December 1529, 21-31


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'Spain: December 1529, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 374-395. URL: Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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December 1529, 21-31

23 Dec235. Treaty with the Duke of Milan.
S. Pat. Re. Milan,
L. l,f. 20.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 283.
1. Although the Duke [Francesco Sforza] can shew that he has been unjustly accused he prefers throwing himself entirely upon the Emperor's mercy.
2. The Emperor recognizes him as lawful duke of Milan.
3. The Duke shall pay for the investiture of the same 300,000 ducats; namely, 50,000 ducats at once;
50,000 more within one month from the date of this instrument;
50,000 more in the month of March;
50,000 in May;
50,000 on Lady Day;
50,000 on All Saints;
making in all 300,000 ducats over and above the 600,000, which the same duke promised, and did not pay, for his investiture by the treaty of Toledo, 1526.
4. For the security of all and every one of these payments, Como shall remain in the hands of Lorenço Manuel, and the castle of Milan in those of Captain Joan de Mercado.
5. The Duke to pay the Imperial soldiers and furnish provisions for one year at Milan. The expenses at Como to be defrayed out of the public revenue.
6. The 600,000 ducats, or what may remain of them, to be paid by yearly instalments of 50,000 ducats each, beginning in January 1531.
7. All the governors of castles and fortresses in the duchy of Milan will swear fealty to the Emperor, and bind themselves to deliver the same to him or to his successors in the Empire in the event of the Duke dying without legitimate issue.
8. The "fuorusciti" or exiles to be allowed to return.
9. All those who have faithfully served the Emperor to be rewarded as follows:—
Antonio de Leyva to have the town of Monza with a revenue of 7,000 ducats;
The Marquis del Gasto (Vasto) 1,000 ducats a year;
For the rest of the Spanish captains conjointly 20,000 ducats.
10. In all other respects, and especially as far as the duchy of Bari and the sale of salt are concerned, the treaty of Toledo to remain in full vigour. Its clauses have not been altered by that of Barcelona.
11. On these conditions Francesco Sforza is included in the treaty of Barcelona.
Concluded and ratified at Bologna on the 23rd of December 1529.
The foregoing articles were read to Francesco Sforza by the Grand Chancellor, Mercurino marquis of Gattinara, in presence of Louis de Flandres, seigneur de Praë, Nicolas Perrenot, seigneur de Granvelle, and of Francisco de Los Covos. They were all approved by Francesco Sforza, who acknowledged that he owed his life and estate to the Emperor's magnanimity.
Spanish. Original. pp. 1½.
236. The same Treaty in Spanish.
S. Pat. Re. Milan,
L. 1, f. 21.
Bologna, 23rd December 1529.
B.M. Add. 28,579.Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
25 Dec.237. Luigi Alamani to the Republic of Florence.
S. E. L. 851, f. 11.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 284.
(Cipher:) Wrote last on the 14th. Has received this morning one letter from the Florentine consul at Lyons, dated the 15th inst., and two more from the Court [of France], one from the ambassador and another from Giuliano Buonaccorsi.
The Bishop of Como, of the house of Trivulzio, Papal Nuncio in France, has got scent of the bills of exchange for 30,000 ducats drawn upon Florentine bankers, and lately remitted [to the king of France]. The latter complains that this is against the treaties, and has requested the Florentine ambassador, as well as Buonaccorsi, not to press him too much until he has got back his sons, who, it is said, have already arrived at Vittoria, together with his Queen (Eleonor) and the Emperor's treasurer. The King promises to do wonders as soon as he is in possession of his sons, although his chancellors and ministers cease not representing the exhaustion of his finances and the poverty of the kingdom. To describe the fair words and fine promises of the king of France on this occasion, I am told, would require many sheets of paper.
The Consul at Lyons says he has had letters from Francesco Barchi, (fn. 1) the consul in England, advising that the Florentine merchants in that country had collected some money. As they are few, and by no means rich, the subscription amounts only to 1,060 scudi, which sum they at once remitted to our consul at Lyons. When advised he (Alamani) will not fail to draw upon the Consul, and employ the money in the same manner as the last 4,000 scudi.
But what is of much greater importance under present circumstances is the information conveyed by Francesco Barchi in his letter to the Consul at Lyons. He saw the king of England and had a long conversation with him about our affairs. The King had listened to what Barchi had to say with as much interest and pleasure as if he himself had been a citizen of Florence. He spoke very highly of the courage and devotion of the Florentines, and very disparagingly of the Pope and Emperor, shewing great enmity to the one as well as to the other. Nor is it to be wondered at, for the King sent some time ago the father "of the dame," to use the exact words of Francesco Barchi, (fn. 2) on a mission to the Pope about the divorce, which he asserts had been positively promised to him (fn. 3) on a previous occasion. The ambassador however, had been so badly received and dismissed with such an answer that he had returned immediately to England. It is impossible to describe the discontent of the King and of the dame at such a decision, so great is it that nothing is thought of in England but of so conducting ecclesiastic matters that they may no longer be in need of the Pope either for filling up vacancies in the Church or for any other purpose. All this is discussed at great length in Barchi's letter to the Consul.
The same Florentine consul in London adds that having had occasion to speak to king Henry about the great hardships to which "our poor city" is now exposed, he observed that were it not for his ardent wish that king Francis should get back his sons, nothing in this world would hinder him from upholding our Republic's rightful cause and opposing the iniquitous designs of two such princes as the Pope and the Emperor. As soon as the sons of France are restored to their father he (Henry) will be prepared to shew what his plans and views respecting Florence and Italy are.
The Consul further adds that were the Republic to subscribe obligations for a sum of 40,000 or 50,000 ducats he has no doubt he could raise that money or perhaps more [in England]. Thinks that the sons of France would soon be delivered from captivity were a person of quality to be sent secretly to that court, for the fact once made known that Florence had an ambassador residing at the English Court the liberation of the princes would be hastened; otherwise the affair will not be settled so soon, and perhaps will be conveniently delayed.
Has considered it his duty to communicate all these particulars contained in the letters from Lyons and London. If the Republic cannot despatch a secret envoy he (Alamani) will do everything in his power to procure the money in the above-mentioned manner. Begs them not to think him over presumptuous.
Doria with his fleet will sail shortly for Barcelona as an attack from Barbarossa upon Catalonia is much dreaded. Will be at liberty to leave this place (fn. 4) as soon as he (Doria) has set sail.
Begs for an immediate answer, especially in what concerns England.
Indorsed: "From Luigi Alamani," 25th December 1529 (fn. 5)
Italian. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 6.
27 Dec.238. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 227.
On the 8th inst. a courier was dispatched with the answer to His Highness' letters of the 17th ulto. On the 10th another courier came with the glorious news from Hungary, and the letters for the Emperor of the 27th, which filled us with joy.
Count Felix [of Wurtemberg] is constantly requesting the Emperor to allow the grand children of his brother to inherit his estate, as he himself has no male heirs. His grand nephews are two children born of a daughter [of his brother] and of a son of count Osorno, (fn. 6) now here at Court. The Emperor, knowing that there exists some sort of convention between Count Felix of Werdenberg, and the house of Austria, shuns granting the permission until His Highness be consulted thereupon.
Question of precedence between the English ambassador and Mons. de Bredan, representing the king of Bohemia and Hungary [at Bologna].
Spoke again to the Emperor on the subject of Count Felix, His Imperial Majesty said that he had been so much pressed of late, that without waiting for an answer to his letter, he had granted the required permission, as he saw nothing in it detrimental to His Highness' interests.
With regard to the Bishop of Trent (Clesi) and his petition (fn. 7) no progress has been made, the Emperor still insisting that it is not yet time to speak to the Pope about it.
According to His Highness' memorandum, the Imperial lansquenets (los lançacanetes del Imperio) have received one more pay than they were entitled to. This is no doubt a trick (bellaqueria) of their own, for which they ought to be made responsible. Perfectly agrees with His Highness that this business must be taken up with vigour, and the lansquenets chastized for it, as they were once in the times of Emperor Maximilian, yet the Emperor's opinion is that as he will soon go to Germany, it would be advisable to suspend every kind of judicial inquiry, lest discontent should thereby break out among the people.
With regard to the ordnance, he (Salinas) did not like to press the subject any further, as the Emperor says that it is wanted now for the fortresses that are to remain in his hands as securities for the Duke's debt.
His Highness thought, no doubt, that the duke of Savoy was here [at Bologna], and that he might instantly order the promulgation of the Papal bulls through his estates, but the fact is that he is not here. An application, however, has been made to his ambassador residing at this court, who has promised to write to his master, &c.
The Emperor was pleased to hear that the castle of Altenburgh and the city of Strigonia (Gran) with its district had been reduced. Then came the glorious news of the 10th inst., sent by the bishop of Trent, about the taking of Sant Martino, and how Valente (fn. 8) , the Turk, one of His Highness' captains in Transylvania, had slain 4,000 Russians, and how his light cavalry were in pursuit of the Vayvod, who had actually fled from Buda. They hoped to overtake him, as well as the son of Andrea Gritti, the Doge of Venice, who had taken the road to Turkey.—Bologna, 27th December 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 4.
28 Dec.239. Secretary Covos to the Empress.
S. E. Cart. L. 2,
ff. 341-2.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 288.
A messsenger arrived with the letters of the 10th inst., just as the Emperor was about to dispatch another; which circumstance, coupled with our expecting every hour the report which the President of the Council of Regency (fn. 9) was about to send three or four days after, has been the cause of the present bearer, a servant of the Duke of Escalona, (fn. 10) being detained until this day.
There is, however, nothing to report except that the Emperor continues in very good health, and that we all are very much engaged at present in negociation with Venice and the Duke Francesco Sforza. (Cipher:) Enclosed is a summary of the terms proposed by the Emperor, which, when accepted, as there is little doubt they will be, and ratified by the Emperor, will ultimately restore peace to Italy. Negociations are likewise being carried on with Ferrara, and it is to be hoped will soon be brought to a conclusion. Florence only remains, which is to be closely invested by the Imperial army, lately reinforced with Germans, Spaniards, and artillery. If necessary, the Emperor himself will march thither in force, and encamp at some convenient place not far from the city, so as to press on the siege (dar calor) and help the undertaking, though it is presumed that when the Florentines perceive that peace has been made, and that they remain isolated, they will hasten to give in their submission.
Respecting the coronation, the Emperor has not yet decided where it is to be.
Barletta and other towns in Naples, which the French held, have been already delivered into the hands of our commissioners. So have the county of Asti and Hedin (Hesdin), so that hitherto the French king has faithfully fulfilled the terms of the treaty. May he do the same with the rest!
Mons. de Praët is to leave to-morrow for France, to replace Laxao (La Chaulx) the ambassador, who has been very ill, and has not yet entirely recovered.
From Hungary, the news is what the Emperor writes in his own hand.
P.S.—Begs leave to inform Her Majesty that during these Easter matins (estos maytines de Pascua), which were said before His Holiness and the Emperor, after four or five cardinals had finished reading, His Imperial Majesty rose from his chair, took off the dress he had on, and put on another that had been prepared for him, and over it a choir-cope (capa de yglesia), and at the side a short sword (estoque) which His Holiness had presented to him. After the usual ceremony, having received the Pope's blessing, the Emperor, like the rest, said jube domine benedicite, and began reading. (fn. 11) One of the cardinals then came to the Emperor's relief and finished the lecture. In short, nothing was wanting but Your Majesty's presence to witness the ceremony.
By a courier, who is to leave soon [for Spain], Your Majesty will be duly informed of what is passing.
Signed: "Covos, Comendador Mayor."
Spanish. Original. pp 3½.
29 Dec.240. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac.d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 225 vo.
Luis de Taxis was to have started for Germany with the letters patent for the convocation of the Diet, but as in the meantime the negociations with Venice and the duke of Milan have been brought to a close, he has been detained until the Emperor's letters, explaining the whole affair and the nature of the agreement made with the Duke, should be ready. As the letters themselves will sufficiently show, the Emperor had no other alternative left but to restore the Duchy to Francesco Sforza under certain conditions, or prosecute war against the Venetians. Has no doubt that when His Highness reads the Emperor's memorandum he will approve of the arrangement.
With respect to the Imperial Commissioners at the forthcoming Diet, and His Highness' wish that one of them should be Monsieur de Prat (Praët), he (Salinas) spoke to the Emperor, but the thing could not be done for when the letter arrived that diplomatist had already been sent to see about the liberation of the sons of France and the execution of the treaty of Cambray. Since then the Emperor has been looking out for proper persons to represent him at the Diet, but as no one has been found their names have been left blank in the letters of convocation, that they may be filled up at His Highness' pleasure and will.
As to the monies to be paid at Naples, Antonio Muscetola has drawn up the order in conformity with the copy sent to His Highness by the last post, but Salamanca has written to say that up to the date of his letter no order had reached the Imperial treasury.
It would have been the Emperor's wish that the same officer who held the castle of Milan for the marquis del Gasto should have been appointed governor, but this the duke [Francesco Sforza] would never accede to, and therefore the post was offered to Juan de Mercado, (fn. 12) who refused at first, but, knowing that it was His Highness pleasure, and persuaded by him (Salinas), has accepted at last.
The keeping of the castle of Como has been entrusted to Don Lorenço Manuel.—Bologna, 29th December 1529.
Addressed: "To the King my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
31 Dec.241. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor. (fn. 13)
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 225, No.
In my despatch of the 9th inst. I informed Your Imperial Majesty of an introductory conversation (prologue et propos) I had with Messire Paul Casale, Papal Nuncio in this kingdom, who however left [for Rome] yesterday, the 15th, without saying a word about his business here, or telling me what he had discovered, as he promised to do. He kept his departure a secret until the evening before last, when he sent a verbal message to the ambassadors of France and Venice, informing them thereof. Next day, a few hours before he actually started on his journey, one of his secretaries, a Florentine by birth, came to me and said that he had orders from the Nuncio (Casale) to call at the Imperial embassy as well as at those of France and Venice, to announce his master's departure; but that something had occurred all of a sudden which had made him forget his errand. The Nuncio himself arrived soon after to take leave and make his excuses for the Florentine's forgetfulness; the King's pressing orders had prevented him from waiting upon me sooner. The King (he said) wished him to go as soon as possible; but he (the Papal Nuncio) hoped that the journey he was about to undertake would be entirely to Your Majesty's profit and advantage, since it was for no other purpose than that of better cementing the friendship and alliance between Your Majesty and this king, and knitting it into a league closer and firmer than the past, as he (Casale) would explain on his return, which he thought would take place shortly. I then asked him whether he had anything to say which I ought to know, the better to pursue during his absence the plan which had formed the subject of our former conversations. If so, I begged him to inform me thereof, that Your Majesty's service might be better done. He answered that he was in a hurry and had no time to spare. He had come to see me on horseback, and the master of the vessel in which he was to cross had sent him pressing messages to say that the tide was going out. (fn. 14) I should hear all he had to say at his return. So, as Messire Paul had previously said to me that he was going straight to Your Majesty, I restrained my curiosity and made no further inquiries; otherwise I might perhaps have found the means of detaining him for some minutes, and learning something about his journey and commission.
This, I hear, has no other object than to obtain the divorce once attempted, and bring about this wretched marriage with the Lady; and I have not the, least doubt that both the Nuncio and his brother, Messire Gregoire, will pursue the affair heart and soul; for this king, as I am told, has promised the latter a very fat bishopric in this country in case of success. Should however, the affair turn out otherwise them they expect, it is to be presumed that neither he nor his brother will get any reward, as was the case with Cardinal Campeggio, to whom one had been promised, besides a wonderful sum of money, as I am informed, if he gave sentence in favour of the Ring. And no wonder, if the latter thus promises bishoprics right and left to gain his object, for, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty in my despatch of the 9th inst, he (the King) would not have hesitated to part with a good bit of his kingdom, or become, as the duke of Norfolk said to me, Your Majesty's slave, had you only consented to the divorce. (fn. 15)
My despatch of the 9th must have acquainted Your Majesty with a portion at least of the means of persuasion which the said Nuncio is likely to employ to attain the King's object [at Rome]. That is the reason why, fearing lest this my despatch should arrive in Italy after the Nuncio—since it is forwarded by way of Flanders, a much longer route—I would willingly have entrusted to him the duplicate, which was ready, together with a brief account of events up to this day, had not the Nuncio's precipitate departure and great haste prevented me from preparing such an account, as likewise from entrusting to him the said duplicate. I hope, however, that Madame [Margaret] will take measures for the said despatch to be in Italy almost as soon as the Nuncio, who, it would appear, intended to make dupes of both the French ambassador and myself, (fn. 16) for he said to the former that the Pope had recalled him, whereas he distinctly told me that this king was expressly sending him with a message to Your Majesty, and orders to return as soon as possible [to England].
Three or four days before Christmas the French ambassador brought me letters from Messire de La Chaux and Messire Guilliaume des Barres, in which they expressed their fears that soon after my arrival in this country I should be committed to prison, which warning, though already given to me [in Flanders], they now thought fit to renew. (fn. 17) The letter contained nothing else save a paragraph relating to the "fleur de lis," the substance of which paragraph agreed exactly with what Your Majesty had previously written to me on the subject. It was couched in ambiguous and obscure language, from fear, no doubt, of its falling into bad hands, and of people thus becoming aware of Your Majesty's real intentions. After reading the contents of the letter, I said to the ambassador that, having reported home on everything connected with the said "fleur de lis," and what had been said and proposed about it, Your Majesty had sent me orders, in general terms, to help and assist in that as well as in any other matter connected with the strict fulfilment of the treaty of Cambray; in other words, to do and sanction anything which I considered necessary and convenient for the preservation of peace. With regard to the letter which he had just brought me, I observed that it was couched in ambiguous terms, without specifying or declaring how I was to act in that affair. I would, however, compare the two letters with the words of the treaty, and then decide on the best course to be followed in pursuance with Your Majesty's commands. Upon which the French ambassador requested me to try and have the jewel delivered into his hands, that he himself might quit England with honour, and have the opportunity of presenting it to his master in France. I told him that he might be well assured that I would do everything in my power for him to gain his object, yet, considering the difficulties and objections raised, and the danger of accident, I could not make up my mind to assume the responsibility. "Were I in your place," I said, "I would no longer insist upon having the 'fleur de lis;' I would try another expedient, which in my opinion will have the same effect and bring you most honourably under your master's notice, as you desire, without putting you under an obligation to these people, and at the same time will relieve you from a position of danger and anxiety. I propose that you ask His Highness, the King of England, to deposit the jewel into the hands of some honourable and trusty person (fn. 18) of your own choosing to accompany you in your journey to France, to be the bearer of the jewel, and to deliver it into the hands of the Emperor's commissaries at the time of the delivery of the King's sons. His Imperial Majesty would then give a proper receipt (quittance) for it; which could not well be done before the actual restitution of the pledge. In my opinion it is highly improbable that these people will ever consent to the surrender without obtaining first from the Emperor a formal receipt or a most solemn attestation on my part, which I am not sufficiently empowered to grant Were I to act otherwise I should get into a scrape, which I sincerely wish to avoid, and therefore propose the above expedient as the only one reasonable and likely to meet both ends. In the meantime, however, your brother, Messire de Langey, will come to England, and some other means of obviating the difficulty may be yet thought of."
I could very well see, to judge from the ambassador's face, that my proposition had not been agreeable to him, though he hopes that by his brother's arrival everything will be put to rights. He told me that he had no other news save that Your Imperial Majesty had entered Bologna; of the coronation he had no advice yet. The Venetians, he said, had upon one occasion almost accepted the terms offered to them, but the negociations had been suddenly broken off. He then went on to speak about the present which Your Majesty had lately offered to the Admiral [Brion], and which he said was handsomer by one half than that bestowed upon the Grand Master of France [Anne de Montmorency] the last time he was here [in England], when the Cardinal [of York] (fn. 19) shewed but little recollection of what he himself had been presented with two months before in France. Whilst on this topic the French ambassador observed that the Cardinal's annual pension in France amounted to 25,000 crs. without the extras, of which not one "livre tornoix" was owing to him at the present hour. His son, now a student in Paris, had also received some gratuity from the King, besides great expectations and promises for the future. The French are no doubt very sorry for the Cardinal's ruin, but they console themselves with the idea that they will have no more pensions to pay him, or promises to fulfil, and above all that he was the cause, (fn. 20) as they say, of the peace [of Madrid] not being kept, and of Monsieur de Lautrec and the rest of the French nobility meeting with their death [in Italy].
With regard to the Queen's business, she is aware that the English ambassadors at Rome have written to their king that was impossible for them legally or in any other way to obtain what he wished, and that they saw no other way open than that of persuading Your Majesty by some good means to consent to the divorce, or at least not to take an active part in the proceedings against it. The same means were to be tried with respect to the Queen, who (they said) ought to be treated differently from what she had been hitherto. That was, in the opinion of the English ambassadors, the only way of obtaining Your Majesty's consent, as well as of bringing the Queen herself to that conclusion, for to act otherwise in the affair was like knocking one's head. against the wall. The Emperor, they added, was not to be won over by rigour or by worrying the Queen, but by fair means and mild persuasions. (fn. 21)
The King, as it would seem, would fain take the advice of his ambassadors, for at these last rejoicings and entertainments he has decidedly shewn the Queen more consideration than was his wont, and the Lady [Anne] herself did not make her appearance. Yet one might easily perceive that this apparent cordiality was rather simulated than hearty, for, as Your Majesty will hear by the Queen's own letter, the King was unable to disguise his disappointment in words if he did in manner. (fn. 22) In fact, His Most Serene Highness the King of England may feign and dissemble as much as he likes, but he must indeed be a clever wizard (negromantier) if he presumes to be able by such empty compliments (par ses bonnes chieres) to change the opinion of the Queen, who has been warned beforehand of the trap (pippée) that has been laid for her.
Notwithstanding all the warnings that have been addressed to her from time to time, the Queen never could think that her affairs would fall so low as they are at present. She always fancied that the King, after pursuing his course for some time, would turn away, and yielding to his conscience, would change his purpose as he had done at other times, and return to reason. Now, considering the King's great obstinacy, his long and stubborn adherence to his former plans, and the things he told her a short time ago, she has lost all hope of bringing him to a sense of right and duty. (fn. 23) So much so, that unless Your Majesty continue, as hitherto to help and assist her, she considers her case as irretrievably lost, the justice of her cause being of no avail unless strengthened by the countenance, favour, and authority of Your Majesty, for the King has distinctly told the Queen and others that in this affair, should the Pope send a refusal, he should not heed it; it was enough for him to obtain within his own kingdom such an opinion as might set his conscience at rest; and he prized and valued the church of Canterbury in England as much as the people across the sea did the Roman. (fn. 24)
As the Queen has already informed Your Majesty of these particulars and I, myself, have alluded to them in my two last despatches, I may perhaps be dispensed from dwelling any longer upon this matter. I must, however, add that most of the prelates and learned doctors of this kingdom have written in favour of the Queen, and as a proof I send by this post the allegations of two of them considered in this country as the most learned and worthy of the Clergy; one is the bishop of Rochester (Fisher), the other that of London (Tunstall). The said allegations are meant to be communicated to the Papal Consistory, or wherever else it may be thought expedient to present them. They will be marvellously adapted to the case should His Holiness, as I had the honour to announce in my despatch of the 9th, wish for an assembly of theologians to dispute and define this matter, as they (the Roman doctors) will find the case carefully debated and explained therein, and it will save much trouble and time to those engaged in the discussion. As regards the King no man of learning has been found to write in his favour or defend his unjust cause, except one Doctor [Stockley], who has lately been sent to France on a mission along with the brother of the Lady (George Boleyn) lately created Lord Rochefort. This same doctor at the beginning of this difference maintained the Queen's part and swore publicly that she was in the right. Now the King says that the doctor was at the time almost out of his senses (forcené) but has since recovered his reason, and that having studied and pondered the case he finds that he was quite wrong in his opinion and therefore now affirms the contrary. There was a time when the King trusted much to the written opinions which this said doctor was to have procured at the Paris University and to bring back with him; but I hear that the result has fallen rather short of his expectations, in consequence of which the King has been heard to say rather sharply that he cares not for the opinion of the Paris doctors nor of other universities, and that he knows how to act, &c., as the Queen has informed Your Majesty by her letter. I am told besides that the King has particularly tried to feel the pulse of this present Parliament, and see whether there was any way of making its members declare in his favour, but he has not found one foolish enough to bring forward the motion and for that reason the plan has been abandoned. (fn. 25)
On Christmas Day a courier arrived here dispatched by the English ambassadors at Your Imperial Majesty's Court, and now with the Pope [at Bologna] bringing news in date of the 13th inst. of the honourable and good reception which Your Majesty had caused to be made to the said ambassadors, of the solemn swearing to the peace, and of their (the ambassadors) being at table dining with Your Majesty, when the happy news arrived (fn. 26) of the birth of a new prince, upon which Your Majesty had welcomed and congratulated them (en congratula, leur venue), observing that never had English ambassadors come to your Imperial court without most happy news being received at the same time. And I must add further that the intelligence forwarded by the English ambassadors on this occasion has attracted the greatest attention in this capital and caused an amount of rejoicing among the people that could not really be surpassed. Indeed, the duke of Norfolk sent immediately to apprize me of the general pleasure and satisfaction which this intelligence, as well as the re-appointment of the duke Francesco [Sforza] to his duchy of Milan had caused in this country. He also sent word to say he had not yet had time to peruse all the letters brought by the courier; when he had he would lose no time in communicating all news, hoping I would do the same if I had received any.
The day after Christmas the ambassador of France (Langeay) went to Grinnuys (Greenwich), where the Court is at present, and did not return until next day about 5 o'clock in the after-noon. Immediately after his return he came to see me and stayed until nine. I asked him: "What news have you from Bologna ? for I have been told you have letters from that city, and besides the circumstance of your going to Greenwich makes me believe in the report." He seemed to hesitate and to drag out the words as if he did not know what to answer. At last he owned he had received two or three large packets containing chiefly letters and despatches for the Papal Nuncio (Paolo Casale), who had already left, and for other persons. There were none for himself, he said. His journey to Greenwich had no other object than a private visit to the duke of Suffolk. (fn. 27) It was not his intention to wait upon the King, but whilst his own secretary was going to the Duke's to make an appointment, the King saw him (l'entrevist) and inquired where the French ambassador was. The secretary answered that he was actually in Greenwich, but that not having his court dress (fn. 28) with him, and being besides scantily attended, he dared not present himself. The King then gave orders that he should go to the Palace without ceremony of any sort, which the ambassador did forthwith. Once in the King's presence (he said) he tried to excuse his brother's delay, but forgetting that at the beginning of our conversation he had positively denied having received letters by that courier, this much escaped him: "I told the King that my brother [Jean] had lately written from France advising me again to call on him and renew the application about the 'fleur de lis,' which I did accordingly. The King's answer was, as on a former occasion, that he desired nothing so much as to deliver up the jewel in a manner acceptable to the Emperor, and that he wondered that his own ambassadors at the Imperial court had not written a word about it, which circumstance (he added) made him suspect that the letter he had written in his own hand and given to Mr. de Bayonne [Jean du Bellay] to be forwarded to Your Imperial Majesty had miscarried." The ambassador continued: "I replied: it must be so, for the King, my master, has written to me that the Emperor in answer to the said letter had signified his will to Monsieur de la Chaux, who no doubt had communicated it to Mr. Chappuys." (fn. 29) Hearing which, the ambassador went on to say: the King declared that whenever you, the Imperial ambassador, should let him know His Majesty's wish respecting the 'fleur de lis' he (the King) was ready to give it up."
The French ambassador further said that he had reason to believe from what he had seen and heard there, at Court, that I should soon be summoned to Greenwich were it for no other purpose than that of congratulation on the above happy news received by the King and his ministers. He had, therefore, come to remind me of the whole affair, that I might think of the "fleur de lis" when at Greenwich. (fn. 30) He had (he said) called on me at this late hour for the purpose of imparting certain intelligence he had heard at Court, and that he might also be the first to announce it. Which intelligence after all turned out to be the very same as that received by the King, namely, the reception given [by Your Majesty] to the English ambassadors, and the appointment of the duke of Milan. How Your Majesty expected to receive the advice and counsel of the princes of Germany about the coronation; (fn. 31) how Gregory Casal, in a postscript of the 13th, had written to acquaint this king with the news lately received at Bologna respecting the Lord Ranzo (Renzo da Ceri), and his having surrendered L'appulie (Puglia), and all the ports of the coast into the hands of your commanders, in consequence of which many people who used to take a high tone, now spoke with low voices and bowed heads. (fn. 32) Casal did not give more details; he said nothing about Barletta in his letter, nor did he point out who the people were who had lowered their tone of voice (qu' avoint baysse le cacquet). He writes, morever, as the French ambassador asserts, that a rumour was afloat in Bologna that the Pope intended going back to Rome for the festivals (pour tenir ses festes). As for a journey to Naples, the ambassador could assure the King, as one who knows the truth of the case, that His Holiness had never thought seriously of going to that kingdom for fear of Your Majesty going thither also, and that if the Pope has ever said anything about such a journey, it must be only for the sake of disguising his real intentions, and getting Your Majesty's thanks for the offer (ou pour en avoir le bon grey), in case of a visit to Naples having been decided upon. (fn. 33)
The French ambassador (Langeay) having told his news I asked him what he thought of the proposed meeting of the Pope, of Your Majesty, and of his master, the King, at Thuringen, whereof he had once spoken to me, and which I found also reported in this country; also what was this king's opinion on the subject, and what he had said about it. His answer was that he thought Mr. de Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) had gone to France principally for the purpose of bringing about the said interview, and as to the king of England, that he saw nothing in the proposed conference that was not at once natural and very commendable (louable)."I fancy," he added, "that this king will not see the meeting with displeasure, inasmuch as he thinks that by this means the terms and conditions of the treaty at Cambray may be considerably amended, especially that relating to the money to be paid for the ransom of the sons of France, about which, as I have frequently informed Your Imperial Majesty, this ambassador (Langeay) has oftentimes spoken to me. This, moreover, would be the means of preventing Your Majesty's visit to Rome, which he (the King) considers under the light of a pompous, vain, and ceremonious act rather than otherwise. That is also the reason why this king has always recommended Bologna as the place for the coronation, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty by the Seigneur de Mingoval, in which opinion, however, this king is as much alone, and by himself, as he is in the divorce affair, most of his courtiers maintaining that Rome would have been a much fitter place not only to remove all scruples, but also for the reputation to be gained against the Turks in times like these, and the dread, which however powerful, these last have of Your Majesty." (fn. 34)
After some familiar talk (familiers propos), the said ambassador (Langeay) went on to say, though far away from the topic of our conversation, that it might well happen that many jealous people, envying Your Majesty's friendship towards France, and the irresistible power which union of this sort is likely to give you both, would presume to invent and forge malicious reports, and raise scruples for the sole purpose of creating mistrust and ill-will between you two; but it would be found in the end (the ambassador observed), that the King, his master, plays fair (n' y va que a bon jeu bon compte) and that it will not be his fault if the friendship between Your Majesty and himself does not last and increase, as behoves two such princes, and time and circumstances require.
I really thought that having entered on this topic, the ambassador would go on with it, and that by way of commentary upon his misgivings he would have pointed out facts or afforded proofs in confirmation of his apprehensions. Had he been so inclined I would certainly have furnished him the means of doing so, but I was mistaken; he suddenly dropped the subject and passed to other matters. Some time after I brought him back on the subject by saying to him: "You must have heard something to induce you to make this confidence, or else you would not have spoken as you have done. Now if you would have the kindness to communicate your intelligence, it might be that our mutual affairs would go on better." His answer was that what he had just told me was a mere conjecture of his own, for it was to be presumed the Italian powers would not be over glad of such friendship and alliance.
The ambassador said likewise he had heard that the Turk had defied the king of Hungary, and that if the report were true he would undoubtedly return this summer [to Europe], and again invade that country. But he rather thought the news to be an invention of the King in order to persuade the princes of Germany to contribute towards the defence of the country, and make other military preparations (preparatoyres).
He (Langeay) is only waiting for his brother [Jean du Bellay], who travels by short stages and in a litter, in consequence of his having hurt his leg, to quit London. Nor will his brother, when he comes, make a long stay here, for (I hear) he has already asked to be replaced by Jehan Jocquin, the man whom the French king generally employs whenever there is any important negociation to be set on foot. (fn. 35)
As above stated, the ambassador went on Sunday last to Greenwich. As he was about to return to London in the evening he was retained, as well as his host, for a game at cards, for the latter thinks of nothing else. He gambled with the lords and gentlemen [of the Court] till 3 or 4 o'clock in the morning of Monday. That very day he was with some of the King's Privy Councillors to settle certain disputes and claims arising out of piracies committed by vessels of both nations on each other. He also tried, as I have been told by one of the councillors, to amend one of the articles in their last treaty of perpetual peace, which says that in case of the king of France, within three months after an act of piracy on English merchant ships has been committed at sea, not restituting the property or causing the same to be restituted to its owners, he shall be obliged to pay the amount out of his treasury with interest, and costs. I cannot say whether the French ambassador will obtain the modification of this article, or what other business, if any, he has at Court, but I am told that he has been as honourably received as he was before, which is enough to make his mouth water (luy donner la bonne boche) at his departure. Nevertheless, I received on the day of the Holy Innocents (28th December), a letter wherein it is stated that the good reception made to this ambassador springs from another cause, although I must say that the reason assigned has not, in my opinion, a solid foundation or probability, and I really believe that this game has been played by the consent of the King or his ministers in order to promote the object they aim at. I have, however, considered it worthy of mention, since it is far better in this, as well as in other matters, to write many superfluous things than omit one that may be of importance.
The letter I allude to has no signature or address, but it is evident to me that in order to guard against discovery the above precautions have been used. (fn. 36) It is in Spanish, and was forwarded by the Queen's physician [Victoria]. Among other things of less importance, the letter says what I am going to transcribe most faithfully: (fn. 37) "Sir, last night a gentleman of this household feigned to be unwell, and sent for me. After my inquiring about the symptoms of his disease, he made me swear that I would never reveal his name, and then said to me that for the love he professed to Christianity and to the Emperor he was about to reveal certain secrets that they might come to the Emperor's knowledge, and that since your Lordship was here the intelligence might easily be transmitted wherever the Emperor was. The king of France (he said) has written to this king, and concerted with him by means of his ambassador in this country to give money and help to the German princes so as to make the whole country rise against him, shake off his allegiance, and elect another emperor. It is said in the letter that the Emperor is still in Italy, that he favours the Pope, and is his confederate, having promised to defend and uphold him in the state in which he was [formerly]. This king has willingly approved the proposed plan, remarking that since the Pope has not been so favourable to him in this matter of the divorce as he (the King) should have wished, he is willing to enter into the plan, which is entirely the French king's invention. He said more; he was afraid that in the end both would become Lutherans, and that the divorce and new marriage would take effect in disobedience to the Pope"
The Queen's physician further says in his letter that his patient assured him that what he told him was as sure as the Gospel of St. John, and that I was to forward the information written in cipher, for if it ever came to be known that the above facts had been communicated to Your Majesty through me, they would very soon suspect and find out who had revealed the secret, since very few persons [at Court] knew of it.
Immediately after the receipt of the above anonymous letter, I sent for a man here who holds frequent communication with the Germans residing in, or who come occasionally to, London, especially with one Laurens Sçavre (sic), a native of Nuremberg, and this king's pensioner, as also with another German, who came some time ago in behalf of the duke George of Saxe, and inquired from him what was their business in this country. His answer was that as far as he knew the latter had only come to procure horses and dogs (acquences et dongues), and that the King had already given him two of each sort. The said agent and his companions (he added) took good care not to speak in his presence, knowing that he (my informer) frequented my house, though at times they talked about Your Majesty's journey to Germany, which seemed not to be to their taste. Respecting the other German, Sçavre, who is residing (fn. 38) here, he said that for the very same reason he refrained from telling him news, but that on the second day of Noel, being with Sçavre at his lodgings, there came a man of honest appearance, who had just arrived from Germany, and whom immediately after dinner he (Sçavre) conducted to Court, and that in his opinion they must be now concocting and brewing (traginer et brasser) something together. What this could be my informer could not tell, as he had perceived no symptoms of it before. He, however, promised to be more on the alert in future, and try whether he could not procure information about their doings.
To-day Brian Tuck came to pay me a visit in the duke of Norfolk's name, and to shew me letters from the English ambassador in Venice; also to inform me of the contents of others the Duke had received on Christmas Day. Although the information communicated by Brian was no novelty, the substance being the same as that which I heard on a former occasion, his visit had, however, the effect of confirming my opinion on the two points above alluded to; for he said to me that the duke of Norfolk was really astonished that I had not visited the King on these recent festivals; he thought the King would have sent for me; if he had forgotten to do so I was not to stand upon ceremony but go at once to Court, as if I belonged to the Royal Household (familierement), just as the French ambassador had done. I told Brian that Don Iñigo de Mendoza had observed to me that it was not the custom for foreign ambassadors [in England] to go to Court unless under a special invitation. Many people had since told me the same. It was that, not the etiquet or Court ceremonial, which had prevented me from calling. The French ambassador had informed me that whenever His Highness the King had notice of his own ambassadors having been well treated in France he never failed to send for him or them, as it might be. I should never have stood on ceremoney had I been sure that my visit would be agreeable to the King. True, the French ambassador had gone to Greenwich, but perhaps he had the King's permission for it. In short, I was ready to appear at Court when agreeable to His Highness, hearing which the said Brian Tuck, who certainly preserves his attachment to Your Majesty, and has much good-will for your service, said: "You are right; I advise you to wait until the Epiphany, and see whether the King will send for you or not. (fn. 39) Should he not, my opinion is that you ought to present yourself on that day." I propose following his advice.
No sooner had the said Brian Tuck left me than I had a visit from Messire Augustin Scarpinello, the ambassador of the duke of Milan [Francesco Sforza], who, among other things, spoke to me on the Queen's business in the very same terms contained in the ciphered paragraphs of this present despatch, adding that, as far as he (Scarpinello) could gather, these people allege the Queen's sterility [as a reason and excuse for the proposed divorce]. Had she, they say, from the very beginning been declared unfit for marriage, owing to some natural impediment, it is evident that her marriage would have been invalid. Now that all hope of succession, which is one of the blessings and principal objects of that Sacrament, has vanished, the Pope, even supposing the dispensation for the Queen's marriage to have been legitimate and valid, might and ought to have allowed the dissolution of the said tie and the contracting of another. Should this give rise to scruple or bad example, the King would willingly atone for and repair the fault by contributing as many men and ducats as should be demanded of him for this Turkish war, which, after all, would be a move far more beneficious to all parties than his continuance in this marriage. (fn. 40)
Scarpinello told me besides that he had heard from the French ambassador that the King had disapproved of Mr. de Tarbes' (fn. 41) journey to France, and formed certain suspicions about it. He had said to the French ambassador [who resides here] these or similar words: "Had it not been for the implicit confidence I place in my brother, the most Christian King of France, there would be plenty of occasion now for thinking slightly of him, for certainly to treat of such important affairs [with the Emperor] without letting me know is not honest behaviour." Upon which the said ambassador (Du Bellay) invented the following excuse: he said that he (Grammont) had gone to France merely on his own private business and that of Chancellor (Du Prat.) (fn. 42) His brother [John] had certainly written to him of the King's displeasure at that ambassador having quitted [London] without taking his orders; but he could assure the King that the negotiations were not so far advanced as he had been led to expect, and that his own brother, Monsieur de Langez (sic) would soon bring to England a true account of all the affair and how matters stood, in order to hear his advice and pleasure thereupon.
The Queen now has neither the leisure nor the means of writing to Your Majesty as fully as she might otherwise have wished, but she has just sent me a message to request me to forward to the Imperial court a copy of her own letter to the Pope. I have accordingly written to Mr. de Praët that he may wait on His Holiness and commend her affair to him.
Parliament has been prorogued (licenciado) until the 26th of April. Enclosed is a note of what that assembly has done hitherto.—London, 31st December 1529.
French. Holograph. pp.


1 In Bergenroth's abstract of this letter the name of this individual is always written Barchi as printed, but I am inclined to think that his name was Bardi, i.e., Francesco de' Bardi, one of the 80 captains, whom, according to Benedetto Varchi (Storia Fiorcntina, p. 299) the Florentines appointed in 1529 for the defence of their city.
2 "II patre della dama."
3 "Del divortio che gli era stato promesso sicuramente."
4 Probably Genoa, the letter was intercepted.
5 Luigi Alamanni, who signs this letter, was the son of Piero, once a staunch partizan of the Medici. Benedetto Varchi in his Storia Fiorentina, Colonia 1721, in folio, says of him (p. 106) "Era di piacevolissimo aspetto et d'animo cortesissimo, a sopra ogni cosa amantissimo della Liberiá." In 1527 he delivered in the Pratica or Senate the remarkable speech which that historian prints at full length (pp. 107-10), and was shortly after appointed commissary of the Republic at Leghorn (Livorno). He was one of the four young men who, in 1528, each in his own quarter, addressed the Florentines, and instigated them to rebel against the Medici (p. 191), in consequence of which he was declared traitor, and obliged to take refuge in Venice (p. 197). On his return to his native city he proposed to forsake the alliance of France, and offered to go to Barcelona, which he did, in order to conciliate the Emperor, and obtain better terms for his Republic (p. 218). After the Emperor's departure from Barcelona and subsequent landing at Savona—which he was the first to announce to the Gonfaloniere Francesco Carducci—he formed part of the unsuccessful embassy to Genoa, described at a pages 167 and 188, of this present volume, and continued to reside in that city, as Florentine agent, with a salary of two florins of gold every day (p. 358). He then went to Lyons, and afterwards to Pisa, having obtained from king Francis the payment of 20,000 ducats, which that monarch owed to the Florentine merchants. Bernardo Segni in his Storie Florentine, Augusta 1723, fol., and principally in the Vita di Niccolo Capponi il Gonfaloniere, published as a supplement or appendix to that work, represents him as the intimate friend of Andrea Doria, and as having tried, though in vain, to persuade the "Dieci" of Florence to make their peace with the Pope. "Questi si fatti ragionamenti, ed incitamenti mossi per Luigi Alamanni alla città nostra, i quali furono discorsi da lui et da altri nelle segrete Praliche con molta considerazione, non ferono altro effetto senon che gli sviscerati amatori della libertà nostra cominciarono aver Luigi per sospetto della. Libertà, e per uomo che sotto quest' ombra facesse in Firenze i fatti del Papa." Vita de Niccolo Capponi, pp. 26–29.
6 Don Garci Fernandez Manrique, third Count of Osorno aud Duke of Galisteo, who was married twice, first to Doña Juana Henriquez, and second to Doña Maria Henriquez de Luna. Of this last marriage he had sons, Don Alonso and Don Alvaro, and three daughters Mariana, Maria, and Theresa, none of whom became connected with the family of Werdenberg. See Lopez de Haro Nobiliario, &c., vol. i., p. 320–30.
7 For a cardinal's hat.
8 "Despues Mos. de Trento ha escripto de x deste en que nos haze saber que tenia letras de v. a. como el exercito avia ganado el monte de Sant Martino, y qu el Turco Valente, capitan de v. al. en la Transilvania, avia muerto quatro mil raciani (sic)."
9 "At this time the president of the Council of Castille was Cardinal Don Juan Tavera, archbishop first of Santiago, and afterwards of Toledo. When the Emperor left for Italy he was appointed president of the Council of Regency.
10 Don Diego Lopez Pacheco, third duke.
11 "Y fecho con el estoque la cerimonia que se acostumbra tomò el Emperador su bendicion del Papa, diziendo como los otros 'jube, domine, benedicite,' y començò su lection. Socorrió luego un Cardenal que la acabó. No faltava alli otra cosa sino que Vra. Magd. lo viese."
12 A son of Don Juan Manuel, formerly Imperial ambassador at Rome.
13 Wrongly placed in the Imperial archives under 1531, whereas it is evident from its contents that it must have been written two years before.
14 "Et que pieça le marignier crioit apres luy à cause que la marée s'en alloit."
15 "Et s'il n'en viennent au bout peult estre qu'il en demoureront comme le Cardinal Campegio, á qui premierement elle avoit esté promise en cas qu'il donna sentence en faveur du Roy, et encoures avec la diste eveschée yl heust heu de l'argent une mirable somme, á ce que l'on dit par icy, et ne se fault esveyr si le Roy pour ce affere prometz d'esveschés, cart comme je rescriyis a votre maiesté par mes dites lettres du ix. yl voudroit avoer donne une bonne piece de son Royaume, et si votre maieste y eust consenty, voyre comme me disoyt le Due de Nolpholc, il se vouldroit faire votre esclave."
16 "Il se voulust gaudir de l'ambassadeur de France ou de moy, cart il me dit comme dessus que le Roy l'envoyoit expressement et pour retourner, et au dit ambassadeur yl dit que le Pape l'avoit reuocque et rappelle."
17 The paragraph, as it stands in the original, is almost unintelligible: "Troys ou quatre jours avant Noel I'ambassadeur de France m'apporta des lettres de Messire de la Chaux et Messire Guilliaume des Barres dont d'arriver m'aseurra ne seres empoysonner, cart oultre la creance que l'on m'en auroyt fayt, encoure yl n'avoit oblie la refere içi." The words I have underlined offer no sense whatever, unless they be altered as follows: "dont à l'arrivee [il] m'asseura que serez emprisonne, car oultre la creance qu'il m'en avoyt fait, encoure yl n'avoit oblié la refaire ici." Readers must be aware by this time that Chapuys' French is none of the best, and that his orthography is detestable.
18 "A quelque honneste personnage du quel yl se peust fier pour la porter en sa compagnie."
19 "Ou Monscigneur le Cardinal monstre avocr petite souvenance de ce que deux moys devant l'on luy avoit donné en France."
20 "Qu'il fust cause comme yl dient, que la paix ne se tint, et que Monsieur de Lautrec et la reste da leur (sic) noblesse moururent par sa dite cause."
21 "Touchant l'affere de la Royne clla sçeu (elle a sçeu) comme les ambassadeurs que le Hoy tient aupres du pape ont escrit au dite Sme. Roy que par rigeur (rigueur) et train de justice yl estoit impossible qu'il pervint á chiefz de ce qu'il pretendoit, et qu'il ny avoit autre expedient que de gaignier votre majeste par quelque bon moyen pour la fere condescendre á ce diuorce, ou au moins affin qu'elle se desportast de fere partie formelle en ce proces, et fere le mesmes a l'endroyt de la Royne, a ceste cause qu'il estoyt neccessayre de changer rolte (route?), et de traytte[r] la Royne de tout autre sorte qne l'on n'avoit fayt jusques içy, tant pour le consentement de votre maieste que pour induyre la Royne à ceste conclusion, cart d'y aller autrement avec votre dite maieste sur la Royne, c'estoyt vouloir donner de la teste contra la murallie, et qu'il vous falloyt conduyre par doulceur et amyableté non point par rigeur ou a force d'ennuyer la Royne."
22 "Le Roy s'est voulu parforcer de mettre le dit conseil en practique, et ces festes yl a faict de visage quelque peu de meillieur semblant que par avant, seullement que la dame n'y fust. Et quelque semblant qu'il sçeust fere si se pouvoit l'on bien appeçevuoer que cella ne procedoit [de] guayeté de ceur mais tant seullement par dissimulation, la quelle dissimulation yl n'a sçeu tenir si bien en parolles comme en gestes ainsi que verra vostre majeste par les lettres que la Royne luy escrit." The letter alluded to in this paragraph is not in the Vienna Archives.
23 "La Royne quelque chose que [on] luy en aye tosioure dit et pronosticqué n'a jamays pensé les afferes tomber à ce qu'il sont. Et ne creust jamays autremant sinon que le Roy, apres que ce train qu'il tient auroit dure quelque temps, qu'il s'en tourneroit, et mettant la main sur sa conscience qu'il changeroit de propos ainsy qu'il avoyt fayt autresfoys, et se reduyroit à la rayson. Maintenant, considerant la grande, longue et tres aveugle obstination du Roy, et les propos qu'il luy a tenu puys peu de temps en ça elle a perdu 1'expoer de la cognoyssance ct discretion du Roy."
24 "Cart le Roy a clerement dit à la dite Royne et autres que en ce affere, en cas de reffus yl ne se soucioit du pape, et qu'il luy bastoyt (sic) assez qu il eust soufizante opinion en son royaume que fust satisfactoyre à sa conscience, et qu' autant estimoit en son royaume l'esglyse de Conturbery que 1'on fait della de la mer la Romayne."
25 "I1 a bien tastè particulierement en ses estatz, à ce que l'on m'a dit, s'il y avoit ordre ou moyen qu'il se vousissent desclayrer en sa faveur; mays yl n'y a trouvè nul fous pour quoy l'on s'est despourté de mettre le cas en avant."
26 After the birth of Philip, which took place on the 27th of May 1527, the Empress had another son called Juan, who died shortly after, on the 29th of March 1528, as well as a third named Fernando, who lived only a few days. See Florez' Reynas Catolicas de Espanã, vol. i., p. 856.
27 Thus in the original, hut perhaps Sufforcq, as Chapuye writes, might be a lapsus calami for Norforcq.
28 "Pour non avoer son rocchet."
29 "Le dist umbassadeur luy respondut que se (sic) estoit, et que le Roy son maistre lui avoit eserit que votre maieste 'en responce d'icelle [lettre] en avoit signiffie sa voulente a monsieur de la Chaux, que m'en debuoyt avoer aduerty
30 'Il m'estoit bien voulu venir remantoner affin que ne 1'obliasse quant ires en court, et oultres ce qu'il estoyt voulentiers venu à moy pour me donne[r] part des nouvelles qu'il avoit entendu a la court, et pour ce fayre yl estoit vena à telles heures affin qu'il fust le prevenant."
31 "Comme votre Maieste pour sa couronation attendoit 1'advis et conseil des princes d'Allemagnie."
32 "Dont plusieurs gens que soulvint (sic) parler hault bayssoint la teste et le cacquet."
33 "Plus escrit le dit Gregoyre que le bruyt courroit la que le pape vouloit aller tenir ses festes a Romine, toutesfoys qu'il pouvoit bien asseurer le Roy comme celluy qu'en sçavoit la vray verite que le pape n'avoit nul tallent d'aller au dit royaume pour non donner occasion que votre maieste y vousist aller, et que ce que le pape en aura dit sera estè pour dissimulation, ou pour en avoer le bon grey s'il sçayt que votre maieste[a] resoulu de fere le dit voyage."
34 "Apres les dites nouvelles je luy demandis quesse (qu'est ce) qu'il entendoit de l'assemblee que devuoyt estre a Thuring du pape, votre maieste et le roy son maystre, dont autresfoys yl m'avoit parle, et le bruyt en courroit par icy et qu'en sembloyt a ce roy et quelle chose yl en disoyt. Il me dit qu'il pensoit que monsieur de Terbes fust venu en France principallement pour ce effait, et quant a ce roy qu'il ne le trouvoit que bon et louable. Je cuydes asses le dit serenissime roy n'en seroit desplaysant, cart yl se pense que par ce moyen 1'on pourroit traytte [r] de rabbatre beaucopt (sic) du contenu au trayttè de Cambray, speciallemant de la somme des deniers, de la quelle, comme ay çi devant plusieurs foys escrit a votre maieste m'a maintz propos tenu. Aussy c'est le moyen d'empecher le voyage de Romme, que luy semble plus pompe, vanite, et seremonie que autre chose, e a tosiours plus louve la couronation de Bolougme, comme escrivis a votre maiestè par la Sieur de Mingoval. En quelle opinion yl est icy presque ausy seul que en celle de son divorce, cart la plus part de la court luy desbattent estre plus louable et plus convenable à Romme que ailleurs tant pour esviter tous scrupules que pour la reputation que en ce temps n'a defally de passer par la Turquie, que leur augmentera la peur que certainement, quelques puyssants qu'il soyent, yl ont de votre maiesté."
35 "Celuy qu'a accoustume de faire les explanades de quelque bonne practique."
36 "Pour jouer plus à la seure quelque pris que nous soyons."
37 "Señor: anoche fingió ser enfermo un cauallero desta casa y me llamó y luego que se gabló (sic) de su enfermedad me tomó juramento para que no desenbriesc quien era el que me dixo las pallabras seguientes, deziendo me que por el amor que tenia á la Christiandad y al Emperador me las dezia para que veniesen a noticia del Emperador. Y pues V[uestra] S[eñoria] estaua acá las podria escreuir para donde él está. Dixome como el Rey de Francia a escrito á este Sereuissimo rey y procurado por el embuxador que acá está, y este rey se ha concertado con el para reuolver toda la Alemaña contra el Emperador dandoles dineros y favor para que no obedescen (sic) al Emperador y para elegir otro, deziendoles como el Emperador está agora en las Italias, y fauoresce al Papa, y está confederado con él, y que le a promettido de guardarle y defenderle en el estado en que era y está. Dice se ha hecho de buena voluntad de parte deste Rey, deziendo que pues el Papa no le ha sido tan favorable como quesiera en este su negocio, que assi quiere [él] hazer, y el que lo inventó es el Rey de Francia. Mas me dixo que se temia á la postre se harian Lutheranos, y tambien este casamiento sin obediencia del Papa."
38 "Quant au dit scavre quest icy demoure, il me dit que par la [mesme] rayson que dessus yl s'esconduyt de luy communiquer nouvelles." Demouré and demourant are often employed by Chapuys in the sense of "resident," as I have translated, but in this case the word used might imply that he had formed part of a former mission, and "remained" in London.
39 "Le dit Brian Tuck, que certainemant continue à la bonne voulente qu'il a tosiours heu de fere service à votre maieste, me dit que le pregnes bien et que le pouves attendre jusques à jour des Roys."
40 "Et entre autres deuises yl tumba a parler de l'affere de la Royne en conformité de ce qu'ay signiffié au premieres chiffres de la presente, et que pour le divorce, a ce qu'il avoit entendu, qu'il [s] alleguent la sterilite de la Royne, et que comme si doys le commancement elle heust este [declaire] inhabile a estre marié pour quelque empeschement naturel, que le mariage n'eust riens vallu; ainsy estant perdue l'apparence d'avoir succesion de la dite Royne, qu'est l'ung des biens et des principalles intentions du dit sacrement, que le Pape, quant bien la despense heust este bonne pour le mariage de la Royne, maintenant deburoit permettre qu'il en print une autre, et que s'yl y a quelque scrupule, ou mal example que le Roy voudroit recompenser la faulte contribuant et gens et argent tant a que l'on demanderoit pour aller contre le Turc, que redunderoit a plus gros bien que la perseveration du dit mariage et qu'a son aduis une partie de la charge du Nunce est fondee sur cella."
41 Gabriel de Grammont, bishop of Tarbes, in the south of France.
42 Anttoine du Prat, grand chancellor of France, archbishop of Sens (Senoncensis) who in 1529 was created cardinal at the same time with Granvelle. Estevan Gabriel Merino, and others. Writers of this time, and especially Spaniards, frequently confound him with Louis de Flandres, Sieur de Praët, commonly called Monsieur de Praet.