Spain
September 1530, 16-30

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

Year published

1879

Pages

718-734

Annotate

Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Spain: September 1530, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 718-734. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87719 Date accessed: 30 July 2014.


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

September 1530, 16-30

16 Sept.429. Baron del Borgho, Papal Nuncio in England, to Clement VII.
S. E. Rom. L. 849,
f. 102.
B.M. Add. 28,581,
f. 126.
Having asked the king of England to help in the enter-prize against the Turk, he replied that he did not believe the Infidel could do much mischief, and he adduced as an argument that the Emperor had not said a word about it at the Diet. The King, moreover, complained of His Holiness who, he said, had revoked the legates appointed at his request, committed the cause to the Rota, and then sent the inhibition to the Queen. He threatened that unless the case were committed to the archbishop of Canterbury or to "tutti li collegii de le chiese d'Inghilterra," he was determined to go on, for he knew His Holiness had promised the Emperor to give sentence in the case in favour of the Queen. Proposed to him to have two judges elected by him and two by the Queen; but he was not satisfied with this arrangement, and on Borgo proposing that the Pope should name a fifth, the King said that if it came to that, he would prefer to have the fifth elected by the king of France, who was related to the Emperor, and a friend of his, but that in nowise could he agree to the cause being judged out of his kingdom.* The discussion was prolonged almost until night, and both were talking about other things, when the Bang desired him (Borgo) to discuss the matter with the duke of Norfolk and Dr. Stephano (Stephen Gardiner). On doing so, the Duke spoke much about his devotion to the Holy See, and how he had always stood and would in future stand by the Clergy (le cose di prete), but that whereas his master had distinctly declared his will more for one thing than for the other, he was bound to support him, and that the King would never consent to have the cause judged out of the kingdom, &c. The King after this made the same statement, and said he had prorogued Parliament (la dieta) that was to have met in England on the 2nd of October, for 20 days longer, after which, if no answer came, he would act for himself.
On the subject of the Florentines the King owned having written in their favour, but said that it was done at the instigation of other parties. He did not particularly wish for an English cardinal, but recommended the Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Ghinucci) and Casale.
His (Borgo's) opinion is that the cause ought not to be proceeded with if the King promises to remain inactive, for the duke of Norfolk assured him the other day, as if it came from himself—not from the King— that he would stake his existence that if nothing was done at Rome his master would not proceed with the case in England.
Let this be a secret, but he (Borgo) imagines that a suspension of the cause for ever (perpetuamente) on condition however, of one of the parties giving notice one year or six months before might prove a good expedient. The King, however, disapproved of the matter being remitted to the General Council.
Another expedient: His Holiness might also endeavour to bring about an interview between the King and the Emperor, and get the former to agree to the cause being committed to the Rota.
Hears that the King has asked that the duke of Orleans should go to Flanders on the plea of matrimony.—London 16th September 1530.
Italian. Contemporary copy.
19 Sept.430. Opinion of the University of Salamanca Concerning the Divorce of the King and Queen of England.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.
L. 4, f. 105.
B. M. Add.28,581,
f. 129.
Expose the facts of the case, prove that marriages of affinity are not contrary to Divine Law, and answer the objections raised against the validity of the Papal dispensation.—Salamanca, 19th September 1530.
Latin, pp. 12.
20 Sept.431. Clement VII. to the Emperor.
S. Pat. Re. Div. d.
Ital., L. 593, f. 27.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 138.
Thanks him for the reduction of Florence. Commends the services of Ferrante Gonzaga, and refers for the rest to his nephew, Alessandro, bearer of this present, and to his legate at the Imperial court (Campeggio).—Rome, 20th September 1530.
Latin. Original, pp. 2.
432. Notarial Instrument Concerning the Divorce.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.
L. 4, f. 111.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 139.
Affidavit of Diego Lopez de Fuentelisaz attesting that the Rector and doctors of the university of Alcalá, have unanimously determined in five propositions concerning marriages of affinity favourable to the side of the queen of England.
Latin. Original, pp. 2.
20 Sept.433. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien, Rep. P. Fasc.,
c. 226, No. 40.
Received the day before yesterday Your Majesty's letters of the 29th ulto, together with the power of attorney (procuration) to act in the Queen's affairs, which I hope to use in such a way as shall please and satisfy Your Majesty. I have informed the Queen of this and of all the rest, which has given her singular pleasure, and she is now in as good hope as she ever was. I will make every effort to keep her in it, omitting nothing which may be for her interest, and disregarding any suspicions which the King may entertain about my doings.
Your Majesty's instructions respecting the bishop of Bayonne have been most implicitly obeyed. I have, as related in my despatches of the 5th and 14th inst., lost no opportunity of informing him of Your Majesty's great desire for the observance of peace and continuation of the friendship between his master and yourself. The day after receiving his visit I went to return the attention; but he was not in, and the following day he had left very early. I have, therefore, been unable to speak further with him and inquire what his mission to this court was. I have, nevertheless, been assured in several quarters that the ports were only closed because after his altercation with the King he (the Bishop) had threatened to leave and report to his master that one of the chief reasons for his coming over here was to bring the consent for the Princess marriage to the son of the duke of Norfolk, and to offer the eldest daughter of France to the King himself. I have not been able to discover any sign of this, nor do I think it very probable, for since the fall (deboutemant) of the Cardinal, the French have carried on all their intrigues through the Lady and through her father and uncle, whom, as they wish to keep on friendly terms with this king, they would not dare to affront. Besides, they well know that the love of the King for the Lady is so great that he would not give her up for the eldest daughter of France, or anyone else in the world. Nor do I think it likely either that the French would attempt any such thing, for being short of money they would rather put forward some scheme either for drawing it from this country, or deferring their own payment of the debt, than propose or countenance matrimonial alliances which would, as in this case, necessitate an advance of money on their part. They would, on the contrary, have a fair excuse for retaining a part of the said debt, whilst there was a chance of the duke of Orleans marrying the Princess, and even if they should be brought to consent to her marrying the son of the duke of Norfolk it might be for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with him; besides which it might well happen that on account of the said marriage, as well as of that which the King meditates, the latter finding himself in hot water with Your Majesty, and with his subjects, would be compelled to purchase the French king's favour and aid by releasing him from the whole, or a part of his debt. Many here share my opinion on this last point.
Yesterday the Papal Nuncio sent to say that he had returned from Court, and would call on me, as he had much to communicate in pursuance of his instructions. He came and gave me a long account of what had passed between the King and himself, which I will abridge as much as possible First, he said to the King that His Holiness had heard from certain spies (par plusieurs et certainnes expiez), on whom he could rely, that the Turk would not venture to undertake anything this present year on account of the peace concluded between the Christian princes; but that hearing a few months since that in the conclusion of that peace there had been more dissimulation than sincerity and good-will, and that it would not be a lasting one, he was now making preparations to invade Europe next year by land and sea with three powerful armies. Therefore His Holiness entreated and exhorted the King to exert himself for the complete and thorough pacification of Christendom and resistance against the Turk. The King did not give the Nuncio time to finish his speech of persuasion and remonstrance, but replied hastily that such reports were unfounded, and circulated of intent (controuves), for had such extensive preparations for war been made by the Turk they must have been known to Your Majesty, who was the chief person concerned. The letters which he had quite recently received from the Imperial court, said nothing about a Turkish invasion, and he (the King) would not believe the report unless the Turk should make a forward movement at the invitation of the Venetians. After which the King repeated to the Nuncio, almost word for word, what he has always said on this subject to me, and not only did he (the King) with hold then and there any promise of help against the Turk, but what is still worse, refused to give credence to the statements made on the Pope's behalf.
The Nuncio then went on to speak about the Queen's affairs, saying that the Pope felt much surprise that the King, instead of shewing any gratitude for all the favours bestowed upon him, should have been finding fault with His Holiness, and complaining of him, as he had done lately. The King could not find fault with the advocation of the case, or any other part of the proceedings hitherto instituted, all of which had been done in a strictly legal manner, and that it was Your Majesty who might and ought to complain of the favour shewn to the King in this and other ways, such as the prorogation of the proceedings whilst the earl of Vulchier (Wiltshire) was at Bologna, &c. The King, however, would not acknowledge that he was under any obligation to His Holiness; on the contrary, he maintained that all had been done by command of Your Majesty. The Nuncio said also that the Pope, though much pressed by you, would not consent to the suit being prosecuted during the vacations, but had, on the contrary, revoked the greater part of the proceedings, and foreborne from issuing any prohibition to the universities of Paris and others, although informed of the intrigues going on there, and of the injury likely to be done to ecclesiastical authority, adding, that since the King harboured such suspicions, His Holiness was content to withdraw entirely from the whole affair, as he would rather die or resign the Papacy than that this cause should be settled otherwise than to the mutual satisfaction of those concerned in it. After hearing which the King, in spite of the Nuncio's courteous and conciliating language, began to abuse the Pope and the Koman court in general, speaking of the need there was of a thorough reformation (fn. 1) [of the Church], that it was solely through the Pope that he was in this difficulty, for that he had sent him from Orvieto a brief expressly declaring the divorce to be a matter of necessity, and that now, as he knew from good authority, the Pope had promised Your Majesty that the decision should be given entirely in favour of the Queen, For these reasons he (the King) would never consent to the cause being decided either at Rome or in any other place where the Pope or the Emperor had jurisdiction.
Then the Nuncio proposed that the King should choose two persons on his side and the Queen two on hers, and that these four should give sentence. The King said he would do nothing of the sort; he knew very well what the law was, and that whenever four judges had to decide upon a marriage question, two being in favour of and two against it, Law always gave sentence for the former. The Nuncio upon this made various suggestions, and at last proposed that to obviate this difficulty the Pope should elect a fifth judge to sit with the other four. This again the King declined, saying that it would be indirectly throwing the whole decision into the Pope's hands, and that if a fifth judge were absolutely necessary he should be content to have him nominated by the king of France, although he might well suspect him as well as Your Majesty, considering that one word from the Queen, your sister, might cause the nomination to fall entirely on the person you most desired. And upon the Nuncio here observing that the Pope should at least have a joint nomination of the fifth judge with the king of France, and mentioning also other modes for the said election, the King replied that this was all labour lost, that even if he would consent his people would never do so, for that it had been enacted by several ancient Popes (whose authority should, on account of their sanctity, be of more weight than that of recent ones), that no cause having its origin in this country should be advoked to another kingdom, and that he (the King) had recently sent to inform His Holiness of this privilege, and to request that in conformity with it he would allow the archbishop of Canterbury, the Primate and Legate of England, to give sentence in the cause, or else to permit that all the clergy of the kingdom, among whom there are (as he says) many learned and holy persons, should decide. "Should the Pope refuse this just and lawful request of mine (he added), I know well what I shall do, for having fulfilled my duty to God and my conscience, as well to my own subjects, as can be proved by the seals and signatures of all the nobility of this realm, I can safely proceed to action. I am now only awaiting the return of the messenger I have sent to Rome, to appeal to Parliament for a decision which that body cannot fail to give, as it will shortly re-assemble partly on this business; so that should the Emperor threaten me with war on this ground, I hope to be able to defend myself well with the help of my brother and perpetual ally the king of France, even should the Pope assist the Emperor. In such an event," the King added, "I would demand from the Pope to visit His Imperial Majesty with ecclesiastical censures for breaking old and new alliances, to which he is so solemnly pledged, and in which he ought not, and should not, for the sake of a woman, fail towards so great a friend as I am."
The Nuncio being quite unable to find any way of appeas- ing the King, and the hour being already late, then took his leave, begging the King to think over these matters before their next meeting.
Next day the King went out hunting and did not receive the Nuncio, but on the third day he sent word that he would see him either before or after going to the hunt. During the King's absence the duke of Norfolk spoke with the Nuncio about this marriage much to the same effect as he has done to me on various occasions, also of his great desire for the preservation of peace, and the devotion which he and his predecessors had always felt for the House of Burgundy, and asked the Nuncio whether it would not be an admirable plan to arrange a meeting between the Pope, Your Majesty, and the King, his master; when the Nuncio, having observed that the great distance would be a hindrance to the Pope's being present, the Duke rejoined that at any rate there would be no difficulty in bringing Your Majesty and the King together.
At this point the Nuncio was summoned to the King, whom he found more obstinate and louder in his invectives against the Pope than even at his first audience, stating that he only waited for the answer from Rome to bring this whole matter to a conclusion. That he had prorogued Parliament for 20 days merely to give time for the arrival of this answer, though common report said it was on account of the plague, and that Your Majesty had agreed with the princes of Germany, to convoke a General Council, which was entirely against the Pope's will (à la barbe du Pape). The Nuncio, seeing the King's obstinacy, pointed out the many dangers which might arise should the King precipitate the affair. If he would only promise not to move in it himself, he believed the Pope would also pause until some amicable settlement could be made. But notwithstanding all the Nuncio could say, the King declared that he would make no such promise, he would act as seemed best to himself. He was very well aware that Your Majesty, whom this case did not personally concern, and the Queen, who is in the enjoyment of her wealth and rank, would continually try to delay proceedings.
The Nuncio delayed taking leave of the King till the next day, hoping that he might on another occasion obtain a more favourable answer, but the interview proved just as fruitless as the previous ones. The Nuncio then intimated to the King that he had a letter of credence for the Queen, containing only the compliments usual on such occasions, and that with his permission he should like to present it, but this was denied. As the Nuncio informed me, the Pope had expressly instructed him to ask the Kings leave to deliver the said letter to the Queen, because should the request be refused, as it has actually been, it would be a still further proof of the King's bad feeling in the affair.
Just as the Nuncio was about to leave, the duke of Norfolk came up to him, and resuming the conversation on the choice of impartial judges, the Nuncio said that the King had spoken to him of the prospect of a General Council being held, and that the best thing for him to do was to place this decision in their hands. The Duke seemed very much surprised at this information, and therefore went off at once to speak of it to the King, and returning almost immediately, said that the King declared he had never said a word about a General Council. At last the Duke told the Nuncio that, although the King had not named this, he might write to the Pope and say positively that the King promised upon his honour that this question of the divorce should not be brought before Parliament, begging the Nuncio at the same time that the whole of this conversation and engagement should be kept perfectly secret, and especially that the Pope should not mention it to his ambassadors at Rome, nor he (the Nuncio) to me. After which the Nuncio left Court, accompanied only by the Italian secretary, who had attended him on his way thither, his reception upon the whole being but indifferent.
After the Nuncio had related all this to me, he added that he feared the evil was too deeply rooted or too far gone to yield to gentle treatment; it needed now cautery and incision, and other strong remedies. It was, moreover, to be feared that should this course be adopted at Rome, the King would immediately bring some measure before his Parliament, from which there could be no retreat—the advice and will of the people being attended toexcept by war, at which France would be only too glad, as it would give her an opportunity to revenge and compensate herself for all her losses; (fn. 2) and that latterly, as he (the Nuncio) was passing through France, there was some rumour (quelque fumee) of undertaking the conquest of the county of Dast (Asti) in the name of the duke of Orleans. The Nuncio concluded by saying that it might after all be wise to suspend all further measures until Your Majesty and this king could meet; but still he would in this be guided by my advice and His Holiness commands. Shewed the Nuncio most distinctly that moderation with this king only made him more obstinate, for formerly he himself had urged the Queen to consent to the case being advocated to Cambray, to be there decided by impartial judges (of which plan the duke of Norfolk had also spoken to me) and now on the Pope's earnest request he refused. Represented to him also that no good could arise, but a great deal of mischief, from delaying the proceedings; that the true thing to do was for the Pope to deliver sentence at Rome immediately, for then the King would find no one in his kingdom or elsewhere to help him in a quarrel against the Church, and that it would never do to wait for the meeting of the Council, as it was quite uncertain when it could take place, and would be besides equal to throwing the whole responsibility on Your Majesty's shoulders, and giving the King an opening for quarrelling with you, for the King (I observed) probably assumes that were he to meet you, he would, either by argument or importunity, induce you to grant his requests, which I was quite certain you would never do, and were the refusal to be given in person the King's vexation would be all the greater. Other considerations did I put forward on this occasion, too long to be given here in detail, all of which the Nuncio thought right and reasonable. The Nuncio has therefore determined to follow my advice and write to the Pope that the only thing to be done is to have sentence passed at once in this affair, and in the meantime prevent Parliament here from taking any decided step in the matter, and address to the King a "bref reaggravatoire" (final monition of excommunication) following upon the one issued at Bologna, with a commission for its presentation to the King and other parties concerned, without which precaution it would be of no avail.
The letters which the Nuncio is writing on this point go by the present courier, may it please Your Majesty to have them forwarded as soon as possible, that there may be no further delay in the proceedings at Home, and that the brief may arrive here before the meeting of Parliament, which will be about the 20th of October.
As a welcome to the Nuncio, seeing how little was shewn him on the way, they have published here, to a grand flourish of trumpets, an edict of which an Italian translation is enclosed, (fn. 3) which edict, as the Nuncio well knows, has only been issued to spite the Pope, and in some manner intimidate him against making the matter worse. (fn. 4) The order to publish the edict was issued on the very day that the Nuncio had his first audience from the King, as plainly appears from the date of that document. Indeed, had it not been for the above-named reason and for the King's wish to annoy His Holiness, there could have been no object in making prohibitions (defenses), for no man in the kingdom, after seeing how a cardinal legate coming from the Pope had been received here, would venture to thwart the King's will. It may be that by the comprehensive nature of the said prohibitions, the King desires to prevent any opposition being offered to him in the Queen's case, which he fears much more than anything else actually dealt with in the said edict.
The Nuncio says that there has been for some time in the court of France, secretly, an ambassador from the Vayvod, who is afterwards to come here.
The greater part of the prelates and clergy of this country are just now in a state of great consternation, for they are being proceeded against for having paid the Cardinal honour as Papal Legate, and the King maintains, as I have already informed Your Majesty, that for this reason all their goods and preferments are to be confiscated, and they themselves imprisoned.
The number of bishops and abbots in this predicament exceeds 60, of the other clergy 150. (fn. 5)
The Chancellor, I hear, has spoken so much in the Queen's favour that he has had a narrow escape of being dismissed.
The King has discovered of late that what passed in his Privy Council got wind, and now he has taken such rigid measures and precautions that it is impossible for the Queen or anyone else to learn the least thing of any importance except by means of bribery and pensions, as I have already informed Your Majesty.—London, 20th September 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, pp. 8.
23 Sept.434. The Emperor to Miguel Mai.
S. E. L. 1,557,
ff. 99–101.
His letters of the 24th and 30th ulto have comp to hand.
B.M. Add. 28, 581,
f. 140.
Malatesta.—Marquis del Vasto.—Florence.
Wishes that the affairs of this latter city be arranged in such a manner that the Florentines enter into a league with him (the Emperor) and the Pope, and contribute a certain sum of money.
The Italians have no reason to be dissatisfied with the appointment of the duke of Mantua (Federigo de Gonzaga), to be commander-in-chief of the forces.
The Germans to be re-engaged for three months.—Their pay.—He (Mai) is to assist the Pope in the enterprize against Bracciano; and not to attach faith to what the abbot of Farfa and his abettors may tell him.
Concerning the general undertaking against the Turks, he (Mai) is to negociate with the Pope according to his instructions. Although considerable sums have already been spent in that service he (the Emperor) is willing to contribute towards it at the rate that has been proposed. But if a good and solid peace can be obtained the Pope must guard against granting a crusade to the King [of France] on the plea of a Turkish war.
His information from France accords with that received by the Pope. The King's intentions as regards the Council seem to be good.
Neapolitan finances and "fuorusciti."—Highwaymen in the kingdom of Naples.
The Pope's claims on the duke of Ferrara.
There can be no doubt that the English will try every means to carry out their purpose in the cause of the queen of England. He (Mai) is to pay the greatest attention to the subject, and report constantly what is being done. Rodrigo Niño will have informed him of what the bishop of London (Stokesley) did in Venice in order to obtain opinions in favour of the King, his master. He has since gone to Bologna for the same purpose, and it is reported that he has, in fact, obtained some. That is not proper behaviour, especially in a city like Bologna, belonging to the Pope, and where there is a college founded by a Spanish cardinal. Has, therefore, ordered that representations be made to the Cardinal Legate, and commands him (Mai) to go at once and speak to the Pope on the subject.
Rodrigo Niño writes from Venice that the Pope has issued a very strong brief respecting the opinions given by the Paduan doctors. Cannot believe it, for if such a brief had been issued he (Mai) would have mentioned it. However this may be, he (Mai) is charged to use the greatest possible diligence in this affair.
Abbacy of Montearagon.—Castille.—Church patronage.—Crusade.—Isabella Colonna.—Antonio di San Felice.—Siena.—Augusta (Augsburg), 23rd September 1530.
P.S.—The religious question is taking an unfavourable turn. Some persons are negociating with the Lutherans, hoping to persuade them to forsake their errors. Fears that they will not succeed.
Marriage of Doña Julia, daughter of queen Isabella [of Naples] with the duke of Mantua.
Spanish. Original draft in the hand of secretary. Idiaquez. pp. 12.
25 Sept.435. Lope Hurtado to the Empress.
S. E. L. 369,
f. 22.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 129.
The king of Portugal (fn. 6) is now sending Bernaldino de Tavora to visit the queen of France (Eleanor). He has begun to proceed against the Lutherans, and has ordered some Germans to be cast in prison.—Lisbon, 25th September 1530.
Spanish. Holograph, p. 1.
26 Sept.436. The Abbot of Llor to Francisco de los Covos.
S. E. L. 859,
f. 147.
B.M. Add. 28,581,
f. 143.
The Emperor's last letters concerning Modena have given great satisfaction in Rome.
Has informed the ambassadors (Mai and Osma) that a Venetian has been secretly dispatched from Rome to England. He pretends that he will return soon with a good and satisfactory answer. The Venetian, in his opinion, ought to be arrested on the road. Knows him very well; he is very dangerous, being a learned man. Has, therefore, given an exact and detailed description of his person to the ambassadors. His name is Miçer Marco, (fn. 7) 65 or 70 years of age.—Rome, 16th September 1530.
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and noble lord, Secretary Covos, &c."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 2.
437. (fn. 8) The Opinion of Brother Felix de Prato.
S. E. L. 206,
f. 139 vo.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 273.
Certain theologians of a recent school pretend that a marriage with a deceased brother's wife is prohibited by Divine Law, as the sacrifice abrogated only the ceremonial and judicial precepts of the Old Testament, but confirmed its moral teachings. Husband and wife are one person in the flesh. As, therefore, marriages between persons related in the first degree of consanguinity are forbidden, so are also forbidden the marriages between persons related in the first degree of affinity. The Pope cannot dispense where these obstacles exist any more than he can permit a man to have two wives.
This is the gist of the reasoning on the one side. On the other side it is asserted that the Pope can permit a marriage with a deceased brother's widow, and they maintain that such a marriage is not prohibited by Divine Law, but only by human law. By the former, that of Mount Sinai, marriages between brothers and sisters were not forbidden. Papal dispensations are not to be judged according to general rules, but only according to the peculiarities and circumstances of the persons concerned. The Prophets confirmed this doctrine, as for instance in the case of the "meretrice uxore," and others.
His opinion is that the Pope can dispense in cases of marriages in the first degree of affinity.
Latin. Transcript from the Roman Archives, pp. 14. English abstract by Bergenroth.
27 Sept.438. Cardinal Grimaldi to the Emperor.
S, E. L. 850,
f. 146.
B.M. Add. 28,581,
f.144.
Thanks the Emperor for his kind letters, and again offers his services. Writes in credence of Miçer Andrea Grimaldi, who will verbally explain his affectionate regard and readiness to serve.—Rome, 27th September 1530.
Signed: "Cardinalis Grimaldo."
Italian. Original, pp. 1½
28 Sept.439. Rodrigo Niño to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,308,
ff. 98–100.
B.M. Add. 28,581,
f. 146.
On the 16th inst., after his letters of the 26th ulto, 4th and 12th inst., the bishop of Vasone (Vaison) arrived, who the morning after sent his secretary to say he was going to the College -hall, and wished to know whether he could do anything for him, for he had been instructed by the Pope to do so. Told him that he might apply for the payment of the 25,000 ducats, which His Holiness had engaged to pay by the convention (capitulacion) of Bologna in case the Signory refused. The Bishop promised to do so, and went to the College-hall, and announced that the duke Alessandro and he were both going by the command of the Pope to Your Imperial Majesty to compliment you on the good success of Florence. The "Dieci" answered that they were glad of it, but as to the payment of the money, they refused saying that they had no means of making it (ninguna forma tenian de hacerla.)
Coming out of the College the Bishop called and gave him the Papal brief announcing the Duke's and his own departure for Germany, to compliment Your Majesty, &c. Replied that their mission had been known for some time at Venice, and that people suspected they only went thither for the purpose of getting the Duke appointed king of Tuscany, which would be a very offensive measure to the Venetians, if it should be carried into effect. The mere suspicion of such an appointment had been the sole cause of their unwillingness to enter sincerely into His Holiness' views. They were much displeased at the issue of the Florentine disturbances, and would gladly have helped that city had it not been that they refrained out of respect for Your Majesty. The Bishop positively denied such to be the object of his mission, and confirmed his former statement. He left that very night for Trent, there to take up the duke Alessandro, and continue their journey.
Next day I, myself, went to the College-hall, and the councillors told me with a rather incredulous air what the Bishop had stated to be the object of his mission, and that if they had refused payment it was because, though they were willing to do anything that was agreeable to Your Majesty, they had not at present the means, as it was with the greatest difficulty that they could meet their own debt to Your Majesty.
On the very same day that the Bishop was here the duke of Mantua wrote to his agent in this city that he had received orders from Your Majesty to disband (deshazer) the Imperial army, dismissing the Italians altogether, sending the Spaniards to Naples, and the Germans to Germany, which intelligence caused great joy here at Venice, and calmed their suspicions and fears; but having since heard that our troops have not yet evacuated Tuscany, their suspicions have been aroused more than ever.
On the 23rd this Signory had letters from their ambassador in France stating that three great personages were soon to start on various missions; one to Your Majesty, another to the Pope, and a third to the king of England. This and a conversation, which the ambassador of France had the other day with cardinal Pisani, has so puzzled the Signory that they have sent a man expressly to Rome to ascertain what those princes, and especially the French king, are about And they say that a message from France has been conveyed to the Pope to this effect: that Florence being his (the Pope's) native country, and he having a right to do as he pleased there, king Francis had hitherto refrained from helping the citizens, as it was his duty to do; but if he (the Pope) attacked the duke of Ferrara, as was rumoured, he would be obliged to defend him. Meanwhile the Duke writes to his ambassador that he intends coming and spending a few days here. The same is announced of the duke of Milan. What their object may be we shall see.
On the 26th the Signory had letters from their ambassador with the Turk, who, it was said, had gone to Anatolia, leaving all his bashas at Constantinople, with the exception of Ibrahim, whom he had taken with him. Yet it appears that the negociations for making Constantinople a mart for the spices still continued, at which these Venetians were terribly frightened, as it would be the ruin of their city. Among other things which they were about to send to the Turk in order to propitiate him, there is a talk of sending him a unicorn horn in a gold casket which they have among their treasure.—Venice, 28th September 1530.
Signed: "Rodrigo Niño."
Spanish. Original, pp. 6.
30 Sept.440. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 850,
f. 102.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 152.
The Turkish undertaking and his own idea about the Venetians.
Rumours of a marriage to take place between the Vayvod and queen Mary [of Hungary].
The duke of Mantua, as Your Majesty has been informed, wishes to return to his first marriage with the daughter of the marquis of Monferrato. The Abbadin has been to Mantua, and brought news that Your Majesty referred the matter to the Pope, which statement was then published. Now intelligence has since been received that the lady herself is dead, and I am secretly informed that the Mantuan ambassador has had letters from his master to that effect. But nevertheless the Duke will not marry Doña Julia [Giulia], because he alleges that being married to the other sister, as he pretends, he cannot possibly marry this one. This, however, he keeps secret, I cannot say whether for the sake of obtaining better counsel, for I am told he has sent to Siena to procure Il Decio's opinion on the case, or whether he is waiting for God to solve the difficulty, because there was a rumour the other day that Doña Julia (Giulia) was unwell. At any rate he would not like this to become public.
A marriage is spoken of between the son of the duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo) and the Pope's niece (Catarina), and the Pope tells me that among the things which Malatesta [Baglione] asked of the Pope after the surrender of Florence, one was the hand of another of his nieces "la duchesina di Camarino" for his son.
(fn. 9)
The other day it was rumoured at the Palace, and throughout Rome, that the duke of Malfi (Piccolomini) was about to rise at Siena. Though the report cannot be true I have written to Lope de Soria to be on his guard.
Affairs of Genoa and discontent of the people with Andrea Doria, reported in a letter from a Luquese to the Pope.
Cardinals Osma and Tarbes.—Misrepresentations (chismes) of the latter, and his endeavours to bring on a quarrel between cardinal de' Medici and the duke Alessandro.
Jacopo Salviati is not so high in the Pope's favour as he used to be, though in public there appears to be no change. Two are the causes, as I presume: one, that in this Florentine affair Salviati is of a contrary opinion as to the form of government to be established in that city; the other that, as I am told, his accounts of the time he administered the Pope's finances are being looked into, and just at the beginning a deficit of 100,000 crs. has been found.
This same Salviati told Miçer Andrea del Burgo in secret that things were not quite so smooth as we imagined. The most Christian King, he said, pined more than ever for the duchy of Milan, as well as for the amendment of some of the articles in the treaty of Cambray; he hated the Pope, and if he could only agree with Your Majesty, would certainly work for his deposition.
The Council.—The Pope is very much out of spirits, he has frequent conversations with Tarbes and the Venetian ambassador. There can be no doubt that the whole thing is extremely odious to him on two considerations: the first that he is afraid of Your Majesty and the king of France meeting, in which case the balance is sure to turn against him; besides which, all other considerations apart, the circumstance of his being a bastard (fn. 10) might tell wonderfully against him. The other is that pontifical madness (locura) prevails amongst the cardinals to such a degree that half a dozen of them at least at the present moment wish to become Popes.
Mentioned in one of my despatches that a marriage between the widow of Vespasiano Colonna, and sister of Luigi Gonzaga, and the son of Renzo da Ceri (Giovan Paolo) had been much talked of. Has since seen Gonzaga about it, and represented to him that a lady of her quality, having a dowry of 30,000 crs., could not be married to the son of a "condottiero," who had done so much harm to the Imperial cause.
The governor of Bracciano has refused to surrender the "rocca" into the hands of Gregory Casale as agreed.
Cardinal Mantua has returned from a visit to his sister, the duchess of Urbino. I have visited him, though we Imperialists have little to expect from him, he being a Frenchman at heart. Doria, however, will soon come to "Rome and counterbalance his influence.—Rome, 30th September 1530.
Signed: "Miçer Mai."
Indorsed: "Abstract of letters from Rome of the 30th of September."
Spanish. Original (fn. 11) pp. 10.
30 Sept.441. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
ff. 52-3.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 159.
Reports the arrival [at Florence] of a German (tudesco) named Juachin, who says he has come by order of His Majesty [the Emperor] and of the king of Hungary, his brother, for the purpose of watching the ambassador of the Vayvod, who is in France. Has paid him 200 crs.—Florence, 30th September 1530.
Signed: "Jo. Anto. Muscetula."
Spanish. Original. pp. 1½.
30 Sept.442. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 849,
f.
B.58.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 101.
His Majesty's ciphered letter of the 23rd came duly to hand. Had no time to decipher it before the departure of the courier. Intends to leave for Rome in a day or two, but should very much like to consult two or three points in his instructions, principally about the army and the best means of disposing of it.—Florence, 30th September 1530.
Signed: "Jo. Anto. Muscetula."
Spanish. Original, pp. 8.
30 Sept.443. The Emperor to the Empress.
S. E. L. 635,
ff. 91-2.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f.168.
Press of business has prevented his answering her letters of the 22nd of June and 9th of July.
Preparations of a fleet against Algiers, and reasons why they ought to be discontinued for the present.—Andrea Doria to remain in Spain till October for the protection of the coast of the Mediterranean.—Don Alvaro to receive by inventory the two galleys and two galeots taken from the Moors of Algiers by Andrea Doria. Upon estimation their value to be paid to him. The galleys of II Gobo, Martin de Arego, and six more from Barcelona to remain on guard off the eastern coast. —Cannot spare for the present the two galleys promised to the Order of St. John.
Death of Bartholomé Ferrer, the treasurer.
A servant of the marquis of Comares, the governor of Oran, has come and complains that his master is not properly supplied with provisions, &c. The Marquis offers to tender his resignation.
Doña Luisa de Acuña and Don Manrique de Lara.
The churches of Murcia and Carthagena.—Augusta (Augsburg), 13th September 1530.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Countersigned; "Covos"
Addressed: "To the most serene, most high, and most powerful Empress and Queen, my very dear and very beloved wife."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
444. Account of business done at the Diet of Augsburg.
S. Pat. Re. Conc,
y Disc. L. 1, f. 44.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f.18.
Ratio rerum gestarum in comitiis Augustæ Vindelicorum habitis pro Religione Christiana. Anno Domini MDXXX.
Latin. Contemporary copy in the handwriting of secretary Idiaquez. pp. 3.

Footnotes

1 "Ayant le roy ouy le tout, non obstant toutes les snsdites cortoysies il commença a blasonner le pape en plusieurs sortes, et pays generallement la court romainne, et dire de la necessite dune bonne reformation."
2 "Quil estoit a craindre que recommançant de proceder a Rome que ce Roi en ses etatz ne procedat a œuvre de fayt, que no se pourroit retraytter, [y entre tenant le conseil et volonte du peuple sans violence de guerre, et que la France seroit trop aise de veoir ce jeu pour se pouvoir venger et recompenser de ses pertes et hasars."]
3 Not in the letter.
4 "Le quel edit, comme bien cognoyt le dit nonce, na este preconnise sinon pour [despit du pape et pour luy donner quelque craincte."
5 "Le nombre des evesques et abbes que sont aux dits filles (filets?) passe soixante; des aultres prestres plus de cent et cinquante."
6 This king of Portugal was Dom João.Lope Hurtado [de Mendoza] was still accredited to him.
7 The copy reads Marlo, which I have not hesitated to change into Marco.
8 This document is without date, but from the place it occupies in Berzosa's collection of transcripts from the Vatican, it is clear that it was drawn about the cud of September. See Niño's despatches of the 25th of May.
9 Marginal note in the hand of Covos. "The ambassador is to assure the Pope of the Emperor's good-will."
10 Clement VII., whose name, before the Pontificate, was Giulio de' Medici, was the natural son of Alessandro.
11 The abstract itself is in the handwriting of secretary Idiaquez, and the marginal notes are by Covos.