Spain: October 1529, 26-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

'Spain: October 1529, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530, (London, 1879) pp. 309-320. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp309-320 [accessed 26 April 2024]

October 1529, 26-31



26 Oct.	197. Cardinal Gattinara to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,454, f. 168. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 241.	Arrived last evening at Cremona. Was very well received by the Duke Francesco [Sforza], who now begs for a safe-conduct to go to Bologna and have his case thoroughly investigated. He (Gattinara) is of opinion that the accusation should be dropped altogether.—Casal Mayor (Casal Maggiore), Monday night, the 26th October 1529.
	Signed: "M [ercurino] Car [dinalis] Gattinara."
	Spanish. Original in the hand-writing of Alfonso de Valdés. p. 1.
26 Oct.	198. The Archbishop of Bari [Estevan Gabriel Merino] to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 108. B.M. Add. 28,579, f. 238.	This morning the Emperor's letter of the 23rd was duly received. Monbardon came soon after with the Imperial message about Florence, which we hastened to communicate to the Pope. His answer was: "I place myself entirely in the Emperor's hands; in four or five days at the latest I will remit to the Prince [of Orange] 10,000 ducats more."
	Spoke to him about the news of the Turk and from Vienna. So did Andrea del Burgo. His Holiness promised to do all he could, but remarked: "That is, no doubt, a great misfortune to come; but some do not believe in it, and others will be glad. That is no reason for my neglecting to do my utmost to avert the calamity. I will summon a congregation of cardinals to discuss the matter." The ambassador's impression is that nothing will be done until the meeting.
	With regard to Your Majesty's proposed journey and arrival at Bologna, which seems to have been fixed for Sunday next, both the Pope and his master of ceremonies told us, and we perfectly agree with them, that it is very inconvenient, and perhaps also impracticable, because were that plan to be executed, Your Majesty would necessarily have to pass a whole night out of the estates of the Church and wait all Sunday. (fn. n1) Your Majesty cannot make the entry into Bologna on Monday, that being the day of All Saints, a most solemn festival with chapel service, and besides vespers of All Souls (dia de Difuntos).Tuesday morning All Souls and chapel service after dinner, so that there would be no time for the reception, which, attended as it must be by numerous indispensable ceremonies, could not possibly be made in one afternoon now that the days are short. Our opinion is that Your Majesty had better come to Castelfranco, and thence on Wednesday to La Chartosa (Certosa di Bologna) and Thursday next to Bologna. We thought at first that Your Majesty had better pass these two days at Parma, but then as you would have to ride on feast days we adhere to the former plan, which is to sleep at Castelfranco, only 15 miles from this place, and then come to Bologna.
	For the ceremonial of the coronation the following things are wanted: 1st the standard with the Imperial eagle, which Your Majesty has already; that of St. George, which has been ordered and will soon be ready; the sword, the bull for the Imperial election, &c. Money to be thrown to the people, and a sum of gold to be deposited at the foot of the Pope when Your Majesty comes to kiss it.
	The Venetian ambassador called and told us after dinner, in the course of conversation, that the Signory was disposed to treat with the Pope, and with Your Imperial Majesty conjointly or separately as it might be. We afterwards learned that he had seen the Pope that same morning, and held similar language to him. The Pope's answer was: "If that is the case, let us hear what you propose about Ravenna and Cervia." The ambassador replied that if His Holiness only consented to let them hold those two towns and their respective districts as a fief from the Church, and on the payment of a good rental (censo), they would consider themselves happy. The Pope retorted: "I have already one feoffee (feudatorio), and am so much honoured by him that I would rather have no more." The Pope's impression and our own is that the Venetians are trying to save what they can out of the struggle, and that if all other matters are settled to their satisfaction they will give up those towns and anything else they possess in Puglia.
	(Cipher:) Have been told by the Pope himself that the King of France has lately sent him a message by a barber of his chamber, to assure him of his friendship and affection, and the great care he takes of his interests. (fn. n2) That was the reason why he (the Pope) had not yet sent for his niece (Katharine) who was still at Florence, that she might afterwards be married in France, as suited her rank and quality. Now the King (he said) was thinking of sending the Duke of Albany for her, but had promised to take no steps concerning her marriage without consulting His Holiness first. The Pope was much amused at the King's preposterous idea, and at the same time amazed, for the Duke of Albany, who happens to be 50, whereas the girl is only ten, was proposed and refused on a previous occasion, besides which he himself is now carrying on a law suit in France, and claims part of her property.
	As Cardinal Santa Croce is not in Bologna the letter that came for him has not been delivered.—Bologna, 26th October 1529.
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Sovereign lord and master."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
26 Oct.	199. The Emperor to his Ambassadors at Rome.
S. E. L. 1,555, f. 147. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 242.	Wrote last night from Piacenza. To-day, Monday, as We were going out of that city your despatch by Albornoz, the courier, came to hand. Glad to hear that His Holiness has arrived [at Bologna] in good health. To this end, and to inform him of our arrival at this place, We now send [Cardinal Santa Croce] to him.
	Will be at Bologna on Sunday. Preparations for the coronation—Census of Naples to be paid to the Pope—The ambassadors are to ask for a prorogation, and if not obtained, have the same deducted from the Pope's debt to us, as We have at present no other means of settling that claim.
	Arrival of the Admiral [of France] (fn. n3) for the ratification of the peace and Imperial oath; this was accomplished with the solemnity required in such cases.—Florençola, (fn. n4) 26th October 1529.
	Spanish. Original draft. Pp. 2.
27 Oct.	200. King Henry to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 224, No. 59.	Has ordered "Messire le Docteur Benet," his councillor, present bearer, to repair at once to the Emperor's Court [at Bologna] and join the rest of the ambassadors who have already started on their mission.—A nostre manoir de Greenwiche, 27th October 1529.
	Signed: "Henry."
	French. Original. p. 1.
28 Oct.	201. The Emperor to Poupet de la Chaux and Secretary Des Barres.
Lanz. Corresp. d. Kays I., 350-5.	The French ambassadors arrived here [at Piacenza] on the 16th, and on the 18th, St. Lucas' Day, We swore to observe the peace concluded at Cambray. An act of ratification in due order has been handed over to them, besides two powers of attorney (procurations), one respecting the faithful observation of the said treaty and of the previous one of Madrid, the other to obtain from His Holiness the required dispensation of the oath, the whole according to the minute which you, Des Barres, brought to us.
	With the regard to the oath itself, the Admiral of France (Mr. Brion), who is one of the ambassadors, having informed us that he had certain remarks to make on the part of his master, the King, and that he wished us to appoint one or two of our councillors to hear what he had to say on the subject, We at once named our cousin, Nassau, and Mr. De Granvelle to discuss at leisure with the said Admiral, accompanied by Mr. Dyverny (Du Verney?) and L' Esleu Bayard, the points and articles of which We enclose copies, as well as the answers made to each of them by our said councillors in our name, which answers We have sanctioned merely to please the most Christian King and his ambassadors, notwithstanding that it might be suggested to them that the strict observance of the treaty so recently concluded was the best answer to their inquiries.
	Among the demands made by the said ambassadors, one is that We should accept and receive at the moment of the delivery of the princes, one portion of the sum stipulated, and fix a time for the payment of the remainder; which request We have refused to comply with, it being exceedingly inconvenient for us, as you may understand. On the contrary, We think that the King of France, for his own convenience, and to do us pleasure in this respect, might very easily have advanced as on the amount of the ransom 300,000 or 400,000 crs., which as We have signified to his ambassadors, might have been immediately spent in war against the Turk.
	The French having stated that they had no particular instructions on this point, and that in case of the King, their master, feeling disposed to advance that sum, some sort of security would be required, the Admiral suggested that if 600,000 crs. were paid at two months' date, on the delivery of the princes, We might perhaps accept the security of merchants and bankers for the remainder. Our answer to this proposition was, that We objected to make any innovation respecting the treaty, but that with regard to the clause relating to the delivery of the princes, We were willing to entertain and discuss any proposals that might be made in this way, provided the guarantees offered were satisfactory, and when asked what sort of security We wished to have, they (the ambassadors) were informed that the faith and signature of the personages now residing at our court, besides those of Madame, cur aunt, and of the lords of the Low Countries, ought to be considered a sufficient guarantee. To this, however, the Admiral objected, and said to Mr. de Granvelle, among other things, that in case of his master agreeing to make the said advance, he would by far prefer retaining the town of Hesdin, the restitution of which, being as it were, the first article to be fulfilled in the treaty, would be a preferable security.
	In view, therefore, of these various proposals, as well as of the answers by us made to the French ambassadors, in which We persist, it will be your duty to procure from the King the advance of a sum of money offering, as above, the security of our aunt, and such of our subjects as the King may select, and, if necessary, ask Madame Margaret herself to interfere.
	Respecting the place whereat the delivery is to be effected, the ambassadors at first seemed to have no choice, and said that it was quite indifferent to them whether it took place at Fuentarrabia, or on the frontier close to Narbonne. Since then, however, they have insisted upon the latter place, alleging that it is far more convenient and secure for the princes and for the Queen, that the roads are better, and besides, that Bayonne is just now afflicted by famine and plague. As these, however, are only transitory evils, which can be easily remedied, and, moreover, it has been agreed and settled that the delivery is to take place at Fuentarrabia, We have firmly declared our unwillingness to agree to any change in this matter, upon which the ambassadors, perceiving our determination, no longer insisted, and promised to write home. Should any application be made to you whilst at the court of France you know our way of thinking in this matter. As to the period of the delivery, the ambassadors said they thought it could not take place before the 1st of March, as the money could not be possibly got ready before that time.
	With regard to the Duke of Ferrara, great stress has been put upon us out of consideration for the Queen Regent of France, who has strongly interceded in his favour. We have hitherto declined to state our reasons in writing; but enough has been said to the French ambassadors to show that We have hitherto treated the said Duke with generosity, notwithstanding We had plenty of means at hand to take another course, as We have been frequently solicited and requested to do. Should any mention be made of the said Duke and his affairs, you may answer in accordance with these our views, and in such a manner that We may proceed with less scruple on our journey to meet the Pope.
	We have deemed it very strange that whilst the most Christian King of France has, by the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, renounced all rights he has, or might have, to the duchy of Milan and kingdom of Naples, and declared that henceforward he will have no more to do with Italy, his ambassadors should now come to propose that We should make over for a sum of money the country of Asti, on the plea that their late king, Louis XII., incorporated it in the crown of France, and that it is hardly worth 400 ducats a year! This request of the French ambassadors makes us suspect that the King, their master, is far from giving up entirely, as he is bound to do, his ideas of intervention in the affairs of Italy, the more so that the Admiral proposed some time ago to a personage of this our court that, should We be willing to give him the duchy of Milan, he would help us forthwith to the recovery of Verona and other places, which the Venetians have usurped from our brother Ferdinand and from us, and would also assist with troops and money towards the Turkish war. We have no doubt that if such like overtures have been made you have refused to listen to them, as being quite out of the scope and limits of the last treaty. Indeed, it would be a very dishonest proceeding on the part of the most Christian King, if, for the execution of what he is bound to accomplish, he were now to stipulate and demand new conditions.
	The Admiral, as it would appear, is sorry that the matter of the alliances should have been placed in Madame's hands. No sooner did he hear our answer on that particular than he began to speak in colder terms, alleging that the matter was not so very urgent; that the ladies will have no facilities to meet, and also that affairs of that kind could not be conducted and treated by people of small importance (petits perscnnaiges), &c. He gave us a letter from the King to that purpose, of which a copy is herein enclosed, as well as of our answer to the said ambassador.
	Although the Admiral from the beginning had expressed a wish that the business for which he had come should be transacted as soon as possible, in order that he might return to his master, he now declared to us that he had been instructed by the King to do our pleasure in every respect, and to remain at our court or go away at our will. He said he had money with him to forward to Rance de Chery (Renzo da Ceri) at Barletta, that he might pay his men, and evacuate the place according to the articles of the treaty; but he said he found difficulties in sending the money, and hinted that the Venetians had been trying to get possession of the place. He likewise requested us, in order to bring about the more speedy surrender of that town, to pardon the Prince of Melfi (Caracciolo), and that if We thought proper he (the ambassador) wonld undertake to go as far as Venice and persuade the Doge and Council to give up the places they still retained in the kingdom of Naples, and accept our terms of peace. Also that he was very desirous of visiting Madame Renée at Ferrara, out of the respect and affection he had always borne her, and also for the love which he knew the King professed to her. In all these things, however, he was at our orders, and would do as We pleased.
	Our answer was that, considering, from what We had heard, and he himself had told us at first, that he was in a hurry to return home, We had given strict orders that his business should be attended to with all possible speed. That We had read the King's letter touching the alliances, and would willingly have referred him to our Privy Council, and have the affair treated and discussed there in his presence, but as he could see We were ourselves on the eve of our departure for Bouloigne (Bolonia), and could not possibly delay any longer having promised our Holy Father to be there on a certain day. As it was, the Pope must already have arrived in that city at the moment We spoke, and We should have been at a loss how to account for making him wait so long. As to his own movements, We left it entirely to his choice to remain at our court or return home, as his master's pleasure might be. Respecting his proposal of visiting Venice in order to persuade the Signory to give up the fortresses which they still possess in Puglia, and come to terms with us, We told him that it was not worth the trouble, since they had been summoned in proper form, and had not yet consented to it, &c.
	We must, however, recommend you to try and ascertain how far the King of France is willing to observe the last treaty, for his ambassadors here do not scruple to say, and have even declared openly, that they consider its terms very hard indeed, and that if the King keeps them, it will be merely for the sake of his sons, whom he wants to deliver from captivity as soon as possible, not for the sake of the peace itself.—Bourg St. Domingo (Borgo di San Donnino), 28th October 1529.
	French.
28 Oct.	202. Clement VII. to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 110. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 244.	Thanks him for having sent Don Pedro de la Cueva to compliment him on his safe arrival at Bologna. Hopes to see him soon.—Bologna, 28th October 1529.
	Italian. Holograph. p. 1.
28 Oct.	203. The King of Hungary to Martin de Salinas.
S. E. L. 496, f. 67. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 245.	By Luis de Taxis on the 19th, and through other channels since, We have informed you of the retreat of the Turks from before Vienna. We again wrote from Lintz on the 23rd, requesting you to wait on the Emperor, and tell him in our name that with this retreat of the enemy there is no longer a necessity for his coming, and that he may defer his journey until the affairs of Italy are definitively settled.
	We came to this city [Lintz] for the purpose of consulting various prince electors and other persons as to the best means for prosecuting our present undertaking, before the opportunity should be lost by the delay, since besides the Bohemians, and the forces of the Suabian League, and those of the dukes of Bavaria and others, which we have sent back home, amounting in all to nearly 70,000, there remain still at Vienna from 45,000 to 50,000 men of our own territorial dominions, and of those of the Empire, with whom We then meditated some good undertaking. Arrived here, however, We found the affairs in a worse state than they were before; for the lanskenets of our dominions, as well as those of the Empire, were in complete mutiny, more dishonest and impudent in their demands than ever, claiming five or six months' pay, when not a whole one was owing to them, alleging for their unreasonable demands the raids made by the Turks (fn. n5) and the booty they made, without taking into consideration that they themselves have occasionally done the same thing, besides which they pretend that what food they have consumed during their stay in this town should not be discounted from their pay, and that We ourselves should defray to the householders the cost made by them, amounting to a very considerable sum. They are so insolent that neither reason nor justice is available with them. Their captains and officers have absconded from fear of these devils, who have more than once threatened to kill them, going tumultuously through the streets of this city crying at the top of their voices and in their language "Blood or money," meaning that unless their cravings be satisfied they will sack Lintz. We need scarcely point out to you the many evils that may arise from the conduct of these lanskenets, for, in the first place, the enterprize against the Turk will be abandoned, and the opportunity of driving him off to his own territory entirely lost. The second, that these lanskenets are for the most part Lutherans or of those peasants (villanos) who took part in the last disturbances, and as they are all unprincipled men and without faith they bear great hatred to all Catholics, have lost all shame, and are burning to revenge themselves for their past defeat. After this (despues de hecho este yerro) they will become, if possible, more wicked than before; for knowing themselves to be criminal they will spread through the country for fear of punishment, and recruit numbers of their own sect, not only among the rabble, but among the highest classes of society, who did not like to declare themselves before. They will then destroy and waste what little the Turks have left, for they have within this town of Lintz a good many pieces of ordnance and other war implements. The third is, that the moment the Turk hears of this he is sure to return with greater force than ever, and accomplish perhaps what he has hitherto been unable to do. The fourth, that the Vayvod will become his natural ally, and do all the harm he can to our Hungarian dominions. And the fifth, that the Venetians cannot fail to be delighted at an incident of this sort, and will encourage the lanskenets to destroy the land to the very frontiers of the Signory.
	On whatever side We look at this affair We see nothing but blood and misfortune, for the amount of money asked by these lanskenets is so enormous, that were We to sell the whole of our patrimonial estates We could not pay one fourth of their claims. The Count Palatine and other lords, who were to come here [to Lintz], to treat of the best means of meeting the threatening storm, dare not quit Vienna from fear of the mutineers, so that in fact We are much worse now than when the Turk was in front of us, for at any rate against this latter enemy there was a defence, whereas against these soldiers there is none at all that We can see. Besides the natural insolence and rebellious spirit of the lanskenets, which of itself prompts them to excesses of this kind, We have reason to think that the avarice of certain captains has also something to do with it; for they are known to have secretly and underhand incited them to ask for such premiums (ventajas), in order that on our refusal to grant such preposterous demands, their men may sack this city and they (the captains) remain with the property and in their own quarters (posadas propias). The first to institute such a claim were the Imperial lanskenets; those of our own estates and others soon followed the bad example, so that there is perhaps not one among them who is not of the same mind. The Count Palatine, perceiving our common danger, had of his own accord promised the Imperial lanskenets two months' pay, besides their arrears, and cost free of all they had consumed during the siege. We do not know whether they will accept this offer or not; but even if they do, the danger of this town being sacked and destroyed does not diminish, for there are among these lanskenets here many avaricious and wicked men, whom nothing will satisfy, besides which We have really not the means of paying those who are under our banners. May God help us all!
	You will inform the Emperor, our brother, of all this, and entreat him to send us as soon as possible money with which to meet the demands of these people. Tell the Emperor that 100,000 florins now are better towards the prosecution of this enterprize, than 500,000 at a future time, and that when the Turk and the Vayvod have recovered and united their forces for a fresh attack it will be perhaps too late.
	The last news from Turkey is that Solyman has sent part of his forces to Belgrade, and that he himself has gone to Buda, and placed a garrison at Attenburu (Altenburgh), the last place in Hungary, ten leagues from Vienna, which he has since given to the Vayvod to keep as a frontier fortress against Austria. It is not known yet whether Solyman will pass this winter in Hungary, or go home. We are very much afraid that, owing to the many enemies who surround us, and principally to the treacherous rising of the lanskenets, this country will be irretrievably lost, unless God and His Majesty the Emperor give prompt aid, because, as We have said before, We have not the means of defending our dominions against the Turk, even if We were not to pay what these lanskenets ask, much less if We are obliged to look out for the means of paying them.—Cremes, 28th October 1529.
	P.S.—After the above was written, intelligence came that not only the Germans, who were at Vienna during the siege, are clamouring for their pay, but also the many thousands who flocked thither from our own estates, and that all have joined in the demand, declaring that they will not quit the town, or allow their captains to go out of it, unless paid in full.
	Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
28 Oct.	204. The Marquis del Gasto to Covos.
S. E. L. 1,438, ff. 4-5. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 249.	Wrote last to Commander Juan Baptista Castaldo begging him to report to the Emperor on the state of the army. Since then things have occurred to which he is compelled to call his (Covos') attention and that of the councillors. Would willingly have addressed the Emperor, but as no answer is returned to his numerous' despatches he has a right to conclude that they are not read.
	This army is more fitted to conquer its enemies by its past reputation than by its present efficiency and force. I mean that we maintain ourselves in front of this city, more with our name than our works, since we are wanting in all that is most indispensable for a besieging army. To begin by the men; our number is scarcely equal to that of the enemy inside. Money is absolutely wanting. True, that is no new thing with us, and we are used to it; but in this instance the remedy is not near at hand, and situated as the men are they must be fed or else die of hunger. There are besides many Italians in our ranks who have not, generally speaking, the endurance of the Spaniards, and who, if not paid their monthly stipend with regularity, are sure to go over to the enemy, from whom they get offers every day. The Germans may possibly not desert, but they will assuredly rise in mutiny and go home, for most of them have become rich, and wish to quit the Imperial service. At the end of this month their pay will be due, as likewise their period of service, and if by that time no money is given to them, and a new oath taken according to custom, they are sure to make a row. To the Spaniards two months' pay are owing, without counting the arrears, and they are in so miserable a condition that it is piteous to see them. If they do not mutiny and demand their arrears of pay, they must, in some way or other procure food in order to live. The same may be said of the men-at-arms and light horse, who for want of pay and food are actually forced, like so many robbers, to go out on the road and seize the provisions coming to this army.
	I enter into particulars that Your Worship may see the impracticability of this army remaining as it is, and the scanty fruit to be derived. The Pope ought to give in, and a convention made with the Florentines through which the Emperor will get a good sum of money to help to the Turkish war and the Pope.
	Signed: "El Marques del Gasto."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
29 Oct.	205. Hernando de Alarcon to the Emperor.
S.E.L. 1,454, f. 78. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 257.	The army is in mutiny. They have taken possession of the artillery and are marching towards Naples.
	The inhabitants of Barletta, Trani, Monopoli, are archtraitors; more Venetian than the Venetians themselves. It would be advisable to drive them out and repopulate those towns with Spaniards.—Andria, 29th October 1529.
29 Oct.	206. The Archbishop of Bari and Miçer Mai.
S.E.L. 1,454, f. 189. B.M. Add. 28,579, f. 252.	As we informed Your Imperial Majesty by our letters of the 17th inst., the Pope, at our request, spoke to the Venetian ambassador, and pressed him to give a cathegorical answer, since he had full powers to treat. He strongly advised the Signory to accept at once the terms offered; for, if their reluctance in accepting those terms was only caused by a desire to gain time and wait for some untoward event unfavourable to the Emperor, the contrary might happen.
	In saying this the Pope meant the retreat of the Turks, which has since been confirmed by letters of the 27th, and duly announced. When the intelligence was communicated to him (the Pope) he was so glad that he ordered immediately public rejoicings to be made, and, on Sunday, grand mass and thanksgivings, &c. He also added: "I am the more delighted at this happy news about the Turk, that I expect it will throw confusion into the hearts of those who expected food for their passion and particular avarice. I am now very glad that I was a prophet when I spoke with the Venetian ambassador, and I confidently hope that they will be more tractable (blandos) in future."—Bologna, 29th October 1529.
	P.S.—This very morning, for it could not be done before, he (Merino) and Mr. Mai called at the Consistory, and delivered the Emperor's letters, which were read therein. As His Holiness, himself, was present at the reading, he failed not to speak in the name of all his cardinals, saying how disposed all felt towards assisting the Emperor in all matters, and specially in the Crusade against the Turk. We considered it our duty to make this manifestation, for fear they (the cardinals) should think that the retreat of the Infidel from before Vienna would dispense them from granting the Crusade and other ecclesiastical resources, for as Your Majesty very wisely intimates, this is the time to prosecute with vigour the war against the Infidel.
	Have conversed with the keeper of the Emperor's jewels (guardajoyas), and it appears that many things are wanted for the approaching ceremony, as that official has no doubt by this time reported.
	Beg His Imperial Majesty to answer as soon as possible certain questions contained in the despatches which Mr. de Praët and Albornoz took, especially those concerning the form and size of the standards, which is the most important.
	Signed: "G. Ar[chiepiscopus] Baren[sis].—Mai."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
29 Oct.	207. Cardinal Gattinara to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,454, f. 170. B. M. Add. 28,579, f. 255.	Has just received his letter from Parma, and thinks that the journey to Bologna ought to be delayed according to the Pope's wishes.
	Cannot understand what the Imperial ambassadors mean by asking in the Pope's name for the "Bull of the Imperial election," nor to what bull they refer. If they mean "the decree of election," it does not seem necessary to exhibit it at the present moment; firstly, because it was once presented when dispensation was granted to His Majesty for holding conjointly with the Empire the kingdom of Naples; and secondly, because that decree (decreto) had its due effect by the coronation at Aquisgran, where it was duly exhibited. The decree, moreover, is not among the papers of the Chancery.
	Respecting the crown of Lombardy, the Emperor refers him (Gattinara) to the letter written by the Imperial ambassadors to Covos; but as he has not seen it, he (Gattinara) cannot state his own opinion about it. Thinks, however, that there is no need of taking that crown, which is not Imperial, but Royal. The Emperor Frederic [Barbarossa] did not take it, and the ceremonial expressly says that it is not necessary.
	Should have entered Bologna this very day had there been water enough in the river to float the barge. Most likely will not reach his destination till to-morrow evening—Safe-conduct to Francesco Sforza—The Emperor may address him to Bologna.
	Was visited at Ferrara by the Duke, who showed great affection for the Emperor, and said he was daily expecting leave to present his homage.—At the Ferry, between Ferrara and Bologna, Friday evening.
	Signed: "M[ercurino] Car[dinal] de Gattinara."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original. pp.2.