two French ambassadors, and particularly that of the Bishop, who came last, leads us to two most important conjectures. If what they say be true, it would show that the King, their master, does not communicate with them direct, and also that Francis' chamberlain, who has gone to the Imperial Court [at Genoa], has brought no despatches for them. As to the English ambassador, we do not know yet whether he has arrived or not, or what his answer has been.
With regard to the Venetians, no advance has been made. The other night a courier arrived with letters from Cardinal Cornaro. The Signory wished for peace, and thanked the Pope for his kind exertions. They prayed God to preserve his life until his object was attained. Andrea Doria had made them certain overtures to which they had listened, and they were about to treat with him when the meeting of the ladies at Cambray put a stop to the negociations. They had now instructed Francesco Grimaldo to wait upon His Holiness and ascertain what the Emperor's intentions were respecting them. They ended by saying that they wished the Pope would do the same, as their ambassadors would not fail to inform him. Now as the Venetian ambassador has not called upon the Pope, on the plea that he is unwell and cannot leave his room, there is ground for thinking that Venice wants only to gain time and protract the negociations (y descubrir mundo). Are told that the Pope has answered Cornaro's letter warmly (caldamente) and as befits his own interest and Your Majesty's service.
On the other hand, private letters from Venice assert that it is generally believed there that Your Imperial Majesty is about to send thither an ambassador to treat of the peace, and that Prothonotary Caracciolo has been appointed. It is also reported that at one of their last "pregadi" there was much opposition shown to the motion of sending an embassy to Your Majesty. The opinion of the majority being that were they to do so they might give offence to the Turk.
The Venetian proveditor now in Puglia has, they say, written to the Signory that they can easily get possession of the castle (rocca) of Brindisi by offering its governor a bribe of 10,000 crs. Though this can hardly be believed of an Imperial captain, yet, as there might be treason in the way, we have informed Cardinal Colonna and Alarcon of the rumour that they may take due measures, &c.
It is also reported that they (the Venetians) have taken into their pay the son of Renzo da Ceri with 100 horse and 500 crs. salary (provision), that he may enlist under his banners all the men who served under his father at Naples, besides those who now compose the garrison of Barletta, in the event of that city being surrendered as stipulated by the treaty of Cambray.
Further rumours are afloat that the same Bishop [of Tarbes] told the Pope the other day he knew for certain that the Signory had been in treaty with the Switzers to raise some thousands of men among them.
The news from Naples is that Alarcon was about to march in the direction of Puglia, and that he had at last been able to raise some money to pay the men under his command.
Besides these symptoms of war, the Venetians are known to be now fortifying their frontier towns, and collecting provisions. Ravenna, whither they have lately sent one of their proveditors, has been so carefully strengthened that the Pope begins to think it will never be restored to him, except by force of arms. He (the Pope) has also heard that the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d' Este) is increasing the defences of his principal fortresses, and has recalled the troops he had at Florence.
In short all accounts agree in one thing, namely, that Venice is prepared to defend herself against all invaders, even if she were left by herself. Such at least is the information contained in a letter from the Papal legate in that city, to Miçer Federico, the secretary of the nuncio (Girolamo), (fn. 18) who was once with Your Imperial Majesty [at Barcelona]. Nevertheless Cardinal Pisani, who is now at Venice, writes to one of his secretaries here [at Rome] that the Signory feels disposed to accept peace, provided the terms be discussed here. Were the Pope to consent to this, and appoint him to negociate as Cornaro's senior, he (Pisani) had no doubt that the Signory would at once commence negociations.
With regard to Francesco Sforza, what we know is this: He is completely ruined (perdido), and reduced to the walls of Cremona, beset besides by plague in the immediate neighbourhood, which he fears even more than war. As it was lately rumoured that he was about to dispatch an embassy to Your Imperial Majesty, and the letter of the legate, at Venice, stated on the contrary that he had been warned by the Signory not to do so; as, moreover, the Duke has now two agents here, one who arrived last winter, and another, the physician, who came under cover of attending the Pope in his illness, we requested the Pope to make due inquiries, and let us know for certain what the Duke intended doing, whether he thought of standing his trial by a court of law, or throwing himself upon Your Majesty's mercy (asi en camino de la justicia como de gracia y perdon).
The Duke's agents have answered that "although their master could successfully defend himself before his judges, he much preferred throwing himself at the Emperor's feet and begging his pardon. To that end he (the Duke) had sent his ambassadors to Genoa to learn the Emperor's pleasure." This answer being reported to us, we lost no time in informing the Milanese agents, that in the event of Your Majesty granting his pardon, three conditions were in our opinion required: first, to know the way and manner in which that pardon was to be asked; secondly, which part of the Duchy he was prepared to give up, and which he wished to retain; and thirdly, what securities he could offer. The Pope has promised to follow up this affair and dispatch immediately, post haste, the secretary who is here with a message to the Duke.
The Prince [of Orange] writes from Canaya (Cannara) eight miles from Perugia, in date of the 4th inst. He has applied for cannon balls, and pioneers (gastadores) to prosecute his march on Florence; for although (he says) some overtures have been made by Malatesta, his terms are not acceptable, and the Prince has consequently decided to go on.
Juan de Urbina was at that date on the verge of death, not indeed from his wound, but from disease in consequence of certain powders prescribed by a quack doctor, which he had swallowed much against the advice of his physicians.
The Florentines have asked the Venetians for help, but the latter have refused. As they gave Ercole d' Este a wife, and got rid of him that way, they have now appointed Stefano Colonna, the lord of Prenestina, to be their captain-general. (fn. 19) Some of the Pope's friends seem to think that the Florentines will soon give in, and accept the Emperor's terms; others assert that they are, on the contrary, very spirited and carefully fortifying their city for defence. In case of Your Imperial Majesty deciding to follow the Pope's lead in this affair, we deem it advisable to intimate, as if it came from us, that you never intended attacking Florence except at the Pope's instigation, and for his sake, because should the undertaking turn out unsuccessful, we (the Imperialists) would not be made responsible for it, as some people begin already to surmise, by applying to us that proverb, so common in this country, viz., "that we have spoilt their game." Although the Pope in his modesty does not tell us any of this, yet we know that he feels it and is not in such good humour as he formerly was.
Respecting the coronation, the Pope says that he has no particular choice; it may take place where and whenever Your Imperial Majesty decides. He thinks, however, that Rome would be the most fit place for it, as it would impart greater authority and splendor to the ceremony.
(Cipher:) The English matrimonial suit has been suspended until Easter (Pasqua de Natividad) (fn. 20) as well as the brief establishing the penalties (penas) against the King's person, in case of resistance; but fearing lest the inhibitions had not arrived at their destination, or else that if they arrived after the suspension, they would be of little or no use—as the judges in England might not consider themselves inhibited—we have contrived that the "motu propio," which had already been put into the hands of the English orator, and presented at the Rota, should be taken up to the Pope. This has been shaped in such a manner that the suspension is nowise to be understood with reference to the inhibition sent to the judges. Another modification has been introduced, which is that although all censures relating to the King's person are carefully suppressed, those relating to the judges and others, who should disregard the inhibition, still hold good. These last have been carefully preserved, because should the King in the meantime attempt anything new, or actually marry another woman, this second matrimony be null, under the "litis pendentia" and express inhibition. We humbly beg Your Majesty to approve and sanction (darse por servido) what has been done in the affair, for such was the pressure put on us by His Holiness and by the English orators themselves, that we could not do less. Thus, should the King not acknowledge the courtesy from this time to the end of the year, Your Majesty will be at liberty to proceed in the affair as best suits your reputation.
(fn. 21)
The ex-Abbot of Farfa is going to Florence. They say that he is much put out (muy confuso), and afraid of Your Majesty once at Rome chastizing him for his many misdemeanours and crimes. The Prince and the Duke of Malfa (Piccolomini), have been directed to set spies upon him, and if he should pass through Siena or any other town allied to the Emperor lay their hands on him and secure his person.
The Pope is reported to have said two or three times to the Austrian ambassador (Andrea del Burgo) that were the king of France to come over [to Italy] with his court, and without an army, he might peaceably meet the Emperor and his brother, the king of Hungary, and all together plan and arrange the expedition against the Turk. But the report is not correct, for in the first place the Pope has never told us (Burgo or me) anything of the sort; and secondly, there is no indication of the French King having ever meditated such a move. Nor do we know how to account for such a report; whether to attribute it to the levity (ligereza) of that blockhead the Bishop of Tarbes (Grammont), or to the restless humour of the French, who perhaps wish to see Your Imperial Majesty out of Italy as soon as possible. We mention the report merely by way of warning.—Rome, 7th September 1529.
Spanish. Original. pp. 18.
8 Sept.141. The King of Hungary to Salinas.
S. E. L. 635,
f. 51.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f.132.
His letter of the 15th ulto has come to hand together with one from the Emperor. Has sent Count Nogarolo to congratulate his brother on the occasion of his happy arrival in Italy.
Has written since the 27th of July four or five letters at least, but has had no answer.
The danger is increasing from hour to hour, "llegando como dizen el agua á la boca." On the 1st Louis de Taxis left with despatches and instructions which he (Salinas) has probably seen already. Hopes the Emperor takes the affairs of Germany seriously to heart, and has already made arrangements to succour him. The Turk is advancing and his forces increase daily. It is not his fault but the Emperor's that so much time has been lost. Without the help of the Emperor he (Ferdinand) cannot successfully cope with the Infidel. Even if that help arrives in time it will be difficult to resist the enemy, for the Turks are very numerous and have great power. They have already advanced as far as Tabarino (Rab), only 16 miles distant from Vienna. Strigonia (Gran), the strongest fortress of the whole kingdom, the defence of which had been confided to the Archbishop, has fallen into their hands. The danger is indeed imminent and so great that no words can give an adequate idea of it.
He (Salinas) is to do all he can to induce the Emperor to send him succour as soon as possible.—Lintz, 8th September 1529.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.

Footnotes

1 Luigi Alamanni, a celebrated poet of these days, son of Pieroand nephew (?) of Jacopo, who was beheaded at Florence in 1528. Bernardo Segni in his Storie Florentine, pp. 51-3, speaks of him at full length, and so does Benedetto Varchi in his Storia Fiorentina, pp. 107, 111,114. Neither of those writers, however, mentions the fact of Alamanni having presented himself to Charles on his first landing at Savona (9-12 of August), though both agree that he was a great friend of Andrea Doria, had accompanied him to Barcelona when that captain went thither with his fleet, and had on his return to Genoa written to the goufaloniere (Niccolo Capponi) and to the Dieci that it was advisable to cast off the French alliance and make terms with the Emperor.
2 This minute is dated the 2nd of August, but as will be shown hereafter there must be an error. According to the Itinerary published by Mr. Bradford (p. 494), the Emperor left Genoa on the 30th of August, passed by Monastero and Borgo de' Fornari, and was on the 1st of September at Gavio (Gavi) which he left for Castell San Giovanni next day. On the 6th he arrived at Piacenza, where he stayed till the 24th, &c. In a more recent, and I must say more careful publication of the same Itinerary by Mr. Gachard, in the original French text of Vandenesse, (Voyages des Princes de la maison d'Autriche, Brussels, 1859, vol. I., p. 84), the fact of the Emperor's having left Gavi on the 2nd September is fully confirmed, and therefore I consider my self justified in changing the date as I have done.
3 Hernando de Alarcon, who at this time commanded the Spaniards in Naples.
4 Guillaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeais, which title is variously written Lange, Langè, Langey, according to the various mode of pronunciation; the editor of his Memoirs writes Du Bellai-Langei.
5 No. 122.
6 Also called Spello and Hispelli in Umbria, between Foligno and Perugia.
7 A note in Gattinara's handwriting has the following: "If the suspension,' a beneplacito,' is really recommended by the Pope there can be no objection to it, provided the evocation (evocation) take effect, and the inhibition to the judges remain firm and valid. It would, therefore, be advisable to please His Holiness in this as well as in other matters, and do at the same time a kindness to the English King, who might be induced to grant without dispute that which we ask of him, and abandon his purpose in time and without humiliation. Since the Imperial ambassadors seem to consult over the case, and ask for instructions, they may at once give a satisfactory answer in this affair, both to His Holiness and to the English ambassadors, and grant the request of the latter, provided the Queen's interests do not suffer through it, and the suspension may be the means of her being better treated in the meantime."
8 Elne in the Roussillon, the see of a bishopric afterwards transferred to Perpignan.
9 Don Fernando Valdès, who in 1546 became archbishop of Seville.
10 Antoine du Prat, first president of the Parliament of Paris since 1507, Chancellor of France in 1515, bishop of Sens 1525, and cardinal in 1527, in the same promotion as Mercurino Gattinara.
11 Renzo da Ceri still held for the French Barletta and other towns in the kingdom of Naples, whilst the Venetians occupied several places on the coast.
12 Written in the original" Suffort, Nolphoc, and Millort Richafort."
13 Anne de Bolougnie, and lower down de Boulang."
14 " Et qui pis est à ce que l' ondit, yl s' en compousent escripteaux."
15 Dr. Richard Sampson, archdeacon of Cornwall and dean of Windsor. He was sent as ambassador to Charles as early as 1525. See Part. 1, pp. 12,46,207.
16 "Les Veneciens, le Duc de Ferrare et le Due Sforce ont tousjours leurs ambassadeurs icy a lui l' on fayt maigre mine, et yl la font encoures pire."
17 "Los Nasadistas del Turco" in the original.
18 Girolamo or Gerome Selade, bishop of Vaison.
19 "Y han conducido porque casaron (sic) a don Hercules de Este, al señor de Prenestina que es estafano Colunna por su capitan-general." The verb conducido is here used in the sense of giving one the command of a condotta.
20 "En lo de la causa matrimonial de Ynglaterra todavia se ha suspendido hasta Pasqua de Natividad, y quien de las censuras y penas quanto á la persona del Rey; pero porque temiamos que las ynibiciones no sean llegadas, y si llegan despues de la suspension harian poco al caso, y aquellos jueces no ynibidos, procuramos que el motu proprio, que era ya dado al orator angles y presentado en Rota viniese en mano del Papa y adobose de manera que la suspension no se entiende quanto á la ynibicion de los jueces." Thus in the original, but there must be some omission in the deciphering, for the sense of the first part of the paragraph is by no means complete.
21 "Y digan que les gastamos un bel juego.