Spain: November 1533, 1-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

'Spain: November 1533, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, (London, 1882) pp. 839-858. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp839-858 [accessed 25 April 2024]

November 1533, 1-15



3 Nov.	1144. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 228, No. 62.	. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Not satisfied with having taken away from his own legitimate daughter the name and title of princess, as intimated in a former despatch, the King has lately been talking of removing—and has actually begun to do so—all the officers and servants of her princely household on the plea that they have encouraged her in her disobedience. This the King has done, as he says, to daunt and intimidate her; he has even gone so far as to demand that she (the Princess) should go and live as "demoiselle d'honneur" to his bastard daughter, at which, as Your Majesty may guess, both the Queen and the Princess are marvellously disturbed and in great trouble. They sent to me about a week ago for advice in this emergency, and begged I would speak to Cromwell, and see what could be done to arrest the blow. I immediately sent to the Princess a protest drawn in due form for her to sign, and keep secret, declaring that neither by word nor deed, expressly nor tacitly, has she ever consented to anything that may prejudice her or her right. I have besides put down in writing several candid and temperate statements, to be addressed to those who might come with such a proposition in her father's name. (fn. n1) In case, however, of there being no help at all she was (I said) to have patience, for she would not have to suffer long. Should the King send some one to her on such an errand, she was to say from the very first that if the King, her father, wished it to be so, she submitted, but that she protested in due form against whatever might be done to her prejudice. (fn. n2) These words I wrote down for her, she was to learn them by heart, and repeat them daily surrounded by her most confidential servants.
	I had no opportunity at the time of seeing Cromwell and speaking to him, owing, first of all, to his being very much engaged, and secondly, because both he and I were desirous of not arousing suspicion. I, therefore, sent him word by my secretary that I was very much astonished and shocked at the King's cruel and strange resolution, one which was likely to have the worst possible consequences. I was (I said) highly displeased at it, not only on account of the indignity of the thing itself, and the inconveniences likely to arise therefrom, but because, trusting to his word and assurance, I had written to my court that both the Queen and Princess would be well treated were it for no other consideration than their close relationship to Your Majesty. And that since the common saying was that even everyone's enemies ought to be treated with consideration and not driven to despair, there was in my opinion a still greater reason here for not accumulating insult on insult which must bring on themselves the hatred and animadversion of Your Majesty, who had not given them the least cause for enmity. (fn. n3) Friends, I said, could nowise be treated in this manner for fear of their becoming sworn enemies, whereas enemies might very well through kind treatment or otherwise be induced to become friends.
	Many other representations did I address to the said Cromwell, which for want of space and the hasty departure of the courier, bearer of this despatch, are at present omitted. His answer was that he begged to be excused and pardoned if he did not reveal to me in particular what he knew of the Princess' affair. This having been discussed in the Privy Council with the greatest possible secrecy, he could not reveal it to me, or to anyone else, unless he had the permission and consent of his master, the King. He could, however, assure me in general terms that the King was an honourable, virtuous, and wise prince, incapable of doing anything that was not founded on justice or reason. (fn. n4) With regard to my advice as to the manner in which friends and foes ought to be treated, Cromwell understood fully the double meaning of my words, though he failed not to praise my sentiments on that score, and considered my warning as good and necessary. (fn. n5) Yet, if I am to believe what my secretary says, Cromwell in his answer to my message seemed to imply that he wished the King, his master, who had placed all his confidence in the king of France, had more carefully attended to the above considerations. (fn. n6)
	In short, Cromwell assured my secretary that there was no one in the King's Privy Council who laboured more assiduously than himself to foster and maintain the friendship between this king and Your Majesty, and that with regard to the treatment both of Queen and Princess he had hitherto done all that was in his power and would do so still in the future. He would, moreover, convey my message to the King and get me an answer. This, however, has not yet come to hand, owing no doubt to Cromwell's many engagements. I will again apply for it in order that, if necessary, I may again ask for an audience, and renew my application before matters come to extremities. (fn. n7)
	A report is here current that the Pope has caused the execution of the sentence pronounced in favour of the Queen to be suspended for two months, at which the latter is exceedingly displeased, for fear at the expiration of that period His Holiness should be again tempted to further favour this king. Wishing to learn how far the report was true, and whether the Pope had granted or not a "supersedeas" in the case, I sent to ask Cromwell what he knew about it, because, said I, if the King has really obtained a "supersedeas" from the Pope, I ought to be officially informed of it, that I might at once write to Flanders and have the execution suspended there during the two said months. Cromwell's answer was very ambiguous. He would neither confirm nor deny the said prorogation, and respecting the execution of the sentence he said that Your Majesty and the Queen of Hungary knew perfectly well what ought to and could be done in the affair. Not a word more did Cromwell reply to my message.
	Three days ago, a man sent by Count Palatine Frederic arrived here for the sole purpose, as he says, of procuring hunting dogs and horses [for his master]. He has come all the way from Germany to Antwerp in company with the man whom this king sent once to the duke of Bavaria, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty in one of my former despatches. The King's man has remained behind at Antwerp, and they are now dispatching to him the very courier who is to be the bearer of this my letter. I cannot say whether the message is for him to return here, or to proceed to Germany, as many presume. (fn. n8) I have set spies upon the secretary of the Palatine in order to ascertain whether he has brought any other commission save the ostensible one to which I have referred, and what he may have heard from his travelling companion the King's envoy, and of his doings in Germany. The Palatine's man is a native of Liege, and is to start for Paris in three days' time, for the sole purpose, as he says, of visiting a son of his, a student in that capital.
	A week ago another courier arrived from Marseilles. The news he brought could not be very palatable to the King, for, as I have since heard from people who were present, no sooner had he begun to read the letters than he changed colour, and got into a most terrible passion, crushing one of the letters between his fingers and exclaiming that he had been betrayed, that the king of France had not behaved in as friendly a spirit as he had had reason to expect. Of the Pope he said many injurious things. What news that could be at which this king was so much put out I cannot possibly guess, unless it be the report then current at Marseilles, as I am told, that the Pope and the king of France had agreed to hold an interview with Your Majesty.
	Two more couriers have within the last three days come from that port (Marseilles), who have everywhere spread the rumour that the Pope has actually granted all this king's demands, and that his affairs will henceforward proceed according to his wishes, and yet, as far as I can judge and hear, neither of the two has brought news at which the King can rejoice. (fn. n9) On the contrary, I learn that the King is about to send an express to Marseilles with a good sum of money in cash (I am told as much as 400,000 crs.) and powers for the English ambassadors to distribute the same amongst the Pope and his cardinals, or else to spend it in armaments against the Turk whenever the time shall come. (fn. n10) Indeed, one of the Lady's maids of honour was heard to say some days ago that the King was so passionately fond of her mistress that she had heard him say that he would rather be reduced to beggary, and ask alms from door to door, than abandon and desert the Lady [Anne] whom he loved more than ever.—London, 3rd November 1533.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor. Received the 25th at Monson."
	French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 5.
5 Nov.	1145. Katharine, queen of England, to the Same.
S. E. L. 806, f. 35. B. M. Add. 28,586, f. 47.	God only knows how much pleasure and satisfaction I have experienced at the news of the signal victory which in Hungary and in other parts Your Majesty has obtained against the enemy of our Faith, and likewise at the announcement of your departure for Bologna, there to hold an interview with our Holy Father, and provide for what is to be done in future. I really consider these two things to have been especially directed by God, not by the industry or wisdom of man, and that our Lord, wishing by His infinite mercy to confer a boon on the whole of Christendom has made Your Majesty His agent, and inspired you to hold an interview with His Holiness, whence all this kingdom of England and myself most sincerely hope will result the defeat and death by the Pope's hands of this second Turk. By second Turk I mean this business of the King, my lord and mine, because the evils caused by His Holiness not having sentenced the cause in time have been and are so great and so scandalous throughout Christendom that I can hardly say which is worse.
	I am very sorry to have to importune Your Majesty so often on my case, because I am confident that you wish it to come to a good end as much as I myself do; but seeing so much delay, and consequent evil, the life I lead being so wretched and restless, and the occasion so propitious for your kind interference—since God Almighty has been pleased to bring together His Holiness and Your Majesty, that you may both work in such a meritorious deed—I cannot help being urgent and importunate. By the passion and death of our Lord Jesus Christ I beg and entreat you that since, as a reward for your virtuous deeds God has granted you His protection, and poured down His favours on you, that you may be pleased to confer on me this signal favour of particularly recommending my case to His Holiness before you leave him to return to Spain, because otherwise there will be no remedy left for me but in God, and I shall be cast into a new purgatory, whence I will not come out until His will be done. Should His Holiness excuse himself by promising that he will pronounce sentence after Your Majesty's departure from Bologna, and his own return to Rome, do you bear in mind what promises he made when he last saw you in that former city, and how little those promises were fulfilled. (fn. n11)
	I can certify to Your Majesty that present or absent it is all the same; the truth is perfectly known here, and if the King's bad counsellors lose all hope the suit will be made to last for ever. Everything has an end, and Your Highness may believe me when I say that no one knows that as well as I do. I put, therefore, an end to this letter, tranquillised to a certain extent in confidence that this letter's answer will bring me good tidings. I beg our Lord, &c.—Oxfort, 5th November [1533].
	Signed: "Catheryna."
	Addressed: "To the most high and most powerful Emperor and King, my lord and nephew."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2½.
6 Nov.	1146. Martin de Salinas to king Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 71, f. 226 v..	In my despatch of the 22nd I informed Your Majesty of what was then known respecting the interview of the Pope and of the king of France [at Marseilles]. Since then the Emperor, perceiving the scanty provision which His Holiness is making for the relief of Coron, and how very unwilling he seems to help thereto, has stated his opinion that it is far preferable to be at once released from that engagement, and give up that fortress altogether; this for many reasons, (fn. n12) the principal of which is that he (the Emperor) has reliable information [from Marseilles] to the effect that a marriage has been arranged between the Pope's niece [Margaret] and the king of France's son, Henry, duke of Orleans. And since both princes have agreed as to that, it is quite evident that they will agree on many other points; nor are they likely, when so united, to forward His Imperial Majesty's interests in any way. I hear that the Emperor has again written to his ambassadors at Rome that if it be true that the Pope and the king of France are disinclined to co-operate, he himself cannot single-handed fight the Turk owing to the enormous expense of keeping up an army and a powerful fleet in those distant parts. He has, therefore, decided to dismantle Coron and withdraw the garrison.
	This resolution was taken 10 days ago; all the courtiers are speaking about it, and Luis Tobar, who is still here, is deeply concerned, as it may in the end seriously affect Your Majesty's interests. Had the long expected news of the arrival of the Austrian ambassadors at that court, and of what they have negotiated at Constantinople, come in time, the blow might have been arrested, but as it is, I see no probability of the Emperor's changing his mind.—Monçon, 6th November 1533.
	Spanish. Original. p. 1.
6 Nov.	1147. Count de Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 860, ft. 80-1. B. M. Add. 28,586, f. 49.	Wrote on the 24th ult. by Portillo, and gave a detailed account of occurrences here [at Marseilles]. Since then two letters from the Emperor have been received, one for himself (the Count), the other for the ambassador in France (Hannart), who is now in this city.
	Knowing for certain that a petition signed by the Prince, who styles himself of Navarre, and decreed by His Holiness, asking for the privilege that all ecclesiastical suits of Navarre and Bearn be tried and sentenced in the latter country without going to Rome, as is done here in France, I immediately called on His Holiness, and asked him point blank what was the meaning of such innovation, whereof I had seriously to complain in Your Majesty's name. The Pope at first seemed very much concerned, and said that he did not recollect having ever made such a grant. But on my replying that my information was correct, he sent for the Datary, who confirmed my assertion; and the petition having been produced, the Pope himself tore it to pieces in my very presence, observing that he never meant to make such a concession; that he had been taken by surprise, and completely deceived, &c.
	Taking advantage of this, I reminded His Holiness how often I had told him that (cipher) the importunities and constant intrigues of the French would sooner or later bring him into discredit with Your Majesty. "As a proof of this (said I) I will tell Your Holiness two things I have heard since my arrival here [at Marseilles]: one is that Your Holiness intends giving to the Duchesina, as a marriage portion, the cities of Parma and Piacenza, which piece of news, by the way, I consider to be a regular hoax (burla); the other, that between Your Holiness and the king of France, there is much talk at present on Italian affairs with a view to changing altogether the constitution of the League, and altering the treaty of Cambray. That is a thing which will naturally offend the Emperor," &c. The Pope's answer was that he would take care that nothing of the sort happened at this interview, and that, should any formal proposition on that topic be made by king Francis, he would take good care to dissuade him from it. His Holiness said nothing about his niece's dower, but went on about the King and his pretensions, saying to me: "It is well that you should know that the other day, talking on this very matter, the King said to me that he had fulfilled most scrupulously, as he thought, all and every one of the articles stipulated by the peace of Cambray." I replied to him that the Emperor had complained to me [at Bologna] that he had not: and that, travelling together to Illescas from Madrid, he had said to him, "Though everything is now settled between us, and the treaty signed, will you yet swear by that cross, there by the roadside, that you will fulfil all and every one of the articles of this convention made between us? and that Francis had answered: "That is perfectly true, I recollect saying as much; but I did not consider myself obliged to keep my word, owing to two reasons: the first, because, when the treaty was being discussed, I said in public and before the Emperor's Privy Councillors that the conditions were so hard that I did not see how they could be fulfilled; the other, that when viceroy Mingoval (Lannoy), on his entering France with me, spoke of past events, and asked again whether I felt disposed or not to fulfil the treaty of Madrid (as if he meant that the Emperor had some suspicion that I should not), he (the Viceroy) seemed to imply that were I not satisfied, the Emperor might consent to a revision of the treaty."
	(Common writing:) My answer to such surmises was a fit one, so much so that His Holiness afterwards owned to me that king Francis had no right whatever to expect any amelioration of the conditions, adding: "God on the whole is favouring my plans, for the king of France, who had some idea of arranging this divorce business in a manner, as he said, highly beneficial to me and to the Holy Apostolic See, finds after all that the English ambassador now residing here has no mandate from his King! It is further said (continued the Pope) that upon Francis observing to the Englishman how strange it was that his master, knowing the great interest he took in the divorce affair, and how willing he was to help him therein, had sent no instructions, and upon the ambassador offering some excuse or other, he replied to him: "one of the objects which I had in view in proposing to marry my own son to His Holiness' niece, and hold this interview, was that I might find some means of bringing your master's wishes into harmony with the authority of the Holy Apostolic See and the welfare of Christendom. If you really have no mandate, added the King, I must conclude either that your master is not in earnest, and is only joking at my expense, or else that you, yourself, are sent only as a spy to watch my actions, and try and temporize with His Holiness."
	Thus did the Most Christian King speak to His Holiness on the occasion, meaning, no doubt, that as he had worked so strenuously to uphold his authority in England, His Holiness was bound to do his pleasure in other matters, and principally in Italian affairs, "But (said the Pope to me) as the king of France seems to have been unsuccessful in his negociations with England, I shall consider myself free from any engagements or debt of gratitude in this respect, and you may be sure that I will consent to no alteration of the articles of this league of ours, or to those of the treaty of Cambray."
	(Cipher:) But notwithstanding His Holiness' repeated asseverations, I still have my fears that all is not as he says; for certainly it is a bad sign that both the King and the English ambassadors, who came here last, should have sent to England for the King's express mandate and powers, as I am told they have, and that they should be expecting them daily. There is still another reason for doubting the truth of the above statements. Having seen the answer which Your Majesty caused to be given to Domenico Centurione on this particular point, Viscount Jean Enart (Hannart) and I called upon His Holiness, and spoke to him according to orders. The Pope seemed to doubt whether there would be time enough to wait for the Queen's answer, and declared to us that the mere possibility of the king of England returning to the obedience of the Apostolic See, and submitting to his sentence, seemed to him of so much importance and so beneficial to the parties concerned, that it would be sufficient cause for him to act in the matter as he had announced by Domenico Centurione, whatever efforts might be made here [at Marseilles] to prevent him, and that he would therefore wait until he knew the Queen's intentions and will. (fn. n13)
	(Cipher:) On this very subject the Pope said the other day to me that the king of France had hinted that Your Majesty was about to come to some agreement (se concertava) with the king of England. Having some fears of this myself, I answered that I knew nothing about that, and that if there had been anything I should not have failed to communicate it to him. However, as it seemed to me desirable that the king of France should be kept anxious on this point, I declined giving His Holiness further satisfaction on that point, and passed as lightly as I could over it.
	Yesterday the Pope sent me a message by Juan Luys de Aragonia to say that he had been requested by the king of France to have the term of one month once granted at Pisa in the matrimonial cause extended to five or six more, within which time (the King observed) some means might be found to put an end to the matrimonial suit. He (Francis) knew very well that it was unreasonable to ask for such a long term, but, considering that the king of England might in the meantime return to his Queen, and cast away (hechar de si) the Lady Anne—of which there was now some hope, as the king of France himself gave us to understand—it seemed to him that there was some excuse for it. "His Holiness," said Juan Luys to me, "has made up his mind to grant one more month, and ordered me to come and request you not to oppose a measure, which he thinks will be highly beneficial to the Queen." My answer to Juan Luys was such as Your Majesty may easily imagine. I afterwards spoke to His Holiness on the subject, and he owned to me that he had been so pressed and importuned by the king of France to grant a delay of six or seven months that he could not do less than give one, especially as he himself was still a visitor in France; but he made me a most solemn promise, that, once out of the country, he would grant no more delays, except with Your Majesty's consent. After this, on the eve of All Saints, it would appear that he (the Pope) held a congregation of cardinals in his own rooms, and explained to them that the king of France had applied for a prorogation of the cause for six or seven months, on the plea that the king of England wished to hold an interview with him in March [1534], where he had no doubt the whole affair might be satisfactorily settled. Upon which there was a division, cardinals Sienna and Santa Croce having spoken and voted against the prorogation, whilst the Pope and the rest of his cardinals stood for it, &c.
	Cardinal de' Medici, who is exceedingly obsequious with me, and always making protestations of his fidelity to Your Majesty, told me the other day that he had read the marriage settlements. The Pope gives the Duchesina 100,000 ducats as dower, 30,000 as compensation for her family property, and 15,000 more in jewels. He gives her, besides, her rights to the duchy of Urbino, and to the estates which her mother (Madeleine de la Tour d'Auvergne) once possessed in France, The king of France gives his son (Henry) the dukedom of Orleans, with 50,000 ducats a year; and as the estate is not worth as much, he gives him compensation in other parts of France so as to make up that sum, the whole of the property being mortgaged as security of the Lady's dower.
	Having heard this much from the Cardinal, I waited upon His Holiness, and complained to him of the infraction of one of the secret clauses in the treaty of Barcelona. The right to the duchy of Urbino (said I) was reserved to his niece by her marriage settlements, and that was tantamount to giving her husband and the French an opportunity again to set their foot in Italy: a thing which he had over and over again promised to me, and afterwards to Your Majesty through Domenico Centurione, to prevent at all costs. The Pope at first denied the fact; said that he had a right to dispose of what belonged to him or to his family, and promised to send to me [Francesco] Gucciardini with a copy of the settlements—the same here enclosed— that I might examine them, and see whether he had in any way contravened the stipulations of the treaty. Gucciardini came; we read together the clause in the settlements; but, with all his ability, his reasonings could not convince me, and I told him that I saw in it danger for the future. Went again to the Pope, who said that the clause had been inserted at the very last moment, the French having said that the bride ought not and could not renounce her rights to the duchy of Urbino; that he (the Pope) resisted for a long time, but could not but yield at last. Had he refused to comply with the King's wishes in this respect he would have asked for more money, which he had not to give; for the Medici estates, which were scarcely worth 15,000 ducats, he had been importuned until they were valued at the double of that sum, &c.
	I fancy that the Pope's collector, who, I hear, will soon leave this place post haste, will carry a message to Your Majesty respecting this and other affairs. Among other faculties granted him, as the report goes, one is to absolve the Granadine moriscoes from certain charges (ciertas cosas) imposed by the Inquisition; the other to give permission to buy corn upon credit (adelantado); but I will try that neither petition is granted, and, if they are, that they be revoked. (Cipher:) I was also told by cardinal de' Medici that in no other [political] affairs had either Gucciardini or Carnisseca anything to do; the Pope transacted business only with the king of France and the Grand Master (Montmorency); they met very often, and were closeted together for two or three hours at a time.
	(Common writing:) The negotiation with the Swiss cantons is being protracted, as Your Majesty will be able to judge by the enclosed letters and papers relating to it. With three of them the prior of Besançon writes that there is no difficulty at all, and that the league is on the point of being concluded; the other six offer resistance.
	It has come to my knowledge that a native of Lucca, of the name of Roco de Xauser, the friend and comrade of Cesare Fragoso, and a man of some ability in getting up plots and political intrigues, has lately been going backwards and forwards from Genoa to Venice, and has at last entered this town [Marseilles]. On this, his last journey, the Grand Master of France presented him with two horses, and he (Roco) started immediately for Rome. I have written to the ambassadors, Figueroa and Lope de Soria, to have him watched, and try to ascertain what he is about. Several other agents of this sort are now being employed on similar missions, and it is generally rumoured that the King [of France] will soon declare war to Your Majesty. I cannot believe it; firstly, because I see no signs of military preparations in this country; and, secondly, because the King himself has no money. The 700,000 francs he has in store proceed from the tithes of the Clergy, and if he has to pay out of them his debt to the Swiss, very little will remain in his hands.
	Coron.—The galleys of France.—The ambassadors of Genoa, who come here to settle various matters respecting the intercourse of trade between that Signory and the ports of France, go back to-morrow without having obtained what they wanted.
	There is here [at Marseilles] an ambassador from Barbarroxa (Baba Arox), the corsair, but he is shut up in a house, and does not go out of doors, nor will he until the Pope's departure. When this takes place the king of France will no doubt attend to his business, and send him back to his master, who, I hear, has gone to meet the Grand Turk.
	The duke of Atri has taken service under the king of France with a, salary (partido) of 6,000 fr. a year.
	Your Majesty has, no doubt, been informed by this time that the count of La Concordia having one night placed a boat on the top of a chariot, approached La Mirandola, and having launched the boat in the moat of the castle, managed by means of rope ladders to scale the place, slew the old count with one of his sons, and next morning hung up from the battlements 13 of the principal inhabitants of the town, of which he took possession.
	The ex-abbot of Farfa (Napoleone Orsino) has been pardoned by His Holiness, at the request of king Francis, or of the Grand Master [Montmorency]. It is said that between that worthy, the son of Renzo da Ceri (Giovanpaolo), and others of the same stuff, there is an understanding—and they make no secret of it—to the effect that immediately upon the Pope's return to Rome the attempt made two or three years ago to recover from Ascanio Colonna the castles and lands once belonging to Isabella, the widow of Luigi Gonzaga [Rodomonte], will be renewed. No great credit, however, is to be given to rumours of this kind, spread by restless people; but the negotiation having been suspended, as it really was at the time, makes me suspect that there is some foundation for the rumour.
	The king of France has insisted, and is still insisting, upon the Pope giving him four cardinals' hats for as many ecclesiastics of his own nation. This having come to the ear of those cardinals who came here with His Holiness, they met and resolved to go to His Holiness and protest against their nomination. I have done the same, but doubt whether His Holiness will attend to us.
	(Cipher:) Having tried to ascertain what passed between His Holiness and Andrea Doria at the interview they held at the Spezzia one night, I have had two different versions from the same person. One was that Andrea Doria said to him: "I wish I had met Your Holiness at Rome, as I meet you here; I would have dissuaded you from going to the interview;" and that upon the Pope observing that the conferences would be for the good and repose of Christendom, and for waging war against the Infidel, Andrea, saying "Not" with his head, replied: "Please God that it may be so; we shall see what comes out of them."
	The other version is that the Pope had tried to influence Andrea Doria to forsake the service of Your Majesty. My informer, however, told me at the same time that Andrea would never fail in his attachment to Your Majesty; he knew that well, because he had heard that captain say so many a time. I do believe the same, and if I have mentioned the gossip, it is because Your Majesty requires us to transmit anything we may hear of.
	Taverna, who came here as ambassador of the duke of Milan for the Maraveglia business, tells me that every day the King's Privy Councillors here invent new difficulties, and that he is still as far as ever he was from attaining his object. They still insist that Maraveglia was the King's ambassador, and say that they can shew letters and papers to that effect; but as the Imperial ambassador, Jean Enart (Hannart), will write about this in detail, as well as on the matter of the galley slaves, I need not say more about it.
	The departure from here, they say, will be in six or eight days at the most. The news is too good to be believed.—Marseilles, 6th November 1533.
	P.S.—Having again spoken to the Pope concerning the reserve of the Duchesina's rights to the duchy of Urbino, which, he still insists is no infraction of the Barcelona treaty, he said to me: "You may assure the Emperor, and I will also write to that effect, that on no ground can that declaration of mine be made a pretext for the French to disturb the peace of Italy; for, in the first place. I have in my possession the bull of investiture (fn. n14) of the Duchesina's father (Lorenzo); and as the duchy is a fief of the Church, and no female can inherit such a fief, the whole thing falls to the ground, and there is no danger in the article should the French ever claim possession. You must, however, consult about the matter with the Imperial advocates; I will consult mine thereupon; and between the two some expedient, I have no doubt, will be found." My answer was that I certainly would, for I wished to remedy as much as possible the harm that, in my opinion, had been done, I still considered (said I) the case dangerous unless the duke of Orleans conjointly with his wife renounced that so-called right, because under similar pretences the King, his father, was sure to disturb Italy sooner or later. "If Your Holiness," said I, "does not remove this obstacle, it will become a fire kindled for all perpetuity in Italy."—"Not that," replied the Pope, "for, if the King choses, there are still Milan and Asti which (he says) belong to him."—They do not, was my answer, because he has formally renounced all his rights to them by the treaty of Cambray."
	I also told His Holiness what my information was respecting the Collector's mission, and what I thought of it. He gave me full satisfaction thereon, and sent the Collector himself to me with all the papers. It appears after all that the petition about the corn has not been granted, indeed it has been refused; and as to the moriscoes of Granada, it is only a sort of protest against certain inquisitors merely in matters of jurisdiction, not affecting Faith. (fn. n15)
	The cardinals' hats are,—1., for a brother of the duke of Albany; 2., for the King's almoner; 3., for a nephew of the Grand Master; 4., for a brother or near relative of the Admiral of France. I really believe that, had the King asked for 20 instead of four, he would have had them just the same. I do not complain so much of the number of cardinals as of the way in which they have been created; and the worst is that I can prognosticate all manner of consequent evils. Should His Holiness speak to me on this matter I intend not to answer, but beg him not to go on with the subject, and change the conversation. I suspect that the Collector will also treat of this matter, and try and excuse the Pope in some way or other, offering satisfaction for the future, &c. For myself I cannot see what excuses he can make.
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 19.
9 Nov.	1148. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 860, ff. 83–4, B. M. Add. 28,586, f. 62.	Wrote on the 7th, relating all that had occurred here up to that date. Received since, by express messenger, the enclosed letter from the Imperial ambassador in Genoa. As the Emperor will see, the prior of Besançon writes to say that his colleague the Verulan (Ennio Filonardo) had received instructions from His Holiness, dated the 27th ult. to leave that post and return home. No sooner was he (Sylva) in possession of this information than he called upon the Pope, and inquired whether the intelligence was true or not. Stated to him that there was some reason to believe the news to be true; letters lately received from the prior of Besançon, and the negociations going on here [at Marseilles] confirmed the fact. The Pope said (cipher:) "Do not be afraid; the Verulan will not quit his embassy. I wrote from Pisa, telling him that if he received an order from Marseilles to come back immediately, he was to disregard it, and make some excuse. Then, by way of the French, I wrote another un-ciphered letter, commanding him to come back at once. This letter the Verulan has, no doubt, shewn, and the whole thing has been bruited about in consequence; but my Nuncio is sure to feel indisposed or have a head-ache at the time of his departure; besides which I have again written to him by this last courier a ciphered letter enjoining him not to abandon his post."
	(common writing:) After this the Pope told him (Sylva) that a colleague of the Englishman, who was lately at Rome as excusator for the King, had come post haste here [to Marseilles], and that both he and the ambassador of his nation residing here had called upon him and presented a paper from their master, stating that the sentence lately pronounced against him was unjust, aggravatory, and against all right, for he was juridically married by words "de præsenti," and had consummated matrimony, and therefore that he was determined to appeal "ad futurum concilium," provided it should be held at a place free from suspicion." His Holiness, it would appear, felt this extremely as a thing in which he was much concerned; he said that he would consider the matter, and return an answer. Meanwhile the king of France entered the room, and when the Englishman left, the Pope related to him what the ambassador's errand had been. After which, the Pope insisting that king Francis must cease to espouse the cause of the English king, who was evidently the enemy of the Church, the Most Christian repeated those very words which he has often said, and he (Sylva) has occasionally reported: "Were I not at present in want of his friendship, that others may not forestall me, I would play him such a trick that he should for ever remember." (fn. n16)
	The English ambassadors, as it seems, had called some time before on the king of France, and related what their errand to the Pope was. He (the King) had advised them not to do such a thing, for (said he) if they did the kingdom of England would be utterly destroyed. "I wonder much (he said) how the king of England, who presumes to be a wise man, can be such a fool as thus to work for the Queen's cause, since he owns by public act that the sentence has been intimated to him. I cannot, in a case of this sort, help him against His Holiness. (fn. n17)
	His Holiness after this alluded to the overtures (platica) about Calais which he himself recommended this last summer. (fn. n18) He (the Pope) positively stated that the king of France, the Grand Master, and the Admiral were all in favour of it. He (Sylva) did not take the bait on the plea that he had no powers from the Emperor.
	He then repeated to him (Sylva) the substance of the conversation they had together before quitting Rome. (Cipher:) "The king of France (he said) wishes to remain at home quietly, and await the arrival of the Turk; which, if I understood him right, will take place next summer. Occupied in the defence of his own kingdom he will make any terms the Turk liked to be left alone; (fn. n19) and since the Genoese are not inclined to say that they are the subjects and vassals of the Empire, he (the King) can well undertake the conquest of their city without infringing the treaty of Cambray."
	His (Sylva's) answer to His Holiness' arguments was, that, with regard to the help against the Turk, that was a general cause, and one which concerned the whole of Christendom. If the king of France, instead of assisting in common with other princes, tried to create disturbances and promote war in Italy, then the Emperor, leaving the Turk to himself, would try to enforce the treaty of Cambray in all its parts. As to Genoa, it did not follow that because the Genoese objected to be the vassals of the Empire, that gave other princes the right of conquering them. Though the Genoese might deny the fact, they were still considered the subjects of the Empire; and until the case was properly investigated, and the truth ascertained—which I thought would never be done—the Genoese would be protected as if they were such subjects. (fn. n20)
	Talking about the German diet and the Suabian League, it appears also that the king of France said to His Holiness: "I have been told that the Princes do not intend to include in the league Lower Austria, which is Vienna and its territory, and this because they are sure that the Turk will come down [next year], and then they will not be obliged to help in the defence.
	The Pope said likewise that no absolution had been granted to the Vayvod [of Transylvania]; his affair had been remitted to Rome, because it was calculated that by that time his ambassador might bring sufficient powers, &c.
	The king of France had told him besides that by March next he would have 30 galleys ready for sea. The departure is now certainly fixed for Tuesday or Wednesday next.
	Taverna, the Milanese ambassador, came to him (Sylva), and said that the answer he had received from the King's ministers was that king Francis was not at all satisfied with the papers and letters he had shewn, among which is one of the ambassador Juan Enart (Hannart), tending to prove that Maraveglia was no ambassador of the king of France. He (the King) still maintained the contrary, and therefore Taverna has dropped the negociation altogether, and is now returning home. (Cipher:) As far as he (Sylva) is aware, Taverna has left no affair in His Holiness' hands. Will be on his guard, and try to ascertain whether any new step has been taken respecting the business mentioned in the last Imperial letters. Hitherto he has been unable to discover any; should there be any he (Sylva) will not fail to advise.—Marsilliæ, 9th November 1533.
	Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
12 Nov.	1149. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 227, No. 63.	I have not ceased since the date of my last importunately to press Cromwell to tell me the King's intentions respecting his daughter, the Princess, and the reason of the strange treatment to which he wishes to subject her; but in spite of all my efforts I have been put off from day to day without being able to get any answer, Cromwell persistently offering as an excuse his own numerous engagements and those of the King, his master. Yet, in my opinion, there is no other cause for this silence of theirs but the news the King is daily expecting from Marseilles as to what may have been decided and resolved upon at the conferences. Meanwhile my remonstrances have, as the Queen herself has informed me, done some good; without them the King might have been impelled through the importunate cravings of the Lady [Anne] to have his fantastic plan carried into execution, which I think if the Pope holds good, as is to be hoped, we shall after all avoid. (fn. n21)
	The Count Palatine's man, about whom I wrote in my last despatch, is really and truly one of his secretaries, and as he himself told me three days ago at table, when dining with me, is very grateful to Your Majesty for having whilst in Germany conferred an ecclesiastical benefice upon a son of his. Before coming here he passed many days in Flanders at the court of the [dowager] queen of Hungary. I cannot see that he has brought any other commission but the one about which I wrote to Your Majesty the other day, (fn. n22) that is to say, to purchase dogs and horses, and I have just heard from him that the King has given him two hackneys and half a dozen dogs. Owing to there being much company at dinner, and hoping that the secretary would come again as he had promised, I dared not interrogate him further; but either his engagements or the fear of meeting people at my house, and thereby becoming suspected, must have prevented him, for he has not yet called. He has, however, assured me on his oath that the report of his master, the Palatine, being on the point of contracting matrimony in France is completely false. "On the contrary (said he), I am certain that should the Emperor propose a marriage between my master and the sister of the marchioness of Zenete (fn. n23) in Spain, if it be true that the prince of Orange has taken a wife elsewhere, the Palatine would not hesitate to accept the proposal."
	The secretary intends to take his departure to-morrow for Paris to see a son of his [a student at its university.] He has been very well received and entertained here, though at the same time he has, as he told me, felt considerable annoyance at his being kept so long at this court for a thing which he says did not require it in the least.
	As in another case, of which I will speak hereafter, it strikes me that all this fuss has no other cause, as I presume, than the desire these people have of making it appear that they have intelligences and also great political transactions in Germany. (fn. n24) To the very same cause must be ascribed the rather ceremonious reception made to a young Polish nobleman, who came some time ago to this country with letters of commendation and favour for this king, from the queen regent [of Poland], and whose sole object was, as he himself declared to me, to visit this court and kingdom; and yet he has been full 25 days without being able to obtain a passport, though he has been almost daily to the duke of Norfolk or to Cromwell in search of it. Indeed, had it not been that during the Pole's stay in London one of my own men has always acted as his interpreter, his frequent visits to those ministers might have made me suspect that there was something more behind than he chose to say. Perceiving, however, the manner in which he was treated I now attach complete faith to his statements, and fully believe also that, however frequent the visits of the German secretary to Cromwell, there was nothing between them but the execution of the commission he brought to this country. Of the studied delay in issuing his passport, he complained to me quite as bitterly, if not more, than the Polish nobleman above alluded to. (fn. n25) These two cases, apart from others I could mention, tend to confirm me in my conjecture; there is nothing these people desire so much as to make the World believe that they can at any time throw difficulties in Your Majesty's path, especially in Germany.
	This king has lately issued a warrant forbidding printers to publish news concerning the Pope's entry and reception at Marseilles, still less the homage (obeissance) paid by the king of France to His Holiness and the Apostolic See, as things not in harmony with the statutes and constitutions promulgated here against Papal authority, and likewise in open contradiction with what this king has always tried to inculcate upon his subjects, namely, that the king of France would keep his engagements to all and against all parties, especially against the Pope, and would cause such statutes and constitutions to be promulgated against the Holy See in his kingdom as would leave far behind in malignity those made by Parliament here. (fn. n26) Indeed, I am inclined to think that the news of that act of obedience on the part of king Francis has been one of the principal causes of the ill-humour and disappointment which, as I have informed Your Majesty, has been for some time visible on the King's countenance.
	Some days ago the King ordered the arrest and trial of a nun who had hitherto borne both the name and reputation of a good, simple, and sanctified creature, and of having been blessed at times with Divine revelations. (fn. n27) The cause of her imprisonment is her having said, written, and affirmed in public, as well as in private, that she had had a revelation to the effect that within a very short period of time not only would this king lose his crown, but would also be expelled from the kingdom and damned, and that she had had a spiritual vision of the particular place and spot destined to him in Hell. (fn. n28) Various friars and other worthy people have been committed to prison charged with having stirred up this said nun to deliver that and other prophecies for the express purpose of promoting revolution among the people. And yet it would seem as if at all times God had inspired the Queen to behave in such a manner as to avoid the possibility of the King's suspicions falling on her; for notwithstanding the many and oft-repeated efforts made by the nun to obtain an audience, in order, as she said, to console her in her affliction and adversity, it was always denied her. The Queen, in fact, would never receive her, and now finds that she acted wisely. All this time the King's Privy Councillors are making most diligent search and inquiries as to whether the Queen ever wrote or sent a message to the said nun; but she is perfectly at ease on that score, for she declares that she never had anything to do with her, but only with the marquis and marchioness of Excestre (Exeter), and with the good bishop of Rochestre (Fisher), who, it must be said for the sake of truth, have been on very intimate terms with the said nun.
	About six days ago a new ambassador from France came to reside at this court; his name is the seigneur de Chastillon. (fn. n29) The news he brings is not very fresh, for he is said to have left the French court more than two months since, This king, however, has begged the last ambassador to stay in England until intelligence comes from Marseilles, that he may, as it is presumed, take back to France either his grateful thanks if it be good and promising, or his complaints and regret if disappointing and bad.
	Not to trouble Your Majesty further with insignificant details, I bring the present despatch to a close.—London, 12th November 1533.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 3.
13 Nov.	1150. Martin de salinas to king Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 71, f. 267.	My last despatch was dated the 7th inst. Luis Tobar will be the bearer of the present, for he has actually finished his business here, and is to take with him the resolution in all pending affairs. As Granvelle has done his best to forward Your Majesty's interests, I should recommend that a pelisse of dressed marten skins (martas cibelinas) should be presented to him by way of acknowledgment of his services. The gift might come very opportunely, as this winter threatens to be a very severe one. A similar present might also be made to Covos, who has also worked very hard for Your Majesty's benefit.
	For other pending matters I beg leave to refer to Luis Tobar, present bearer, who will not fail to advise Your Majesty thereof.
	The Emperor, it would appear, has again written to the Pope, and I conclude that there is some sort of understanding between His Holiness' private secretary, who has replaced Salviati, that is, Jacopo or Giacomo, brother of cardinal Giovanni. His name is Sanga, and Mr. de Granvela is on very good terms with him. Great care should be taken not to have the secret divu'lged, either at Rome or elsewhere.—Monçon, 13th November 1533.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 1½.
13 Nov.	1151. The Same to secretary Castillejo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 71, f. 267.	My last letter, dated the 7th inst., went by the medium of Mons. de Granvelle. Luis de Tobar, who left next, will be the bearer of this, as well as of the decree of convocation for the Diet, &c. I have nothing to add to my despatch to the King, our master, save that the marten skins (martas) for Mr. de Granvelle and Covos ought to come as soon as possible. Both have been very useful, and may be so hereafter.
	Great secrecy ought to be kept with regard to certain intelligences lately established between the ministers of His Imperial Majesty and the Pope's secretary. (fn. n30) —Monçon, 13th November 1533.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.