Spain
November 1532, 1-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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546-563

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'Spain: November 1532, 1-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 546-563. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87772 Date accessed: 02 September 2014.


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November 1532, 1-30

6 Nov.1022. Queen Katharine to Covos.
S. E. L. 806, f. 36.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 163.
The good and benefit which God has conferred on Christendom, freeing it by the Emperor's hand from the enemy of our holy Faith, imposes upon us all the obligation of accomplishing good deeds, and as you yourself know that none can be thought of more meritorious than urging His Holiness to put an end to this suit, which has already caused and will cause much injury to Christendom as long as it shall remain in suspense, I beg and entreat you not to forget me, but continue as you have done until now, promoting my interests with the Emperor. — From Vichefarfil (?), vi November [1532].
P.S.—I am in such anxiety and trouble at the present moment that I have no power to write with my own hand many things that I would otherwise say. I address you as one who is more needy than ever of the Emperor's help and assistance. Should this be wanting now that His Majesty is about to meet the Pope [at Bologna], and urge him to put an end to this affair of mine, I consider myself as entirely given up save by God only, who in His infinite mercy will dispose of me as seems good to Him. (fn. 1)
Signed: "Catharina."
Addressed: "To my particular friend the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Original. Partly holograph. pp. 2.
6 Nov.1023. Hannart to the Empress.
Arch.Nat.S. 1,483,
No. 44.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 164.
Wrote on the 8th ulto from Paris, and sent the duplicate of my despatch from Ambuesa (Amboise) the 22nd of September, besides the copies of two letters written by the Governor, who during 25 days held Guns (fn. 2) against the Turks. Wrote also news of the Emperor, and the retreat of the Turk.
The Most Christian King prosecuted his journey towards Marseilles, where the interview is to be held. He went a little off the road hunting, and I followed the Court. In this way Abavila (Abbeville) was reached, which is a town 17 leagues distant from Boulogne, where the interview of the two kings is to take place. Here His Highness sent word to all the foreign ambassadors not to advance, but wait there until the interview had been held, on the plea that the king of England had said that he brought no ambassadors with him, and that he wished to do the same.
I remained therefore at Abbeville with the rest, but sent forward one of my confidential servants to report on what he could see or hear. Chapuys, the Imperial ambassador in England, sent another. From the reports of the two men put together and compared it would appear that the two kings met in the confines of the county of Boulogne-in-the fields, three leagues from Calais, on Monday the 21st, each with the retinue agreed beforehand, all in very good order and richly dressed and equipped. And they say that they embraced each other with brotherly affection, and with great cordiality and joy. Thence they went to Boulogne, and one league before were met by the Cardinal Legate, archbishop of Sens, grand chancellor of France (Antoine du Prat), with the Dauphin and two younger princes, to whom the king of England shewed much affection, and they to him great respect. For three consecutive days the kings caroused and banqueted splendidly in that town, and the Most Christian King presented to the king of England six large horses magnificently caparisoned in his colours and three sets of dresses, robes, and other very rich vestments. (fn. 3) The English gave him in return six hackneys, very good and costly attired, and a tapestry bed (cama de campo) of great value as they say, and they add that he made the princes a present of all the moneys which their father was bound to pay him in virtue of the treaty made for their liberation. Of this last gift, however, I have no certainty except that it is publicly said so. On those three days a secret council and conference was held at which three persons assisted on each side besides the two kings, namely, on the side of the Most Christian King, the Legate, the Grand Master and the Great Admiral of France; on that of the English, the duke of Suffolk, his brother-in-law, the duke of Norfolk, and a bishop who is his chancellor. It has been impossible to ascertain what passed at the conferences. From thence the two kings went to Calais where three more days were spent in banqueting and carousing, after which they parted.
Meanwhile, there at Abbeville on the 11th of October, I received a despatch from the Emperor informing me that the Turk was in full retreat to his own country, after having lost many men and part of his baggage, as well as reputation, and that considering the hasty and shameful retreat of the Infidel, and that the presence of His Imperial Majesty in Germany was no longer required, it had been resolved that his brother, the king of the Romans, with a good army should march upon Hungary and try to recover it, whilst he himself with part of his Spaniards and Germans would go to Italy, and embarking at Genoa this next winter visit his kingdoms of Spain, &c.
Having received order to communicate to the king of France the above intelligence, I applied for an audience, which was most graciously granted, and I told him my news. He said he was delighted to hear of the Turk's discomfiture which he only wished might have been much greater ; that he wished the Emperor a prosperous journey and that if anything was required for his voyage, or if he intended to touch at any of the ports of his kingdom, he should be glad to know in time, that they might have time to prepare, and so forth. I thanked the King in the Emperor's name, and I hear he has sent a gentleman of his household to Proencia (Provence) to that effect.
The King told me that the conferences had been for the exclusive purpose of talking about the Turk. He had (he said) found the king of England so well disposed to do the best he could against the Infidel that no persuasion was needed on his part. Having heard, however, of his retreat it was resolved that whenever their co-operation was needed or their help required they would willingly furnish 80,000 or 100,000 men between them and personally lead them against the common enemy, provided free passage and provisions were allotted them. Should the king of England (he added) be unable to attend in person he (the Most Christain King) promised to march at the head of 30,000 Germans paid between the two. This is what the King told me had been the subject of the conferences, whether anything else was discussed there I have been unable to learn. Since then I have been told that upon the receipt of this news about the Turk the King resolved to send to Rome on a mission cardinals Tournon and Grammont who are soon to leave this town.
The Queen (Eleanor) is in excellent health living with the King at a castle three leagues from this place, whence they occasionally come to this town as they did yesterday.
Bernardino de Albornoz, the Emperor's gentleman usher, being now here acting as my secretary, I have resolved to send him with this despatch. (fn. 4) He will leave this very day and I have no doubt that on his way to the Emperor's Court he will find some one to take charge of this despatch. A duplicate of it will go by the ordinary post.— Mians (Amiens) in Picardy, 6th November 1532.
Signed : " J. Hannart."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty the Empress, our Lady."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
10 Nov.1024. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 44.
Since the King's departure for Calais to hold his interview with the Most Christian King, of which I have not been allowed to be a witness, nothing has happened here worthy of special notice, Your Majesty being at present engaged in most important business. The man whom I sent to Calais and Boulogne has often written to me the news of those towns, but as I consider that Your Majesty's ambassador resident in France must have learned from that source, as well as from others equally authentic, and perhaps also better informed, what is going on there, and the Viscount cannot have failed to apprize you of the whole, I will abstain from alluding to the subject in this my despatch, that I may on the King's return learn some particulars and report on the whole.
Your Majesty's letters of the 3rd and 11th ulto came to hand yesterday, together with that of credence to this king, which last I will not fail to present at his return (though still uncertain), as you have been pleased to direct, without forgetting at the same time to observe the King's manner and conduct when he comes to hear of the glorious news therein contained, for which all Christendom is bound to thank God, praying also for the ever continuous prosperity of your arms. That this is now being done all over Christendom I scarcely need mention, especially in this country, whose inhabitants seem to vie with each other in thanksgivings, and to surpass all nations in their alacrity and joy.
More than three weeks ago the duke of Norfolk wrote [from France] to Brian Tuke the substance of the above news that he might inform thereof the Privy Council and governors of this country, (fn. 5) adding that Your Imperial Majesty had actually dismissed all your troops; but as no mention was made in the letter of those reserved for the conquest of Hungary the members of the Council declared the news faulty, and shewed some alarm. Brian Tuke, however, was able to destroy this bad impression, and, as he himself has informed me by one of his own clerks, succeeded in overcoming the ignorance and malice of some of the councillors, who affected not to believe that Your Majesty could possibly keep up the fleet commanded by the prince of Melphi unless there was some ulterior object in doing so, and asserting that greater honour was due to that captain in the Turkish defeat than to yourself. (fn. 6) But in the end the said Brian, who has always shewn himself most devoted to the Imperial service, having summarily placed before the councillors the true aspect of the case, all praised Your Majesty immensely. The same Brian, moreover, has assured me on his oath (sacrement) that in the last treaty of alliance sworn to at Windsor between England and France, no new clause was actually introduced; only some explanatory of certain obscure and vague articles in former treaties, and some sort of pledge (asseurance) that this present interview should be held, which, as he (Brian) tells me, has been principally designed for the Turkish affair, and incidentally also for the divorce.
As to instructing the Imperial ambassadors to withhold their participation from any new league to be concluded at the interview, (fn. 7) I must say that this king has so efficiently provided for that contingent by keeping the said ambassadors far off, and by not communicating to them the causes and object of his journey, that in reality there was no need of commanding the said abstention, although I myself have not failed to inform them of what seemed to me most expedient for the preservation of the said amity and confederacy.
Respecting the conversation which the French ambassador had with me in the presence of the Venetian, of which I informed Your Majesty by my despatch [of the 14th ulto], I will observe that as La Pommeraye has at his earnest request obtained his recall from this embassy, to which on Jean Jocquin's refusal a certain Mr. de Montpesant has been appointed, there will be no occasion to put forward the objections and remarks commanded by Your Majesty, the more so that I am sure there is no real cause for repentance, for, although he (La Pommeraye) protested not to believe the news, I failed not to answer him in very harsh words, "parolles tres aygrez," chiefly because the other ambassador (the Venetian) was present—words which the Frenchman met with equanimity and great composure. (fn. 8)
Of the news contained in Your Majesty's letters, none came more apropos than the one of the mutiny of the Italian troops, for I am sure it will be the paragraph to which this king is sure to attach greater importance, those who delight in such bad tidings exaggerating their import, as is their wont.
The marchioness of Excet (Exeter) has sent me a letter without signature, but which must have been written either by her husband, the Marquis, or by the Grand Squire, in which it is said that the writer had heard from Gregory Casale's own lips, who had treated the affair with cardinals de Grandmont (Grammont) and Tournon, that both those dignitaries were about to start for Rome, and that their principal commission was to summon the Pope on behalf of the two kings at once to determine the divorce case in the manner that His Holiness, when in captivity, had promised to do, and send the process to be tried and sentenced here in England: otherwise both kings were determined to abrogate in their respective kingdoms all Papal authority, besides which this one (the English) will have the case determined by the prelates of his own kingdom. The said Gregory had further stated to the writer of the letter that he was almost sure from the many promises the Pope had made to him that no sentence would be pronounced in the said matter as long as Your Majesty should stay in Germany; but that as soon as you were in Spain His Holiness would shew the king of England how much he desires to please him and give him satisfaction.
It is also said in the letter that this king is exceedingly glad at Your Majesty's departure for Spain, and, therefore, that it behoves you bearing all this in mind, to hasten the decision of the suit at Rome, upon which the writer says the delivery of the Queen from the purgatory she is now enduring, the welfare of this kingdom, and of the whole of Christendom entirely depend.
Secretary Paget, whom this king sent some time ago to Germany, as I had the honour of informing Your Majesty, returned to town eight days ago. He has called on several Lutheran doctors to persuade them to write in favour of this king, and of his divorce, also on the doctors of [the duke of] Saxony and of his son, and those of the landgrave [of Hesse] ; but according to the report of the very man who accompanied him in his mission he has met with very little favour in any part, and has been treated rather with derision (mocqueries) than otherwise.
The man whom I sent to Calais writes that the duke of Norfolk had complained loudly to him of the assembly of troops on the frontiers [of Flanders]. He (the Duke said) had told me at the time that nothing should be treated of at the interview of the two kings likely to turn to Your Majesty's disadvantage, and therefore could not but wonder at the precautions taken. He also complained of certain articles which the governor of Gravelines had caused to be proposed; but I must say that having heard the answer and excuses of my man he seemed contented and satisfied.
Parliament, which in its session of last May was prorogued till the 4th inst., has been again prorogued till the 4th of February. It is generally believed that the term has been fixed so far on that the cardinals now going to Rome may have time to report on their commission, and according to circumstances arrange their affairs.
The English on the borders have during the last 10 days made several raids into Scotland, taken some spoil and burnt several villages and abbeys, at which the members of the Privy Council have shewn much displeasure, but of indemnity or restoration of cattle taken there is yet no talk.—London, 10th November 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 4.
10 Nov.1025. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E. L. 857, f. 8.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 169.
The matrimonial cause has again been committed to the Rota. On Monday the 4th inst. the King's mandate was to be produced, but notwithstanding two citations up to this day, the 9th, nothing has been presented and the opposite party is labouring to prove that the sentence of the Consistory ought to be examined first.
With respect to the brief the Pope has decided that it shall bear the present date, but on no account does he wish that it should be made use of until he himself has conversed with the Emperor. He is no doubt afraid of the interview that is to take place between the kings of France and England, which in my opinion prevents him from doing many things he would otherwise have done. If he were to follow my advice and accede to my wishes, since it is resolved that he and Your Majesty are to hold an interview at Bologna, I would speak to him with the urgency that is needed (con el rigor que convenia). because from conversations we have held together I know he is afraid, not indeed of me, but of certain arguments I have occasionally placed before him and which he knows to be unanswerable.
Though Your Majesty, as I have been informed, approves of my conduct here, and of what I have said to His Holiness, yet I am now expressly commanded not to act or speak in the affair without first consulting the ambassador. Accordingly some days ago I called and begged him for the sake of God and of Your Majesty to procure me an audience from His Holiness that I might shew him the reason why he ought to put an end to this business. His answer was that he (Mai) knows very well the embarrasing situation in which the Pope finds himself, and will speak to him at the right moment. And although in this matter of the Papal briefs I myself have been the principal instigator and brought it to the point at which it now is, yet the ambassador maintains that I usurp his right, and that I ought not to talk of such matters to His Holiness. I have mentioned this to cardinal Siguença, who although he grants that the ambassador is in fault with regard to me yet says that it is better to let the matter stand until Your Majesty be fully informed thereof.
[Reports a long conversation he had with the Pope on the subject of the divorce, and then adds:]
After the above reasoning His Holiness could not do less than shew me the minute of the brief, which he said he was prepared to send when required. I failed not to inform the ambassador of this, but as I have said above, he does not approve of my mixing myself up with such affairs and speaking to the Pope about them, pretending that I encroach upon his authority and exceed the limits of my commission, so much so that I am almost determined to let him manage things by himself as he thinks best until by the grace of God he and I receive new instructions on this point.
I am much rejoiced at the arrival in Rome of the High Commander of Alcantara, Don Pedro de la Cueva, who is well aware how innocent I am of being concerned in the charge brought against me. He has promised to write to the duke of Alburquerque that he may form a better idea of my person and services than he seems to have in consequence of the reports circulated about me. Far from my having promoted that business I had even dissuaded Dr. Anguiano from having anything to do with it. With the Admiral's affair and the brief sent to him by the Pope I had nothing to do, as Your Majesty well knows, &c.—Rome, 10th November 1532.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Catholic Majesty and Imperial, the Empress and Queen, our Lady."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
10 Nov.1026. Eustace Chapuys to the High Commander.
S.E. L. 806, f. 31.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 171.
Is glad to hear of the Emperor's speedy departure for Italy, and that he has decided to go to Spain before the end of the year. May God give you and my Lady, Dona Maria, (fn. 9) a happy and a pleasant journey He (Chapuys) will not fail to write whenever he has to address the Emperor.
The Queen wished very much to send a special messenger with a letter she has written to the Emperor, imploring him that since he is to stay some time in Italy, and see His Holiness before he sets out for Spain, he will thoroughly convince him of the necessity of putting an end to the matrimonial cause; yet I have dissuaded her from doing this. In this confidence she writes the enclosed for you, though short, referring to me and to her letter to the Emperor.—London, 10th November 1532.
Signed: "Eustacio (fn. 10) Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious Lord, the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1.
11 Nov.1027. Queen Katharine to the Emperor.
S. E. Ing. L. 806,
f. 34.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 173.
After writing the letter which Your Majesty will receive, a friend of mine, and a very true one, sent me word that the King, my Lord, and he of France had agreed at this last interview to send two cardinals to Rome to treat with His Holiness. Sure as I am that Your Highness knows already through your ambassador here what may be the purpose of the said embassy, I will say no more on the subject, but will only refer to my former letters and to Chapuys' des patches.
I again repeat my entreaties and beg that what I have so often alluded to in my letters should be put into execution and since you must know by experience that the thunders of this land bear no lightning except to strike me, let Your Majesty for God's sake be pleased to encourage His Holiness, for already people here feel the want, and let none of the demands, which they, the two cardinals, will no doubt make be attended to lest they should impede the good justice that I, this kingdom, and Your Majesty expect at His Holiness' hands. (fn. 11)
That these letters may be safe and arrive in time I send them by private messenger.—Arford Castel (Hertford Castle), 11th November 1532.
Signed: "Catherina."
12 Nov.1028. Captain Thouard to Mr. d'Yve.
Arch. d. Royme d.
Belg., Doc. Hist,
vol. v., f. 59.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 174.
Has not yet had an opportunity to report what passed at the interview of the two kings, but last night captain Matute arrived and brought the following information:
He says that the king of England has come to France for the purpose of marrying his Lady (sa dame) there, but that as the Emperor's luck would have it, the marriage, for some reason or other has been postponed.
The rest of the secret understanding, as far as he (Captain Matute) can learn, is reduced to this: they have agreed to demand conjointly from the Emperor a certain part and portion of the queen of France's dower, namely, Artois, Tournay, and part of Burgundy. They have sent to Rome two cardinals to ask for the tithe (dismes) which both kings have already begun to levy on their respective kingdoms, and should the Pope refuse it the king of England will at once proceed to levy it on the lands of the Clergy. This information captain Matute has from the King's solicitor and agent at Rome, an Italian of the name of Messire Jeronimo del Casar, (fn. 12) whom the Lady has, as it appears, injured and ill-treated, telling him in public that he was the only cause of the divorce not having been carried out at Rome, but that notwithstanding she would be married to the King towards the middle of September. The said solicitor is said to have answered the Lady that if the Pope has hitherto delayed pronouncing sentence it is merely out of dread of the Emperor. Hearing this the two kings resolved to send the cardinals to Rome to hasten the conclusion of this business, and it is believed that this affair of the tithe has been purposely brought forward by the king of England as a sort of threat should the Pope refuse to comply with his wishes in that respect. It is, however, thought that the Emperor will cause sentence to be issued before the arrival of the cardinals at Rome. To prevent this the said Messire Jeronimo has been sent post haste [to Rome] that the Pope may be informed of the said message and threat, and not decide anything until the arrival of the cardinals.
Hears that the king of France, since he parted from his colleague of England, has sent one of the gentlemen of his chamber to ask for the letters and discharges of the present and gift which the said king of England intends making to his children, and that when the said letters and discharges are sent then the bastard son of this king (Henry Fitzroy) and the son of the duke of Norfolk, with a suite of 60 mounted gentlemen will be dispatched to France [as ambassadors] and remain there for greater security of the matters treated between them. (fn. 13)
It is moreover, reported that the Emperor's prosperity is a source of annoyance to them both, and that they intend doing him all the harm they can everywhere, and especially in Italy, before he quits it.
It would seem, therefore, as if under present circumstances it would be advisable to keep strict watch as in past times. Should my brother hear anything you will be apprized immediately.—12th November 1532.
French. pp. 2.
21 Nov.1029. Miçer Mai to the High Commander.
S. E. Rom. L. 857,
f. 185.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 175.
On the 18th we departed from Rome. His Holiness has not changed his itinerary. He told me yesterday that in order to render provisions and hay cheaper at Bologna it would be desirable that the men-at-arms and light cavalry should not come in such numbers as they did the last time, for the horses he said would eat up all the hay on the road, and there would be a scarcity at Bologna.
I have not lost the opportunity of soliciting the Datary for the half fruits of Sicily, &c.
The English have appealed, as I wrote to Your Lordship, and His Holiness now refuses to admit the appeal. I considered myself sure on that point, when to my great astonishment I heard that the very day of the Pope's departure, when he had scarcely gone beyond the gates of Rome, they appealed again against the Pope's refusal (de la denegacion de la apellacion) and the result of it all is that they are again to appeal to His Holiness when Your Majesty is fairly out of Italy. These are things to drive a man out of his senses. (fn. 14) I never heard of such insolent and calumnious language as these English agents hold, nor of such toleration as the Pope has shewn throughout this affair. He says that ambassador Benet has excused himself, pretending that it is not his work but the excusator's. Replied that this was no doubt a stratagem of the English in order to gain time and wait the course of events. His Holiness assured me it was not.
Meanwhile, trusting in His Holiness' kindness, I am trying to make him return a fit answer to this preposterous appeal of the English ambassadors. Cannot say whether it will be necessary to cite the opposite party, or whether we ought to apply for dismissory letters (refutatorios) as the Datary says, though I would be contented if the Pope answered without so much ceremony. (fn. 15)
With regard to the brief of separation (breve separatorio) I have mentioned the thing twice to Blosius; (fn. 16) he said that Cuevas had certainly spoken to him in Rome of another such brief having been applied for; if so we are sure to get it at Bologna, but why it should not be expedited until our arrival at Bologna is more than I can tell.—Terni, 21st November 1532.
P.S.—The cardinals who come in His Holiness' suite are Matera, (fn. 17) Santa Croce, Sancti Quatuor, Cesi, Ridolpho (Ridolfi) and Mantua. These are now journeying by this route; by the other road, that of Tuscany, go Siguença, (fn. 18) Burgos, Gaddi, and Cesarino, although this latter, they say, intends joining us soon.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and very magnificent the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
26 Nov.1030. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
of-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 45.
Since my last of the 10th this king has returned here after spending a few days at Dover and the neighbouring sea coast (aux lisieres de mer). for the purpose of having harbours constructed in the said town, or at least of creating a specious plea for asking money from his subjects for the said works, and covering the expenses of his journey. (fn. 19) He arrived the day before yesterday at Heltham (Eltham, in Kent), .seven miles from this city. Immediately after I dispatched one of my secretaries to ask for an audience, which was graciously granted for the next morning at 10 o'clock, with this singular courtesy, that after ordering the duke of Norfolk to inform me of the appointment, the King himself went to my secretary (fn. 20) and addressed him before the French ambassador and the courtiers there present, and said he would be glad to receive me on the appointed day and hour. Accordingly yesterday, the 25th, I went thither accompanied by the ambassador of Venice, who was also going for a permission to export wool in certain large galleys (galleaces) that are to come next year. Arrived at my lodgings [in Eltham] I found therein the dean of the chapel (Sampson) ready to conduct me to the King's presence. The first person I met was the earl of Wiltshire, who took me at once into the dining-hall, where I found the duke of Norfolk, who, though suffering from his usual complaint, had come to receive me. Having inquired from him what could be the cause of the delay of the cardinals and of Gregory [Casale] who, according to all accounts were stopping on the other side of Paris, I observed (with a view to draw him out) that presuming the object of the cardinals' joint mission to Rome to have been the tranquillity and repose of Christendom, I was exceedingly disappointed and annoyed at their long stay in France. My impression was (I added) that since the two Kings were now sending an embassy [to Rome] to acquaint the Pope with what had been resolved at the last meeting [of Calais], they could not do less than send persons equally commissioned to notify the same facts to Your Imperial Majesty, as honesty, friendship, and the common welfare of Christendom demanded. This (I said) I had no difficulty in believing, considering the great affection and love which the King, his master, bore Your Majesty, and considering also the many kind words which the king of France himself was known to have said in public at Calais respecting Your Majesty's reputation and great courage in this affair of the Turk and others.
Hearing this the Duke remained some time silent as if he knew not what to answer. He then began to speak about his illness, which, he said, had totally prevented him at Calais from attending to State business, and added that although many had wrongly suspected the meeting of the two kings to have been for the purpose of invading and wasting Flanders, there had been no talk whatever about such a thing, as he had assured me on previous occasions. "Would to God (he exclaimed) that other princes were as grateful for past favours as his own master was!" Upon which I replied that if he (the Duke) alluded to Your Majesty I begged leave to state that there was no ground at all for complaint, for certainly no prince in the World would do more than you to please the King, his master, provided the request was honourable and reasonable, as I myself had explained to the King and to him whenever there had been an opportunity. I would, moreover, ask him to place his hand on his heart, and then tell me in conscience how could Your Majesty honourably acquiesce in such things as those demanded of him respecting this matter of the divorce.
Hearing this the Duke, after sighing in his wonted fashion, suddenly changed the conversation, and began to inquire news of the Turk, and to remark that according to information received in England Your Majesty's army must be sadly in want of provisions. I answered him with a full account of your military successes, and also with the assurance that, God willing, the Infidel would soon be obliged to retreat into his own dominions. Upon which he replied : "All that is very well, but, in my opinion, it would have been far more desirable that the Emperor had provided the means of preventing the inroads of the Turk, who after all has caused some damage, and placed the rest of Christendom in danger and trouble. Had the Emperor at once made concessions respecting the kingdom of Hungary, which he and his brother [Ferdinand] wished to take away from the Vayvod [Zapolsky], the Turk would never have come, and there would have been no necessity for repulsing him." .Christian princes (he added) were not well advised in taking part for one or the other of the contending parties."
I replied to him how very unwise it would be that such a kingdom as that of Hungary should be entirely in the power and at the mercy of the Turk, for such would be the case were it in the hands of the Vayvod. This remark the Duke knew not how to answer, nor was there an opportunity, for as we were discussing the matter, dinner was announced, and I was asked to sit down at table, the Duke retiring to his own apartment much troubled with his liver complaint. (fn. 21)
The Duke's last remark, that Christian princes ought not to mix themselves up with the Hungarian question, makes me suspect that the two cardinals now going to Rome have charge to induce the Pope to favour the Vayvod, on the plea that it would be highly beneficial to Christendom if the Turk were thereby to desist from his attacks. In my opinion the said cardinals are probably instructed to tell His Holiness that he is in duty bound to do something for the said Vayvod, since he notoriously helped his election as well as his subsequent coronation by the Diet, as Mr. de la Pommeraye once said to me, whilst attempting to excuse the King, his master, for the assistance he had given in that quarter.
After dinner I was conducted to the King's presence. He was dressed in short robes ready to start for the chase in the Park, and I must say that he received me more graciously and courteously than he had ever done. After presenting him Your Majesty's letter, which he did not peruse at the time, knowing it to be of credence, and being already aware of its contents, I related to him in full detail and without reserve Your Majesty's great successes against the Turk, for it seemed to me at the time as if he really were glad to hear of them. I told him of Your Majesty's resolution to return as soon as possible to Spain if nothing else occurred to prevent your departure. This I said purposely with a certain emphasis, that I might inspire him with confidence, and as a sort of return for the kind reception he had given me. The King's answer was that he rejoiced at Your Majesty's successes, and was very grateful at your letting him know of them through me. He had always thought that the Turk's undertaking on this present occasion was a most foolish one (folle entreprinse) inasmuch as conducting it as Solyman had done it was to be believed that although he might at first have defeated his opponents he would in the end be obliged by the bad weather to retreat without achieving anything of importance, and consequently go away to his own great shame and disappointment, as had been the case. By these words and others to the same purpose the King no doubt meant to intimate that the Infidel had only retreated this time to come again in full force and with a better plan of campaign; but on my remonstrating against that, and assuring him that the enemy after the defeat of his vanguard—which he gave orders should not be made public—had actually retreated in haste, the King owned that the honour of the victory really belonged to the Imperialists, and was entirely owing to their courage, not to the weather, as was said at first.
Respecting Your Majesty's return to Spain, the King observed that he considered it both reasonable and opportune, but he believed it could not take place so soon, first, on account of the season, which was so far advanced, and secondly, because Andrea Doria could not arrive at Genoa as soon as was anticipated. Nobody (he said) knew the where-abouts of that captain, nor what had become of him. The report of his having stormed Modon had turned out untrue. True he (Doria) had taken possession of Coron, but there was no question at all of keeping it.
The King further said that advices from Venice had come that Your Majesty had asked the Signory to chastise certain Imperial soldiers (souldars). who had mutinied and taken shelter in that city, and that the Signory had refused to comply with your wishes in that respect. The King seemed at first to surmise that it was shameful for Your Majesty to provide for the embarcation, and pay for the passage of such mutineers, who, on the contrary, deserved punishment on the spot; but having read to him by way of explanation a para-graph of Your Majesty's letter to me in date of the 22nd he ended by praising your conduct in that affair.
He also told me that there had been a talk of the Pope going to Bologna to meet Your Majesty, but he firmly believed the interview could not take place, as His Holiness was so ill that he could not ride thither. Saying which the King seemed to me rather more pleased at the prospect of Your Majesty's return to Spain than at that of the reported interview at Bologna.
After this I waited some time to see whether he would touch on his late journey, and say something about the object and purpose of his interview with king Francis at Calais; but perceiving that he was unwilling to do so, I myself ventured to broach the subject, and remarked that God had been pleased to favour the meeting by sending such fine weather for it, and that this was no wonder to me since the object of the interview as publicly stated, was exclusively for His service and the good of Christendom. I thought, moreover, that Your Majesty, who desired nothing so much as the union and prosperity of all Christian princes, could not fail to be highly pleased with these tokens of friendship between two such kings, any discord or difference being enough to throw into confusion and trouble the rest of Christendom, as experience had shewn in former times, even at the time when Philip [the Fourth] of France and Richard [the First] of England lost the Holy Land through their dissensions, ., thought Your Majesty would be glad of my saying as much on this occasion were it for no other purpose than do away with this kings idea, as the French ambassador told me once, that Your Majesty could not be at all pleased with the interview (fn. 22) The King's answer was that in reality no finer weather could have been wished for; the exclusive object of the meeting had been the welfare of Christendom. With regard to the friendship between the Most Christian King and himself, it was intimate and sincere, with every prospect of continuing so and even increasing without detriment to other princes, for certainly they did not intend attacking anyone, or infringing old treaties and stipulations. Both kings thought that Your Majesty on your side would not contravene or oppose such friendship and close alliance. The Most Christian King (he continued) was a most excellent prince and well inclined. He did not say more on this occasion on the virtues and qualities of his brother of France, but he wound up by again saying that he was very joyful at the news of Your Majesty's good health and prosperity, inasmuch as for a long time he had received none from his ambassadors, and that within a very few days he would answer Your Majesty's letter fully.
Monsieur de Montpesat, the new ambassador of France, always follows the Court, and has been with the King until shortly before my arrival there, when he left to return here. The Queen has been told that the more solicitous La Pommeraye shewed himself for the divorce the more averse is this one, his successor, to it, so much so that these people beginning already to be aware of the fact, have not consequently granted him the privilege of dwelling at one of the King's'houses which his predecessor in office had. If so I will not fail to visit him, and shew him such confidence as may best suit Your Majesty's service.—London, 26th November 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "Received at Bologna the 22nd of December."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 3.
29 Nov.1031. Miçer Miguel Mai to the Same,
S. E. L. 857,
f. 182.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 177.
Yesterday evening the courier who left the Imperial Court on the 24th arrived. He has certainly been too long on the road, but is to be excused, because thinking that the Pope had taken the other route [to Bologna], he followed it, and when he discovered his mistake had to make quite a circuit to come here. Much noise and excitement was caused by his arrival, for people imagined at first that he brought orders for the Pope to return immediately to Rome.
He (Mai) called immediately on the Pope and re-assured him saying that the courier had been sent merely for the sake of procuring news of his health, and knowing how he was getting through his journey. The Pope was glad to hear of this; told him (Mai) that next Monday he expected to be out of these mountains and reach Sesena (Cesenna), where he intends passing the night, at Forli on Tuesday, and Wednesday at Faenza. If so he will pass Imola on Thursday, go perhaps as far as Castello Sant Pedro (Castel San Pietro), and on the ensuing Friday be at the gates of Bologna, where he will make his entry next day.
His Holiness was delighted at the news contained in the letter of Jean Hannart, (fn. 23) and said with a pleased and smiling countenance: "I really do think that for the Emperor's reputation it would be better not to punish Rincon for his misdeeds, for, after all, State affairs do not affect private individuals." (fn. 24)
Respecting what the said Hannart reports of an embassy which the Most Christian king of France wishes to send to the king of Scotland (James), promising to give him his own daughter in marriage, provided he engages to make peace and alliance with them (the French and English), he (Mai) told His Holiness that these doings of the French were a sign of fear rather than intended as a threat. He agreed and remarked that it would be a great boon for Christendom at large if the French could be reasonable for once. (fn. 25)
News has reached us here of the death of the duke of Cleves, and that he of Lorheno (Lorraine) (fn. 26) claims his estate. Is of opinion that it ought to, and will in the end be incorporated with Flanders. Told His Holiness so, and added that most probably it would be a matter of serious thought for the French. He agreed with this, and remarked that it was a glorious thing for the Emperor to have been able so to increase his patrimonial dominions of Flanders. In saying this he (Mai) rather suspects that the Pope intended to remind him of the Traietto affair!
The news His Holiness has from England agrees perfectly with the Viscount's (fn. 27) account. The King wished to celebrate his marriage in the presence of the French king, but has since desisted from his purpose, owing to the recent intelligence of Your Majesty's victory over the Turk. It is moreover added that the cardinals who are coming to Rome bring the means of settling this English business, which, in his (Mai's) opinion, is equivalent to their gaining more time for their future plans, for that is what they aim at. Told the Pope so, and begged him to apply the remedy at once, since it was in his power to do so.
(Cipher:) The advices from England are that the people of that country are very much afraid of some riot or rebellion being stirred up in favour of the Queen. (Common writing:) He (Mai) must confess that he was greatly delighted to hear of this, for then it will be seen that far from the sentence producing scandal, as they (the Pope and his cardinals) said, it is the King's obstinacy and disobedience that is likely to produce rebellion and civil strife in that country. Seized the opportunity of again begging His Holiness to answer in a proper manner the last note (scedula) presented by the English; but although His Holiness made no difficulty and promised it at once it is to be feared that we shall not get it until we reach Bologna, for he has already, on three or four occasions during this journey, applied for it, and evidently the Pope does not feel disposed (no está para ello) to grant it now.
Said in his last despatch that the brief of separation (el breve separatorio) would not be made out until His Holiness reaches Bologna owing to these cardinals wishing, as they say, to recite therein all the letters of monition and briefs issued in this matter up to the present day. Has since entreated His Holiness, if he does not feel disposed to send it straight to the King, to leave this one which is ready (concertado). and that if he dislike that, to give it us afterwards with the said enumeration. He has promised to do so. This has been done to gain time, and because His Holiness says he wishes, before the Queen proceeds to the publication of the brief, to send her another one by his Nuncio, which will not prevent there being another in store here. Should the King object to the presentation of the brief itself, or anywise refuse to comply with its injunctions, then in that case, with God's blessing, the one in the hands of the Emperor's ambassadors will be presented. For this reason, and that time may be gained, he (Mai) is trying to have the other brief made out and sent.
At this moment the Pope sends him word that the governor of Bologna writes that all his efforts to supply that city with provisions, and principally with barley and hay for the horses, have hitherto been unavailing. His Holiness, therefore, says: "I am about to propose three things: 1st, that the Emperor come with as small a retinue as possible; 2nd, that his horses be littered inside the gates, because if outside they are known to consume and waste more hay; and 3rdly, that the dukes of Ferrara and Milan may be requested to allow barley, hay, &c. to be exported from their respective estates."
Now as His Holiness said the other day—and he (Mai) recollects having written so to His Majesty—that it was far preferable to have the horses picketted outside than inside of Bologna, the Imperialists and he (Mai) among them were naturally led to inquire what could be the cause of such change. Has been told that as far as they, the Pope's purveyors, are concerned there is no change at all; for, say they, were the cavalry to be quartered in the Ferrarese or the Modenese the thing would be indifferent to them, but as they are to be in the Bolognese they fancy they will be better provided for inside the town.
Bulls of the half fruits (medios frutos) and the bishop of Çamora.—Quarta, &c.—Burgo (Borgo di San Donnino), 28th November 1532.

Footnotes

1 "Porfalta de sosyego de coraçon no tengo poder para de my mano os escrivir todo lo que querria syno coroo persona que sy el remedio de Su Magestad agora me falta, quando estuviere con el papa, para dar fin á mi negocio, yo estoy desasyuçuda (desaucyada ?) para que solo dios aga de my con su miserycordya lo que quysiere." This postcriptum is in the Queen's own hand.
2 Guns or Koeszeg in Hungary, Guintz in Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V. lib xx., § 7. The governor's name was Niccoliza. Ad Guntium oppidulum retardati Turcæ in Raynaldo, Annales, vol. xiii., p. 254.
3 "Y el Cristianisimo le preseotó seys cavallos grandes guarnecidos ricamente de sus colores y tres pares de vestidos, ropas y sayos muy ricos."
4 "Bernardino de Albornoz que por mandado del Empr vino comigo aqui á servir de la peñola."
5 See above, No. 1003.
6 "Que vostre maieste soubstint les fraiz de laruiee que mainne (sic) le prince de Melphe [ains vouloient equiparer ou preferer leffect et honneur de ceste entreprinse du dit prince] a celuy de vostrc maieste." Andrea Doria had by this time been created prince of Melfi.
7 "Au regard de tenir main de fere surseoir les ambassadeurs de nentendre a practiquer ne demenner ligue en le susdite assemblee."
8 "Il ny aura lieu de remettre les dits propoz en avant, des quels suys seur nest a ceste heure a repentir, car oeres quil me protestat quil ne les croyoit point, si ne layssay ie luy dire de parolles tresaygrez pour estre present lautre, les queìles il beut (?) tout doulcement."
9 Covos was married to Doña Maria [Sarmiento] de Mendoza.
10 Thus: the letter being written in Spanish Chapuys thought no doubt that he was bound to sign himself Eustacio instead of Eustace.
11 "Y pues sabe los truenos de esta tierra no echan rayos syno para eryr á my, por amor de dios tenga por bien de dar el esfuerzo ques razon a Su Sanctidad, que ya todo el mundo conosce auer necessidad dello y [de no] azer alguna cosa, [de lo] que ay representaran, no [sea que] empydan el byen que de Su Sanctidad y V[uestr]a Magd. este Reyno y yo esperamos."
12 Prothonotary Casale.
13 "J'entens que le roy de France a envoye devers le roy d'Angleterre ung sien gentilhomme depuis leur partement, pour avoir les lettres et quictances du present et mercede (sic) que le dit roy d'Angleterre fait a ses enffans; et si les dictes lettres et quìctances se envoyent, on envoyera quant et quant le fils bastard du roy avec le fils de due de Norphocq avec Ix. chevaux, qui demoureront en France pour plus grant surete des choses par eulx traictees."
14 "Son cosas estas que harian perder el sgrima a quien supiesse mas que yo."
15 "Confiando de la bondad deste [señor] ando para procurar que responda, y no sé si es menester criar (sic citar ?) la otra parte [o] si a instancia mia se havian de dar los apostolos [refutatorios] como dice el Dattario, bien que yo me contentaria en que me la diesse sin tanto solemnidad."
16 One of the Pope's secretaries.
17 Francesco Palmeri, bishop of Matera.
18 By cardinal Siguença Fr. Garcia de Loaysa is meant; he was formerly bishop of Osma, and was promoted to the see of Siguenza in 1531. Burgos is for Fr. Iúigo de Mendoza, and Gaddi for Nicolas bishop of Fermo.
19 "Pour adviser la forme de fere havrez en icelle coste, ou ou moins den fere le semblant, pour sur icelle couleur demander aydez a ses subjectz, et se ram-bourser de la coustange et frais dc son voyage."
20 Gabriel de Grammont and Mr. de Tournon.
21 "Ausy ny avoit yl lieu car jestoye sollicite daller a la table, et luy encoirez plus presse de son mal de foy [de se] retirer."
22 "Et ce du playsir de vostre majeste me sembla convenir de dire puis que le cas estoit fait pour hoster le roy de lopinion que l'ambassadeur de France me dit une fois assauoir que votre maieste ne deuoit estre content de la dite assemblee."
23 See above, Nos. 998 and 1025.
24 "Que no le parescia que se debia seguir el castigo de Rincon por la reputation de V[uest]ra. Magd. y que las cosas de estado no legan (sic) á los individuos particulares."
25 "Y que seria grand bien que pussiessen el seso en su lugar."
26 Antoine, the duke from 1508 to 1544.
27 Jean Hannart or Hannaërt was viscount of Lombeke.