Spain
October 1533, 1-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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816-830

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'Spain: October 1533, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 816-830. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87791 Date accessed: 20 October 2014.


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October 1533, 1-20

5 Oct.1132. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 228, No. 56.
Your Majesty's letters of the 2nd and 11th ulto, containing among other news the most happy intelligence of the Empress' convalescence, (fn. 1) and that of the glorious relief of Courron (Coron) by your most triumphant arms, were duly received yesterday morning. At which joyful tidings all subjects and servants of the Empire ought to be extremely glad, and devoutly thank God for His infinite mercy, praying at the same time for the continuation of His favours, the preservation and exaltation of Your Imperial estate. Which two letters, together with other papers that came by the said post among the rest and two documents—as long as they were inconsiderate and unfounded—professing to be an answer to Your Majesty's very modest and very prudent allegation, I (Chapuys) forwarded immediately to the Queen, begging her at the same time to express her opinion as requested in Your Majesty's letter to her, as to the best means of having the Papal sentence carried into execution. (fn. 2) As soon as her answer reaches me I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
With regard to the recall of the English ambassadors at Rome, this king has exactly followed the example given by His Holiness, who some time ago recalled his Nuncio without officially informing this court of his departure. Instead of the ambassadors being recalled, the King has deputed one Dr. Bonart, (fn. 3) a native of Lucca, and once the Pope's collector in this kingdom, who is to accompany him as his secretary. The duke of Norfolk will be replaced by the bishop of Winchester (Gardyner), which appointment, in my opinion, is an evident sign, as many people here seem to think, that whatever face the King may put on he has either some hope of ultimately carrying his end, and gaining the Pope to his side, or else that he is in terrible fear of excommunication.
Respecting Merveille's case, the French ambassador who came to visit me the day before yesterday said to me that this king, when informed of it, said that if the execution had indeed taken place under the circumstances, and in the manner specified to him, there was really and truly cause for complaint, but that it was necessary to wait for further evidence (la playniere justification); which remark of the King makes me suspect that since he has not asked for more particulars, or made any offers of help in the quarrel, he has not taken the thing so much to heart as the French ambassador seemed to insinuate when he first mentioned the fact to me. The same ambassador told me that he knew for certain that when Your Majesty first heard of the case you answered in the most moderate terms that the duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza) was not to be blamed in the least. Merveille had been executed because besides being guilty and convicted of murder it was proved that he had been a spy of the French, not an ambassador, and had attempted to take the Duke's life by poison. The Frenchman, morever, added that the case was no longer thought so grave as at the beginning. (fn. 4)
I confess that more than two years since, in conversation with this king, I answered in rather sharp terms the accusation of ingratitude with which he then visited Your Majesty, as I wrote at the time. Since then neither the King, nor any of his Privy Councillors has dared openly to contradict my arguments. It is true that in an indirect manner they have occasionally hinted at what they call Your Majesty's ingratitude and ill-behaviour towards them, and I should certainly have replied, using the very same weapons, had I not thought it better to dissemble. I intend, if attacked, in future to be very sober in my defence, never exceeding the limits of courtly civility, as Your Majesty has been pleased to command me. My last despatches bear testimony that whenever an opportunity has occurred I have not failed to resume the topic of conversation I once had with Cromwell on the subject of the Queen, as well as the preservation of the friendship between Your Majesty and this king—both paramount objects, which it is my duty to forward by all possible means with the said Cromwell and the rest—but I have purposely avoided making use of angry words and recriminations that might embitter the present quarrel, and will particularly do so in future.
Yesterday I announced to Cromwell the news received from Courron (Coron), and he himself went immediately to apprize the King thereof, bringing me a Royal message to the effect that the King highly rejoiced at the news, which promised fair to promote the service of God, and the general weal of Christendom. The King (he said) thanked me immensely for the care I had taken in conveying such intelligence, and would most likely send for me to-day, in order to thank me personally, &c. However, for reasons which I will explain hereafter, the King's invitation did not come. For no sooner did he learn that the new king of Denmark (fn. 5) was trying to make an alliance with Tour Majesty than he bethought him of dispatching thither the same doctor who went last year with instructions, as I presume, of impeding, if possible, the said alliance. The King, moreover, has ordered the prior of the Austinfriars in this city to keep himself in readiness to accompany the doctor to Denmark or wherever he may go, which, if my information be correct, can only be designed for some extraordinary purpose. I shall try my best to ascertain what the King's object may be, that I may inform Your Majesty.
As I suspected, and stated in my preceding despatch, the truce between England and Scotland has been concluded for one year, and according to the French ambassador, who is my authority, on conditions highly favourable to the Scotch, and on the very terms they demanded some time ago: namely, that a certain fortress on the borders, from which they might receive harm, should not be kept in a state of defence; and, moreover, that the Scotch malcontents (hayneux) should withdraw altogether from the frontiers. The truce, it appears, has been made without any of the contracting parties consulting the seigneur of Beaubois, about it, though he is known to have come and resided here long for no other purpose. Indeed, if I am to believe what that ambassador himself told me the day before yesterday when he came to take leave of me, he is so bewildered at it that he knows not what to think, now that the two kings [of England and Scotland] begin to give signs of mistrusting his master, the king of France, and shewing independence in their mutual affairs. (fn. 6)
If the intelligence mentioned at the beginning of this my despatch was agreeable and joyful I cannot say as much of the very sad and lamentable occurrence at this embassy on the ensuing night, about 12 o'clock; for without knowing how to account for it in the least fire broke out in one of the towers of my house containing my plate, wearing apparel, best house furniture, and, in short, almost every valuable I possessed in this world. (fn. 7) So sudden was the fire, and so violent, that almost as soon as my servants perceived it the whole of the tower with its contents was utterly consumed without my people being able to save one single article, a terrible and almost irreparable blow to me, who must be completely ruined in consequence! Indeed, were it not for my confidence and trust in Your Majesty's extreme goodness I doubt much whether my own person would not have suffered through the shock I have received, and, therefore, I humbly beg you to have pity on me, and in someway or other relieve my poverty, that I may henceforwards devote myself exclusively to the Imperial service, which has always been and will be hereafter my constant aim. I must confess, however, that in the midst of my tribulations I have found no small comfort from the alacrity with which both Spaniards and Germans residing in this city have placed at my disposal more money and silver plate than could be held in one large room. Even Cromwell has sent to offer his help as regards my own private affairs, which offers I have of course politely declined, reserving the acceptance of his favours for those things in which Your Majesty is personally concerned.—London, 5th October 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys.''
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
10 Oct.1133. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaataArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 228, No. 57.
Since my last despatch (fn. 8) this king has sent word to the Princess by some of his Privy Councillors that she is to abstain in future from bearing that title, as it now belongs to his newly-born daughter, not to her; and he has also caused her household and yearly allowance to be considerably reduced. Upon which the Princess of her own accord, without consulting anyone on her own case (indeed had she asked for permission to communicate with any of her advisers she would never have obtained it) made a suitable answer to the Royal commissioners who called on her, and wrote a letter to the King, her father, saying that she would as long as she lived obey his commands, but that she really could not renounce the titles, rights, and privileges which God, Nature, and her own parents had given her. Being the daughter of a king and of a queen, putting aside other circumstances, she was rightly called Princess. The King, her father, might do his pleasure and give her any title he liked, but it should not be said of her that she had expressly or tacitly prejudiced her legitimacy, or the rights of the Queen, her mother, whose example she was determined to follow, by placing herself entirely in the hands of God, and bearing with patience all her misfortunes.
With regard to the Queen's allowance no change has yet taken place, inasmuch as her marriage settlements were drawn up, confirmed, and authorized by the Estates of the kingdom, and cannot be easily revoked without their concurrence, or by new ordinances and statutes; still less the dowry which she is entitled to in case of widowhood. Such may be the reason, as the Queen herself imagines, and yet Parliament will be assembled on the 4th of November next, and the Queen firmly believes, as there is every appearance of it. that the King will then and there cause a motion to be made to that effect. To obviate which she has now requested me to write to Your Majesty to send here some personage with particular instructions to represent to this king and Parliament that which may be thought proper and expedient for her affairs, or else to have the said commission addressed to me, though she thinks, and I am entirely of her opinion, that for the reasons explained in my despatch of the 27th ulto it would be far preferable to depute an ambassador expressly for that purpose. It is for Your Majesty with your consumate wisdom and greater knowledge of affairs to decide in this case.
The Queen has, moreover, charged me to beg and entreat that Your Majesty make every effort to persuade His Holiness to have the sentence carried into execution immediately, through the most rigorous and binding terms of justice, without, however, forgetting to solicit the settlement of the main case; for she really thinks that if Your Majesty and the Pope continue holding the bridle firmly, and not shewing weakness or indifference in this business, these people will come to the point and listen to reason. (fn. 9) Indeed, whatever confidence and courage these people may shew, there can be no doubt, as the Queen herself believes and asserts, that they are full of fear and awe, which will greatly increase when they see that the Pope, in whom they still have some hope, keeps firm.
The Queen, for the sake of the King, her husband, whom she still loves and respects, dares not point out other remedies in her present case, except those of right and strict justice; but that good and holy bishop of Worcester (Fisher) advises prompt action on the part of Your Majesty, such as I recommended in one of my last despatches (fn. 10) Indeed, not many days ago he sent me word to say that strong measures must now be taken. In this opinion of the good and pious Bishop the majority of the English nation, as I am told, concur; no one doubts but that Tour Majesty will take the affair in hand; otherwise they fear the mere suspension of the intercourse of trade will be the cause of revolt and much trouble and confusion in this country. To obviate this the smallest sea force will suffice; innumerable people from all ranks of society, who wish for the prosperity and welfare of their country keep telling me so, and deafening my ears with their appeals. (fn. 11)
As to my communicating with the Queen's councillors, and asking their opinion on her affairs, there has been yet no opportunity, as I have informed Your Majesty in my preceding despatches, for not one of them dares give counsel or mix himself up with the affair. What my advice is in the present emergency I need not specify, having already stated it on more than one occasion. I will not trouble Your Majesty further, but leave it to your superior wisdom and prudence in wordly affairs to decide on the best course to be followed.
I cannot guess why the King is making such haste in the reform of the Princess' household unless it be to please his mistress, whose importunate and malignant cravings are well known, or else to have occasion and excuse to ask from Parliament the help and grant in money which they are in the habit of voting on the birth of a prince or princess of England. At least such is the general belief, for Parliament has again chosen a number of its members on whom the King is to confer knighthoods, for which honour a sum of money will be got out of them, those who refuse paying also a certain sum to be exempted from the above honourable distinction. (fn. 12) I also fancy, that in order to compel the Queen to accede to his wishes, the King is treating the Princess, his daughter, in this way; but he is very much mistaken if he thinks that he can thus convert her to his views. Perhaps, too, he imagines that by re-establishing the Princess in her rights, and causing her to be declared his heir for want of lineal male descent, he may get Your Majesty to consent to this new marriage. (fn. 13) After all his bad star may be the cause of his being precipitated into a line of conduct which cannot fail to bring on him the animadversion and blame of all the world; and it is to feared unless a prompt and efficacious remedy be applied he will be urged on to treat the Princess with still greater indignity, and compel her by sheer force to renounce all her rights, shut her up in a nunnery, or marry her against her inclination and will. I have accordingly warned the Queen of my misgivings, and told the Princess to write down and sign a protest, which she is to keep ready at hand.
Suspecting perhaps the fidelity of the lieutenant-governor of Ireland (fn. 14) the King has lately sent for him, but having been already twice a prisoner in the Tower, it is not likely that he will obey the summons and come back so as to be shut up a third time. The Governor has sent his wife to make his excuses, and say that he is in bad health and cannot come; but the King insists upon his presenting himself at Court. It is impossible to say what may be the upshot of it. Other grandees of that country (Ireland) have also been sent for, for the King seems to have some flea in his ear (quelque pusse en loreille). either from jealousy and suspicion at this late interview of His Holiness and the king of France, or for some other reason, and is continually holding councils with his favourites. Two days ago he dispatched a courier to France, and they tell me that after to-morrow he is to send another and it is believed that both will take plenty of money with them to corrupt the Pope and the cardinals, and all that is corruptible in this world. The King has, moreover, sent preachers through his dominions to inveigh as much as possible against the Pope. One among the rest has spread as many or more errors than Luther himself. So much so that all the prelates of this kingdom, except the archbishop of Canterbury, are at the King to make him punish this man; the last-named prelate, however, supports him, and the King therefore will not listen to the prayers of his clergy. Indeed, were it not for the fear the King himself has that his subjects, prone as they are to rebellion, will one of these days imitate the example of the German peasantry, and rise against their natural lords, he would already have declared himself openly a Lutheran (fn. 15)
Respecting the funds required for the cost of legal proceedings in the Queen's case, which Your Majesty ordered his viceroy of Naples to place at our disposal, there has been hitherto no necessity for them; whenever any application was made by the lawyers engaged for the suit at Rome the money was immediately remitted to them, and even after the sentence was pronounced I paid a bill of exchange for 500 ducats drawn upon me by Master Johan Colardy. (fn. 16)
A Biscayan ship has been recently captured on the coast between Ireland and Wales by certain English privateers, at which the King and those of his Privy Council have shewn much displeasure, having immediately issued orders for the recovery of the said ship and cargo, as well as all the warrants required, as full and explicit as I myself could desire.
The Doctor's journey, and that of the prior of the Augustines, about which I wrote in my despatch of the 5th, has been put off, and there is no longer a talk of their mission abroad.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
London, 10th October 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher, pp. 4.
12 Oct.1134. Martin de Salinas to Secretary Castellejo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 171,f. 264 vo.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
It is not known yet when these "Cortes" will be closed, as there is no appearance at present of the deputies getting through their work. Luis Tobar, however, returned their other day from Madrid, having satisfactorily dispatched all the business he had in hand.
No news has been received yet of what our ambassadors may have achieved at Constantinople. Everyone here is amazed at the negligence shewn in these matters. According to the letters of His Majesty, on the 7th, the Emperor expected to hear soon, for their arrival at Vienna was announced for the 24th. What the cause of the delay may be nobody here dares conjecture.
Relief of Coron and whatever efforts have been made to obtain for Juan de Aramendez an increase of salary as a reward for his long and valuable services have hitherto been unavailing. Instead of the 35 ducats that all those of his class receive, he is only allowed 12, which, considering his age and duties, is insufficient. He is very much hurt at it, the more so that he is now giving lessons of dancing to the sons of the High Commander. (fn. 17) Letters should be written in his favour to the latter, to Don Garcia de Padilla and to Lict. Polanco,.&c.
Barbarossa, with all his galleys, plunder, and captives is reported to have sailed for Constantinople. On his way thither, and passing by Çiliçia, (Sicily ?), he anchored at a port on that coast, took and destroyed seven ships he found inside the harbour, and landing some of his forces destroyed and burnt the place, took many slaves, and went away, in what direction no one knows, though it is conjectured that he is about to take the command of the Turkish fleet. His son he leaves at Algiers with the title of Bey. He has made great ravages on this Catalonian coast, as well as in those of Valencia and Mallorca and Sardinia, and if no remedy be shortly applied there is every reason to think that he will make still greater havoc in future.—Monçon, 12th October 1533.
Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
12 Oct.1135. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 264.
Wrote on the 12th, answering that of the 6th of August from Vienna. At that time the Emperor was anxiously expecting news of the [Austrian] ambassadors, and of their return from Constantinople, &c.
Not a step has been advanced in the business of the cardinal of Trent. Both Covos and Granvelle keep saying that until the breaking up of these Cortes nothing can be done. Tobar and he (Salinas) had occasion to speak the other day to the Emperor. His answer was that the three Estates of this kingdom had petitioned him not to grant ecclesiastical benefices, or bishoprics to foreigners. He could not, therefore, accede to His Majesty's wishes for the present.
Had no time to write by the last post respecting the Bavarian affair, or mention what passed on the occasion with Conrad, the servant of the dukes. The reason was that only a few hours before the departure of the latter, and when his despatch was closed, and already in Conrad's hands, Granvelle called and gave him (Salinas) the details of the whole affair. Hears, however, that an annual pension of 800 ducats has been offered to the agent of the Belzers (Welzers) for the trouble he has taken in the settlement of the affair. Proportionate pensions have likewise been offered to Covos and Granvelle, which, however, they could not accept for fear of displeasing his Imperial Majesty, and therefore he (Salinas) recommends that letters of acknowledgment should be written to them, &c.—Monçon, 12th October 1533.
Spanish. Original. pp. 1½.
14 Oct.1136. Count de Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 860,
ff. 194–6.
B. M. Add. 28,586
f. 18.
Wrote on the 12th by a courier dispatched by the ambassador residing here (in France), but could not then answer Your Majesty's letter of the 24th ulto, nor that of the 12th received on the 20th.
The day after our landing in this port I called on His Holiness in company with Your Majesty's ambassador. Three days after I saw him again and asked him what had been the subject of conversation between him and the king of France. His answer was (cipher:) that as the French were always quick in expressing their sentiments and thoughts, the King had at once signified his will and his desire of perpetual friendship with Your Majesty in order that through it some good might be effectuated in Christendom. He (the King said) had faithfully complied with the treaty of Cambray in all its parts by which his hands had been so tied that he had found it exceedingly hard to act; he could not but resent its severity. It was clear that if Your Majesty would not treat him as your younger brother as he was, he could not help you against the Turk, nor do your pleasure in any other respect. Such being the state of things, the King intended to remain quiet in his own kingdom, defending himself as well as he could, and gathering strength for the future. (fn. 18) Which speech meant, if I am not mistaken, that whenever the opportunity occurred, and he saw Your Majesty in actual need (which may God forbid) he would try to forward his views and gain his own ends.
With regard to the Council, His Holiness told me what the King's sentiments were. He thought that unless a perfect conformity of ideas existed between Your Majesty and him the assembly could not possibly meet for any good, because if each monarch held a different opinion more harm would be done than good. For this reason (he said) the Council could not be convoked, besides which the Germans wished it to be in some town within their own territory which was highly inconvenient. (Cipher:) On this particular point I made no answer for the reasons specified in my former despatches, but 1 failed not to remind His Holiness in general terms of the instructions which Your Majesty gave me verbally at Bologna in his very presence, when I was introduced to him, which were reduced to this: "I was to take particular care to promote everything tending to preserve the union and friendship with him and avoid any cause likely to impair that union." That (I said) had been my rule of conduct ever since my arrival in Rome, and would continue to be so as long as I was Your Majesty's representative, for I imagined that was the only way of promoting the general welfare of Christendom, and his own particular interests and those of Your Majesty. Prosecuting my purpose, I went on to say that it was evident to me that in bringing about this interview the King's sole and exclusive object had been to try and persuade him that a modification of the treaty of Cambray was very necessary. I had repeatedly called His Holiness' attention to that, and he himself had assured me on every occasion that nothing would be done or discussed to Your Majesty's prejudice or against the letter of the said treaty. I, therefore, entreated him not to listen to the King's proposals, and provoke Your Majesty's displeasure by countenancing him in his preposterous demands, &c. His Holiness said that I was right and promised to do this, but as Your Majesty remarked to me on the day I took leave, His Holiness' art consists in temporizing both with Your Majesty and with the king of France. There is every reason to think that the object of the interview is the marriage itself, and if that is effected, perhaps, too, of some other secret compact between them two, the nature of which has not yet transpired, although we all have our fears.
The Pope also told me on this occasion that although the king of France was very much inclined to war, the Grand Master (Anne de Montmorency) was just the reverse. This information the Pope said he had from a person from whom the Grand Master had no secrets; he had accordingly exhorted him to persevere in his purpose, and not allow his master to rush imprudently into undertakings likely to provoke a quarrel. Had pointed out to him the dangers and horrors of war, and the possibility of his being called upon to command the armies of France at a time when there was a lack of experienced generals. And it would appear that the Grand Master concurring in this idea, and the better to gain his end, gives out that it is well to make war for such a purpose, but that in order to ensure success it is necessary well to fortify the places on the frontiers, collect money and provisions, ascertain what friends and allies France may count upon, and so forth, and that in this way the Grand Master is gaining time.
Cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici has frequently offered his services, and seems desirous of being agreeable to Your Majesty. He told me the other day that the king of France had flattered him immensely, and importuned him to go and dine and converse with him, and that he (Medici) had declined his invitation and shut himself up in his apartments under the excuse that he was indisposed. With all that I am told that they are about to give him in France an abbey worth 8,000 ducats a year. This last report is not certain; but still if I am to judge from the many offers the Cardinal has made me, and from other reasons, I must say that it is likely enough.
I have in a preceding despatch alluded to the renunciation [of her right to the dukedom of Urbino] made by the Duchesina (Caterina). His Holiness has since told me that the deed had been properly drawn up and sworn to before magistrates. (fn. 19) He (the Pope) would not have it done at Florence for fear people should think that she (the Duchesina) had been compelled to subscribe it. Another deed had been drawn separately, purporting that should the marriage of the duke of Orleans not be effected the act of renunciation would be null and void. Should the marriage take place, as he had every reason to think, he would cause his niece to renounce again. If Your Majesty wishes for copies of those deeds they shall be sent.
With regard to Coron, His Holiness tells me in plain words that the king of France is unwilling to help, and that the Grand Master of Rhodes would not undertake its defence unless provided with ample means, &c. The prior of the Order called the other day upon me, and said that after talking the matter over with several captains who had served in those parts, it was agreed that Coron could not be successfully defended against an army of 20,000 or 30,000 Turks. The Order was nowadays very poor, and could scarcely provide for Maltha, Tripoli, and their own galleys. If a sum of 80,000 ducats was put aside for them they might perhaps undertake the defence of that port, not otherwise. I intend pressing His Holiness on this point in case the French king should be, as it is reported and as I believe, intriguing with the Order, and dissuading them from the enterprise, though I am told that the other day he said to His Holiness: "People say I am sorry at Coron having been relieved; they are much mistaken; I am, on the contrary, very glad to see the Emperor spend his substance there; should he abandon the place or should the enemy take it from him it would be a shame."
Respecting Novi I called on His Holiness, together with the Ferrarese ambassador, and requested him to give orders for the delivery of the castle which Leonelo Pio da Carpi has usurped. His Holiness' answer was that he was not aware that the League was bound to declare war on account of one single castle, the possession of which was in dispute; and besides that the duke of Ferrara (fn. 20) had not actually made his deposit when Leonelo took the castle from him, and, therefore, that the League was not obliged to procure its restitution. My reply was that the deposit had been made, as could be shewn by authentic instruments. His Holiness and the League were bound to have the castle returned to its lawful owner; besides which it was a fief of the Empire, &c. "The Emperor" (said the Pope) "has been misinformed. I know very well the castle and the adjoining lands were formerly a lagoon (paludas), which the Carpi family bought from the Church." I maintained the contrary, and nothing of course was settled. I fancy that the Pope will delay until winter comes on; a commission will then be given to Antonio de Leyva to attack the castle, but as the winter season will not permit of it nothing will be done. Meanwhile Leonelo will strengthen the fortifications, and in this manner nothing will be accomplished. In fact this negotiation seems to me very much like that of the Council, and, therefore, will no more touch on the subject until we are fairly out of France and back in Rome.
I wrote from Pisa that His Holiness had paid his part of the 25,000 ducats for the [relief of the] Swiss. The money I myself received at Niza from abbot del Nero, the Papal Commissary. I have since dispatched a messenger with it to the ambassador at Genoa (Gomez Suarez de Figueroa), together with letters for the Dean of Besançon, Prothonotary Caracciolo, and Antonio de Leyva, advising each of them of the remittance of the funds. But from a letter of Besançon lately received I am inclined to think that the Swiss, being the sort of people Your Majesty knows, will delay the conclusion of the proposed league until they see how the interview will turn out, and what is to come out of it. Your Majesty will decide what is to be done in this respect, because though Besançon has written to ask my advice, I have answered in vague terms, not knowing exactly Your Majesty's wishes in this respect. In my opinion the league between three of the Swiss cantons—the only three that are sure to agree—is certain to be effected. I have not mentioned this to the Pope for the reasons Your Majesty will no doubt appreciate.
The archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) has not yet come, nor will he for some time; the Pope's affairs are now in the hands of a servant of that archbishop, named Carnisseca, who before becoming one of the Pope's secretaries had been one of his most favourite servants. It was through him (Carnisseca) that I heard the intelligence forwarded to Your Majesty on the 7th of May about a proposed interview at Perpignan, which idea the Capuan himself repeated to me afterwards. I enter into these details because in the last letter from Your Majesty I am interrogated about the person who gave me the information concerning His Holiness' movements, &c.
Francesco Taverna, the grand chancellor of the duke of Milan, came to me and presented a letter from his master explaining the business he came for. He did the same with the [Imperial] ambassador, Juan Euart. (fn. 21) He had (he said) seen the Pope, who had advised him to treat the King with all possible consideration (usase de toda blandura); he had also called on the Grand Master (Montmorency), by whom he was well received, and promised an audience from the King. This happened four days ago, and as Taverna has not made his appearance in this embassy since, it has been agreed between the said Juan Evart and me to send for him and try to ascertain what his commission is, for Jear he should take engagements, &c. in his master's name. (fn. 22)
The Vayvod's ambassador is here. Warned His Holiness about him.
Romaricomonte suit.—Brief for the abbey of Monferrara. It has since been made out according to our views, and a fresh minute has come; I will take care that the fresh brief is magle out in accordance with it.
Indulto Quadragesimal.—Rodrigo de Sahavedra, a relative of the archbishop of Santiago de Compostella, and other prisoners in France. The king of France has been spoken to, and has promised that as soon as his galleys return from Rome to take the Pope they will all be set at liberty.
Agent of the archbishop of Palermo, president of the Council of the Low Countries.
Duke of Malfa and Pirro de Xipiciano (sic). Their matters to be adjusted to the great comfort of the Sienese.—Marsilie (Marseille), 14th October 1533.
Signed: " Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
16 Oct.1137. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 228, No. 58.
In consequence of the arrival of a courier from Marseilles, dispatched on the 7th inst. by this king's ambassadors, the meeting of Parliament, which had been fixed for the 4th of November has been prorogued till the 15th of January next. I cannot say whether the arrival of the courier has anything to do with this measure, or whether it is that the King is waiting for the result of the interview between the king of France and the Pope, against the latter of whom partly this meeting of Parliament is intended, should he not gratify this king by acceding to his wishes; but the fact is, as I say, that Parliament has been prorogued. I have thought it my duty to inform Your Majesty of the said prorogation in order that if an ambassador is to come here, or a commission given to me in conformity with the Queen's wishes, as expressed in my last despatch, no hasty steps should be taken in the affair, as there will be plenty of time to deliberate.
Nothing new has occurred since the date of my last despatch, except that the King has made the Princess, his daughter, move from the fine house in which she was dwelling to a very wretched one, most unfit for this present season. He has done still more; the Princess' residence he has given or let—I cannot say which—to lord Rochefort, the brother of the Lady, who is already furnishing it and sending thither his household servants.
I omitted in my last despatch to specify all the names of those who had gone by the King's commands to speak to the Princess. These were the earls of Auffort (Oxford), Excez (Essex), and Succez (Sussex), and Dr. Sampson, all of whom tried by prayers, threats, and persuasions innumerable to make her give up the name and title of Princess, (fn. 23) and submit entirely to her father's will in this respect as God commands. But the Princess, I am told, replied so wisely and discreetly that the said lords knew not what to say, and all shed tears in consequence. (fn. 24) And I hear also that following her mother's example, she would never consent to hear them in private; but insisted upon their delivering the King's message in public and before all her household assembled for the purpose. She was no doubt afraid, as she has since declared that in the absence of witnesses the King's deputies might make some statement to her prejudice or disadvantage. (fn. 25) It is impossible for me to describe the love and affection which the English bear to their Princess, but they are already so much accustomed to see and tolerate such disorderly things that they tacitly commit the redress of the same to God and to Your Majesty.—London, 16th October 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor. Received the 2nd of December."
French. Holograph. pp. 1½.

Footnotes

1 The Empress Isabella was so ill at Barcelona, wither she had gone to meet Charles on his return from Italy, that her life was despaired of. Florez, Reynas Catolicas de España, vol. ii., p. 858.
2 "La sollicitant par les mienaes, outre ce quelle verra par celles de vostre maieste, [de] vouloer desclayrer son opinion et aduys pour les moyens del effectuation de la sentence."
3 Edmund Boner, Bonar, or Bonard, for in these three different ways is his name to be found written in the ambassador's letters.
4 Captain Merveilles, or rather Meraveglia, as he is called elsewhere, was executed at Milan in July 1533. See above, p. 756. "Que le duc de Milan lavoit faict mourir oultre lhomicide pour estre espie et non ambassadeur, et comme machinant a le vouloer faire empoisonner, et que le cas ne sembloit si chault quil [se] monstra au commencemant." According to Sanuto, the captain, who was equerry of Francis, was beheaded for the murder of a member of the Castiglione family. See Rawdon Brown, Venet. Calend., vol. IV., p. 438.
5 "Que le roy nouveaul de Dannemarcke sercboit alliance avec vostre maieste." Upon the death of Frederic, son of Christiern, in 1533, his son Christiern III. became king of Denmark.
6 " Il se trouve tant confus en quoy il semble les dits deux roys avoer donne quelques indices de diffidence du dit roy de france, et aussi quils ne deppen droient entierement de luy."
7 "Daultant que les nouelles mencioneez au commancemant de la presente seroint bonnes, dualtant me fust triste, luctueuse et Jachrimable la nuyt suyvant, en la quelle environ les xii heures le feu ce (sic).'print, et ne peut lon sçavoir commant, en une tourd de mon logis ou questoint tous mes habilliemens, vayselle et principaulx meubles, et finablement tout mon avoir."
8 That of the 5th, see No. 1131, p. 811.
9 "Et espere et croit veritablement la dicte royne que si vostre maieste et le pape continuent a tenir la bride ferme a ceulx-cy, sans leur monstrer doulceur ne froideur, quilz viendront au poinet et a la rayson."
10 See above, No. 1129, p. 808.
11 "De loppinion du quel a ce que puis entendre sont la plus part des anglois, et ne doubtent synon que vostre maieste ny veuille entendre, car sans cela ils craignent que venant la prohibicion de la contractation ils se mutineront ensemble, et quil y aura ung desordre inestimable; auquel se obvieroit a la moindre armee que vostre maieste mectroit sur mer, et de cecy me rompent les oreilles continuellement inuumerables gens de bien de tous estatz."
12 "Du moins sur ce titre ylz ont rechoysiz de nouveau gens que le roy veult que ce facent cheualiers, et de ceulx quele seront yl tirera dargent pour lhonneur quil leur aura faict, et des autres que reffuserout yl a (sic, en) aura pour les exempter."
13 "Je pense aussy que pour (sic, par) le moyen dainsy traycter la dicte princesse il cuyde convertyr la royne, mays il so trompe. Ou par avanture que venant a gratiffier a vostre maiestc de restablir la dicte princesse en son estat et la faire desclayrer heritiere par faulte de lignee masculine, que vostre maieste ne le inquiecteroit pour son nouveau marriage."
14 Gerald Fitzgerald, ninth earl of Kildare.
15 "II a despeche puys deux jours courrier pour la court de France, et dit lon que dans deux autres yl en despechera aussy ung, [et croyt Ion que lung et lautre pourteront argent pour corrompre pape et cardinaulx et de ce quest au monde possible. Et entre les autres qui preschent, il y an a ung quil (sic) seme austant ou plus derreurs que Luthere, et sont tous les prelatz apres le roy pour le faire pugnir, excepte canterbury que se soubtient, mais le roy ne les veult ouyr. Et est a croyre que neust este la craincte que le roy a questant son peuple ayse a mutinacion, et que ses subiects luy pourroient fere connne les paysans dalle-maigne vouloient fere a leur seigneurs, il se fust desia declaire tout ouyertement Lutherien."
16 Giovanni Colardi (?)
17 "Ya vuestra merced se acordará la ynstancia y solicited que yçimos por dos vezes por hazer proveer á Juan de Araraendez de la quitacion que los otros sns compañeros tienen, que es de xxxv ducados por que á el no le dan mas que 12, en lo qual se le haze grande agravio, dexado aparte que por SUB servicios meresce Ser aventajado de mucho mas que los otros, y aunque por dos vezes lo emprendi-mos no fue su dicha que lo proveyese su magt, de lo que está afrentado y con mucha razon. Agora hale venido a este la de tener cargo de mostrar á dançar á los hijos del comendador mayor Cobos (sic), v dél está S. S. muy contento."
18 "Y que pues V. M. no le queria tener por hermano menor, como la era. que él no podia ayudar para hazer guerra á. los Turcos, ny para otra cosa que V, Md quisiese emprender entre tanto que él assi estuviese, diziendo que é1 se estará en su reyno guardandole como mejor pudiere y rehaziendole."
19 "Que se hizo muy sustancialmente por que ella renunció con auctoridad de juhezes (sic) y juramento como convcnia."
20 "Tornandole a hablar en ello dixo que no havia depositado el duque quando le tomaron el dicho Castillo, y assi no eran obligados en la cobranza de él."
21 Thus written, but most likely meant for Enart (Hannart?), viscount of Lombecke.
22 "Esto es porque no haga ninguna cosa de las que se podrian temer."
23 "Les quels la tentarent (sic) et par prieres, mennasses et inummerables persuasions se vouloer despourter le nom et tittre de princesse."
24 "De sorte que ne sçavoint bonnement les dicts seigneurs que repliequer et ny eust personne a la compagnie que ne pleurast bien chauldemant."
25 "Ils pourroint rappourter et testiffier une chose pour autre a quelque sien dammage et preiudice."