January 1534, 21-31


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'Spain: January 1534, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 15-29. URL: Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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January 1534, 21-31

21 Jan.5. Captain Aponte to the Same.
S.E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 100.
B.M. Add. 28,586,
f. 115.
Wrote from Genoa advising his arrived in that city. Left on the 10th, and arrived in Rome, Wednesday, the 14th, on which day a courier was despatched to Naples and Sicily. The next two days, the 15th and 16th, were taken up with visiting the Count of [Cifuentes], and deciphering the despatches he (Aponte) had for him, and his own instructions. On Friday (fn. 1) the Count and he (Aponte) called on His Holiness, and delivered the Emperor's letter, reciting in appropriate words the whole of their credence, and giving him both explanation and satisfactory answer to all and every one of his questions according to their nature and importance, and thanking him besides for the good-will he had shown, the advices sent, and the demonstrations offered. (fn. 2) Coming afterwards to the three points, namely, the general welfare of Christendom, the peace of Italy, and the Emperor's own interests, a long conversation ensued, in adequate and proper terms, which ended in His Holiness declaring that he would again re-consider the matter carefully, promising the Count and him (Aponte) never to be in fault in what concerned the Emperor personally.
The ambassadors then took their leave, but as the Count thought that he [Aponte] could not well quit Rome [for Naples] without first calling again on His Holiness, it was decided that he should stay a few days longer. This was on Friday. Saturday and Sunday, by command of the Count, he (Aponte), accompanied by the archbishop of Capua, visited no less than eight of the cardinals, in all of whom he found much good-will for the Emperor's service, (fn. 3) as well as the perfect assurance that they will undertake great things for him wherever they happen to be. Their names are, Medici, Frenesis (Farnese), Campeggio, Grimaldo, Naples, La Vala (La Valle), Sanctiquatuor, and Capua, besides (Schomberg), with whom he (Aponte) had great dealings. The latter says that the Emperor ought to pay great attention to the affairs of Germany, (fn. 4) for there the, matter principally lies. As a proof of this he (Capua) exhibited a letter received from those parts, and begged him (Aponte) to put it into the Count's hands, which has been done since. Capua is in soul and body the Emperor's man. This is quite evident from his words, and, indeed, he shows it well by his acts. He is very desirous of becoming a cardinal. Saw at once by his conversation that he wanted to find out whether he (Aponte) had brought instructions to that effect. Answered him in general terms, as he has been instructed to do.
The above are the names of the cardinals visited. Has nothing to say of Sancta Croce (Quiñones) or Jahen (Merino), because, as was proper and just, they were the first visited. Each of these works separately, and promotes with his friends the Emperor's interests, faithfully reporting to the Count every step they gain in their various negotiations.
Yesterday, Monday the 20th, the Count and he (Aponte) called again on His Holiness; and repeated the statements made on a previous occasion. His Holiness answered as before, assuring the Imperial ambassador of his perfect goodwill, and going still further in his promises. The resolution taken was that he would appoint three cardinals to meet the Count, and deliberate on all matters relating to the maritime armaments; on which point His Holiness lays, as it would appear, much stress, as well as to the laud expedition against the Turk; which point being discussed and settled between them with all possible help, His Holiness maintains that he will not be a defaulter either with the Emperor or with the undertaking. (fn. 5) Certainly, to hear the Pope speak in this manner, and with so much warmth, one must believe him to be exclusively the Emperor's staunch friend!
His business being now despatched, he (Aponte) will leave for Naples to-night or to-morrow morning before sun-rise.
Reminds His Imperial Majesty that it will not be amiss for him to write a few lines to each of the above-named cardinals by the first post, thanking them for their good-will and friendly answers to the overtures which the Count and he (Aponte) made them. Capua (Schomberg) particularly deserves a gracious letter from the Emperor, and if a few words were added expressive of his regret at his not having been made a cardinal, which is the thing he (Capua) desires most of all, everything would go on well, for he happens to be just now a very influential person here.—Rome, 21 January 1534. Francisco de Ponte (sic).
Addressed: "To the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Holograph, partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the margins. pp. 4.
23 Jan.6. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. Rom., L. 862,
f. 1–2.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 117,
Wrote on the 12th by Portilla, the courier. On the 14th Captain Aponte arrived with the Emperor's despatches of the 15th ultimo. Called on His Holiness, and explained the object of Aponte's mission. The Pope's answer was conceived in general terms. He praised much the Emperor's solicitude for the welfare of Christendom and the defence of the Apostolic See. Promised to do what he could against the Turk, but said that it seemed a very hard thing for him to have to spend so much treasure merely in defensive measures, without going to attack the lion in his own den. The sums demanded from him were (he observed) yearly, not once for all. Besides which, the determination of the king of France not to help in the undertaking, inasmuch as he considered himself injured by the treaty of Cambray, made the case still more grave and almost desperate.
His (the Count's) answer was that, even should the French king refuse his help against the Turk, the Pope and the Emperor would nevertheless be bound to undertake the protection of Christendom. How much injury king Francis might inflict upon the Christian world at large, and the Apostolic See in particular, by withdrawing his help,—nay, by encouraging the Turk, as he is known to have done, and prompting him to invade Christendom, and especially the Emperor's dominions,—was a matter which required no demonstration at all. It was evident and manifest. His Holiness assented, and said, "I recollect once telling the king of France that, should the Turk invade and take possession of Sicily, neither he nor any other prince in Italy would be able to stand against him; for, once there, the Turk would soon become master of the whole of the Peninsula; and that king Francis answered, 'Yes, yes, but if the Turk takes possession of Sicily he will appoint a Christian to govern the island in his name.'"
It is very remarkable that the Pope should never have mentioned this at Marseilles; which circumstance, coupled with the emphatic hint implied in the King's answer, which, by-the-by, he (the Pope) did not sufficiently condemn, makes him (the Count) suspect that everything is not right in that quarter. Took occasion from this to point out the wicked intentions of the French king, and strove to convince His Holiness of the necessity of at once providing for the wants of threatened Christendom. He (the Pope) ended by recommending that Aponte should at once start for Naples and Sicily, and see that the cities and towns on the coast, and especially Messina, were placed in a state of defence.
The interview, and the affairs of Germany.
Coming to the subject of the English matrimonial suit, His Holiness said distinctly that his wish was to do justice therein, and that he had lately received intelligence that the King had proclaimed himself in open disobedience to the Church, and filled up all the vacant benefices throughout England. Having asked him what he knew about the bishop of Paris (Du Bellay), and his mission, the Pope answered, "I have heard that all the time he was in that country, he did nothing else but convey the congratulations of his master, and receive in return those of the King." The Pope then asked: "Why does not your Emperor think of the execution of the sentence 'super attentatis?' Were I to pronounce sentence on the main cause, as he wants me to do, it would not be so profitable for him as the other, since by that one alone the king of England might at once be declared as having forfeited his kingdom." Replied, that the sentence "super attentatis" was not considered a final one in England, at least such was the report of the Imperial ambassador (Chapuys), and that the reasoning of the English came to this: "Since the Pope and the College of Cardinals hesitate to pronounce sentence in the matrimonial cause, it is evident that they have doubts of the justice of the Queen's cause." The King, therefore, who not only has doubts of it, but believes it to be the other way, may remain married to Anne, especially when he has in his favour the opinions of several Paris doctors and others.
To follow up his argument, Sylva continued, "His Holiness knows very well how such opinions have been obtained from people of very scanty learning in such canonical matters; besides which, bribery has been openly used; therefore it is for Your Holiness to determine the principal cause at once. His Holiness again promised that he would, and that justice should be done in the case, immediately after which he gave order for auditor Simonetta to be released from all other legal duties and engagements, that he might look over the process and report.
He (Sylva) had just finished writing the above paragraph when some one called to inform him that the English ambassador (fn. 6) at the court of France had addressed a letter to the Baron del Borgho, late Papal Nuncio in England, saying that the King of that country actually had refused obedience to the Apostolic See, and was giving away the ecclesiastical benefices of his kingdom without his approbation or consent, on the plea that by so doing he could and would derive a larger revenue, and have more authority; and that the very moment His divine Majesty disposed of the Queen—who by the last post was reported to be in a very precarious state of health—he (the King) would remain with one wife only. Even then king Henry would not for that return to the obedience of the Apostolic See, or relent in his enmity towards His Holiness, having, as the letter said, written to the duke of Saxony (George) and to other Lutheran princes that he wished to become their ally and confederate, &c.
The Pope (the writer added) had the above letter of the English ambassador read in Consistory for the cardinals to deliberate at their next meeting, as to what was to be done in this emergency. The English ambassador's letter further states that Anne is again in the family way.
He (Sylva) cannot say whether all these things will be sufficient to induce the Pope to give sentence in the principal cause; but the report is that the cardinals having inquired of him what were His Majesty's intentions in the event of the sentence being pronounced, His Holiness answered that the Emperor had very lately, in his letters brought by Aponte, promised to stake his life and estate on the execution of the sentence. Cannot say for certain what were His Holiness' express words on that occasion; all he can say is, that, as regards himself, he has hitherto been anything but explicit in his declarations on that subject, following on that point the letter of his instructions; and as to Field Marshal Aponte, that he has never made use of such words in his (Sylva's) presence.
At this juncture a message comes from the Pope saying that he has received letters from France in date of the 12th, advising that the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) had arrived at Court. Nothing was known of his negociations in England, only that king Francis would soon send him here (to Rome) on a mission. (fn. 7) It seems as if the Bishop has left in England traces of his mistakes, as he (Sylva) had occasion to remark when His Holiness first announced to him the Bishop's departure for England, for certainly he is rather an unfit messenger to be sent to a country contaminated by Lutheran opinions.
A message had been despatched by the Pope to Count San Segundo (fn. 8) summoning him to appear at this Court, and the Count has written a letter excusing himself, and alleging reasons for his non-appearance at Rome. The same messenger who brought the Count's letter to the Pope was the bearer of another private one for Cardinal de' Medici, wherein the Count says that he dares not come to Rome, because he is afraid that His Holiness wishes to punish him for certain offences. He (the Count) further begged the Cardinal to advise him as to what he ought to do, and the Cardinal's answer has been that the Count must come at all events to Rome. If he does, it will be seen what all this is about.—Rome, 23 January 1534
Signed: "El Conde Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 10.
28 Jan.7. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 8.
The day before yesterday, the Scottish ambassador, of whom I have written in former despatches, disregarding all the scruples and suspicions to which he knows by experience these people are very prone, even in the present state of things, came to see and dine with me. We talked till a late hour of various matters, which would take too much time to relate, and therefore will only refer to the principal one. Among other subjects of conversation, one was the good-will and affection that (said he) the King, his master, bore Your Majesty, he (the ambassador) having formally declared to me that the thing in this world his master desired most was to be united by close alliance and affinity to Your Majesty. Not only (said he) is the King, my master very desirous of such an alliance, but all his subjects are also. There is nothing in this world the king of Scotland wants so much as to be married, owing to the importunities of his people, who are continually requesting him to do so; and as King Henry himself wishes for it, he is actually soliciting Francis to give him (James) a wife, provided she be not one of his own daughters; for this King would be much offended at that, as much, perhaps, as if he married into Your Majesty's family. This is the reason, continued the ambassador, why this King fancies that my master cannot marry too soon. Yet the latter, knowing the intentions of the English king, and what he is aiming at, is not at all in a hurry to take a final step in the matter. (fn. 9)
After this the Scottish ambassador declared to me that his instructions were, as I have already informed Your Majesty, to try and ascertain whether this King was inclined to war, or to peace and amity; not to ask him for one or the other, but leave the thing entirely to his choice and pleasure. He added that he had found the King and those around him not only inclining to peace, but actually wishing for it. The King had said many good words, and frequently shown regret at his not having sooner recognized the virtues and good-will of his nephew of Scotland. So great was his wish for peace that he complained daily of the delay of the other ambassadors, whom he expects from Scotland, to treat of peace between the two countries. About three days ago, after offering excuses for the raid lately made by his border troops into Scotland, about which I wrote lately (fn. 10) to Your Majesty, this King said to the Scottish ambassador that he was really sorry at his colleagues in the embassy not coming in greater haste to discuss and settle the preliminaries of a peace whilst Parliament was still sitting; for, peace once made between the two countries, he would' have a bill passed therein to this effect, that upon failure of the issue he now has, or may have in future, from the Lady he has married, the succession to the English crown shall devolve upon king James. The ambassador made much of this royal promise, and seemed very much pleased; but I made him feel (fn. 11) that what this King proposes is not only a thing against conscience, since he tries by such means to deprive the Princess of her right, and contravene the Papal sentence and censures, but is besides (I said) very inconsiderate on the part of the King, his master, to renounce the expectations he may have, on the death of the Princess, an only daughter, of succeeding to the Crown of England, and agree to the condition proposed by the King,—a most preposterous one after all, since he has already one daughter, and Anne de Boulans is now in the family way again, and in a state of health and of an age to have many more children. He (the ambassador) must also be aware that whatever bill Parliament might be made to pass on that score would be of no value, since it was, as he could well see, forced upon its members. The ambassador then owned that my remark was just and fitting. He said that his master, the King, would take good care not to fall into such a snare, and concluded by stating his opinion that, whatever countenance was put on either side, no peace would be made. He further assured me that, unaccustomed as he was to go on missions, where he saw no probable chance of success, he had for a long time refused to accept this one. Many of the Privy Councillors in Scotland thought that, instead of preparing embassies like the present, what king James ought to do was to commission officers and make levies of men. Every day there was (he said) less inclination [on the part of his countrymen] to negociate a peace with the English, considering the bad and detestable government, likely to end in their total ruin and perdition, especially if Your Majesty seemed in the least indignant against them. Indeed that it seemed as if the time had come for the Scotch to revenge the injuries received from the English, or make their profit by war. My reply was, that, as far as I had been given to understand, it had not been in Your Majesty's power to grant his master the affinity and alliance to which he alluded, and that the excuses addressed by Mr. de Rosinboz, in your name, had been considered sufficient by his master, the King, who had accepted them willingly.
The ambassador having owned that what I said was perfectly true, we went on conversing, and I told him, "I have no doubt that the Emperor's love for the King, your master, and his almost paternal affection for the Princess, his cousin, would have made him desire a marriage between her and him. I am the more inclined to think and say so, that I know that one of the things the Emperor desires most is the perfect union and amity of all the Christian princes, which would thus be effectually promoted, for many considerations, which I then and there proceeded to expound, and which seemed to him very good and reasonable. "But" replied the ambassador, "there is no chance of the king of England ever agreeing to that, unless compelled by force of arms, though, as far as I am given to understand, the English would like it extremely. If Your Majesty was only pleased to assist thereto, and favour a little the King, his master, he (the ambassador) had no doubt the thing could be done. The king of Scotland, he said, had not yet allowed his ambassadors to make overtures respecting that marriage, for fear of the French king cavilling and reproaching him hereafter with his having tried to contravene the treaties and promises which bind them together as to intermarriages. He (the ambassador) had, however obtained a safe-conduct for an abbot and a secretary, (fn. 12) who were going straight to France for the purpose of ascertaining king Francis' views in this respect, that he might, after that, shape his conduct accordingly, and proceed with the negociations in London, without which requisite neither he nor his colleagues could conclude anything. I told the ambassador that if he had charge from his master to speak about the marriage of the said Princess, he could very well do it now, without fear of the inconvenience to which he alluded, the advice and pleasure of the French king always reserved. His reply was, "Unless I am called upon to speak about that, I am determined not to broach the subject until the rest of my colleagues arrive from Scotland. When they come I will let you know through a third person what their charge and commission is, and partly also that of the ambassadors who are to go to France. Were this King as desirous of peace as he professes to be, he would send his ambassadors to Scotland, without allowing the Scotch to come here; since, whatever their wish to visit this Court and treat with the Kings Privy Council, when they see the state in which the affairs of this kingdom are, they might lose all desire of negociating a peace with England. Indeed, if those who ought to have come for that particular purpose are as well informed of the state of affairs in this country as those who came before, they will take care not to arrive at any understanding; and if they do, should the Pope's mandate come in the meantime, or some equally legitimate occasion intervene, as the ambassador very properly remarked to me, they are sure to use it as these people deserve. (fn. 13) The ambassador further told me that the English were boasting that Your Majesty was just now soliciting closer alliance with them, and that this King accused James's principal secretary (Erskine) of being too much of an Imperialist, on which account he was not considered loyal towards his own master or the king of France. (fn. 14) He also said to me that the earl of Douglas, the King's uncle, and his brother, both emigrants (fn. 15) in England, were trying all they could to make their peace with the King, his master. Lastly, on taking leave, he promised that King James would not take a wife in a hurry, but would still wait a little for his "bonne fortune," and that in future, to guard against suspicion, he would not personally visit me, but inform me through third persons of the progress of the negociation.
Besides the cordial welcome which this King and his Privy Councillors, especially Cremuel, are giving to the Scottish ambassador, Cromwell is almost daily inviting him to most splendid banquets, and they have all promised him the freedom of the gentleman who was going to Rome to procure a commission from the Pope to proceed against the archbishop of St. Andrew, and who, as I informed Your Majesty in one of my despatches, was taken prisoner at sea by an English privateer. The Archbishop was not sorry for the capture of the said gentleman, inasmuch as he had been his denunciator and accuser. The Pope, however, has refused the King's application, for in reality there was no cause for the prosecution. The charge brought against the Archbishop was, as the Scottish ambassador tells me, that he had written to the duke of Albany (John Stuart) to come to Scotland, and put order in State affairs, which, he said, were getting worse and worse, owing to the bad government of the King and of those who surrounded him.
I hear that measures against the Pope are in contemplation in the Parliament now sitting. A treatise, the third in order, has been lately published against him (the Pope), under the title of "Difference of the Life and Doctrine of God] and that of the Bishop of Rome," as they call him; which treatise is only a reproduction of the principal errors of the Lutherans; and I am told that other similar books are now being composed. (fn. 16) Yet, though these people are doing their utmost [against the Pope], they still fancy that, either through fear of losing entirely the allegiance of the English, or at the intercession of the French king, His Holiness will give in, and finally grant their wishes. Indeed, Cremuel has during the last four days affirmed, nay, sworn over and over again, to one of my secretaries, that pope Clement had declared at Marseilles that had this King duly sent his powers to be represented at Rome, sentence would certainly have been given in his favour. He (the King) had refused to send in those powers, not to impair, as he said, the privileges of his kingdom, and the general prerogative of princes. Cremuel went so far as to offer my secretary to show him the letters where the above declaration by the Pope was contained; and yet I am under the impression that, whatever they may bring forth against the Pope, they will attempt nothing before the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) returns from Rome, or sends a report of what he has accomplished there.
Parliament, as I hear, has done away with certain revenues which the Clergy derived from all house rents. This has been done apparently for the people's gratification; but that is nothing in comparison of what this King himself intends doing, which is to usurp part of the ecclesiastical property altogether, distribute the remainder to gentlemen, and even bestow the ecclesiastical benefices on laymen, as Cremuel himself said to the Scottish ambassador the other day. (fn. 17)
About five days ago this King, having received despatches from his ambassador in France, sent for the French one resident in this Court, and kept him till three o'clock in the morning. I have heard that since then the King and all his Privy Councillors have been exceedingly sad and annoyed at the news brought by the said courier. The French ambassador, I am told, was writing all night; and when morning came, his secretary, who had to copy all the despatches, said to a friend of his, who related it to me, that English affairs were speedily going to ruin, and that there would soon be a disagreement between this King and his master: which agrees very well with what I wrote to Your Majesty in my last despatch.
Just at this moment I hear from a good source that king Francis has declared to the bishop of Vinchestre (Gardyner), and to the other English ambassador resident at his Court, that this King might be sure of king Francis employing both person and property in assisting, helping, and supporting him against his adversaries, whoever they might be, provided his own honour and conscience permitted him to do so; but that he (Francis) was not called upon to go against the authority of the Apostolic See, to the defence of which he considered himself duly bound, as a Catholic and most Christian king, following the example of his predecessors on the throne of France; and that God's commandments, as well as the promises and oaths of obedience which he had made, came before their mutual alliances, over which he was bound to give precedence to the Apostolic See and its authority. He (Henry) was not to place too much reliance on the German princes; he ought to take example by him, for, as he well knew, notwithstanding their fair words and promises, after his spending considerable treasure at the time of the election for the Empire, they had played fool with him. Which advice and declaration on the part of king Francis must have been the substance of the Bishop's last despatch, and the cause, as I said before, of this King's bad humour. Indeed, one of the Bishop's servants, who says he was present when king Francis spoke to him in that tone, related this to a worthy citizen, who came and told me himself.
I cannot say whether the above message from the King, or the perplexity in which these people are just now, is the cause of the departure of a certain doctor-at-law, who was to go to Lubeck, being delayed; but certain it is that he, and those whom this King destined for Germany, are still in town. It is said, however, that all of them are to take their departure three days hence. Some say that the Doctor, after fulfilling his commission at Lubeck, is to go to the king of Poland (Sigismond), or to the duke of Prussia, which I do not believe. The other two, (fn. 18) who are destined to Germany separately, are men of small importance and position; one was once a, priest in the diocese of Canterbury and the secretary of the Archbishop (Cranmer), (fn. 19) when the latter went to Your Majesty; the other a clerk of this King's secretary, who went last year to Germany, in the suite of Master Elyot, as I then informed Your Majesty. The former, the priest of Canterbury, has charge of collecting all the books and writings composed in favour of this King's divorce, and taking them with him [to Germany], for what purpose I cannot say. As soon as I hear particulars of their individual missions, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.—London, 28 January 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original. pp. 9.
29 Jan.8. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 10.
Having yesterday written to Your Majesty at fall length the news of this kingdom, this will be in answer to the official letter of the 24th ultimo, which came to hand this very day.
With regard to the high personages whom the Queen desired Your Majesty to send here, as I have had the honour to state in several despatches, I own that I was never sanguine as to the effect they might have on the King's mind I always doubted whether any persuasions of theirs could influence him, or whether they themselves could get his permission to appear before the assembled Parliament, and then and there, make such representations as would further and promote the Queen's business. I was moved to make the application by the considerations I mentioned in several of my despatches, as well as by the commands of the Queen herself, and likewise at the suggestion of many worthy persons of this kingdom, including Mr. Elyot, who certainly has not been the last to ask for them in his own name, and in that of several others highly placed here, as he has given me to understand. Although the said Master Elyot does not rank among the principal lords of this kingdom, yet I have named and singled him out because Your Majesty knows him well. Even members of this Parliament have sent me messages this last week to the effect that should any one come to England on behalf of Your Majesty, thus giving them occasion and excuse [to oppose the King's measures], they will holdout, they being in hopes that a large majority of good Christians, indignant at the way in which the Pope is treated in this country, will vote with them. Yet it must be said that the means used by the King for the election of members, chosen entirely at his pleasure, as I have already informed Your Majesty; his having countermanded all those whom he thought were likely to oppose his views in this present Parliament, such as the archbishop of York, the good bishops of Durham (Durham) and Rochester, Monseigneur d'Arcy, and others innumerable, make me fear that by dint of such like practices, promises, or threats this King will carry any measure he chooses, as Your Majesty has in your great wisdom imagined. I shall this very night send a messenger to the Queen to inform her of the paragraph in Your Majesty's letter bearing on this particular point, and, in pursuance of the instructions received, announce to her your resolution respecting the said personages, adding on my own account, and as proceeding entirely from myself, such observations and advice as will effectually put a stop to any further applications, and make her take the whole in good part, affording her at the same time the consolation which she so much needs. I will do the same with the Princess, to whom not later than yesterday I sent certain consolatory books (liures consolatifs) she had asked for, and which have given her much pleasure. As soon as I get an answer from the Queen, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty, as well as of the object for which the duke of Norfoch (Norfolk) and Brianturc (Brian Tuke) are now going to visit the said Princess.
I some days ago informed the latter that there was a talk in France of marrying her to the Marquis de Saluce (Saluzzo), and that she must be on her guard not to consent to that or other equally unsuitable marriages, if proposed to her, nay, to none at all, however advantageous, without the will and consent of the Queen, her mother, and Your Majesty's sanction if possible; which she has since sent me word shall be punctually executed. The King's mistress had from the very beginning resolved that the Princess should act as her train-bearer, and that she would cause her and her mother all manner of annoyances; but considering that her singular beauty, goodness, and virtue, might possibly induce the King to change his purpose, and that if the Princess were to attend Court, and be seen there continually, she might daily gain the hearts and favour of the courtiers, she has not allowed her to come; so that there has been no need, nor do I think there will be in future, of further remonstrances or appeals on that score, nor of the protests mentioned in Your Majesty's letters, since the date of which several despatches of mine must have been received, confirming my former statements respecting the prudence and wisdom of the Princess, who is sure not to do anything to the prejudice of her mother's or Your Majesty's interests.
With regard to maintaining the lords and others of this country faithful to Your Majesty's interests, and to those of the Queen as well, I have done as much as was in my power; but whether it be my unlucky star that causes it, or the weather, which is very bad and unseasonable here just now, the fact is that I have neither the opportunity nor the means to render Your Majesty the services that I should otherwise have wished, such being my regret at this state of things, that had Your Majesty a knowledge of my situation there would be no need of my making any further apologies or excuses. Your Majesty may easily understand that one of the chief grounds for the preservation of that devotion, which the English in general manifest towards Your Majesty, depends in a great measure upon their seeing and believing that Your Majesty really intends pursuing to the end, and in every possible way, the Queen's cause. Many of them, who perhaps have no knowledge of your affairs, nor of the political considerations by which Your Majesty's conduct must necessarily be regulated, perceiving that you do not proceed so vigorously as they expected in the Queen's business, seem to be rather cooling down in their affection. On the other hand, those on the King's side are sedulously spreading the rumour that Your Majesty cares naught for all these things. Such like rumours, when once circulated, are not easy to contradict, especially when no opportunity is afforded for Your Majesty's ambassador to go to Court, and when, as I have said in former despatches, few, if any, here dare come and frequent my society, just as if I were already a prisoner, and war had actually been declared between the Empire and England.
Respecting this King's views and ideas of what passed at the conferences of Marseilles, I have many a time before this written to Your Majesty. I now learn that he is becoming every day more and more satisfied at their issue, and this I gather from the fact of his having had translated into English, and printed, certain Latin verses which I once sent to Mr. de Grantvelle, written in favour of Your Majesty and against the Pope and the king of France, on the occasion of the Marseilles meeting, as this King believes. True it is that he has caused the expressions against the king of France to be somewhat modified (raducies), and that quite lately Cremuel's secretary, recently returned from Germany, visited the houses of many Spaniards residing in this city, to ascertain whether there were also any verses in Spanish against the conferences of Marseilles, in order to have them also printed, which could not well be done without order or commission from his master (Cromwell), and at the King's own bidding.
With regard to St. Peter's pence for Rome, I must say that I have always got people here to contribute, whenever I received notice thereof. I have thus been able to remit to Messire Colardy 800 ducats in two bills, as will appear from his own letters, which I have lately forwarded to Count Cifuentes that he may see and verify how the said sum has been spent, and give quittance to the heirs of the said Colardy, at the same time telling him (the Count) that if he wants money he may draw upon me, and that his bills shall be honoured. Though, to say the truth, the Queen is scantily provided with funds just now, yet this must be said of her, that for such an object she will not mind suffering still greater privations. (fn. 20)
As to the secretary of the Count Palatine (Frederic), the only thing I have been able to discover about him is that of which I have informed Your Majesty. I have been told to-day that one of those whom this King sent to Germany was intended for the Counts court; but, as I wrote in my despatch of yesterday, the people whom this King is now sending to Germany are not fit for such missions; they will probably spoil any negotiation in which they are concerned. Perhaps the King, as I imagine, wishing to justify himself with German Princes, may have sent an agent to the Count, whom he considers as his great friend for the last two years. I must, however, observe that my informer is not a person to be relied upon implicitly. I have also been told that one of the Kings agents is to go to Hungary.
With respect to the restitution of the property taken by the Lubeckian ships, this King has already received an answer that it will be duly restored to its legitimate owners. Yet, as during this winter the navigation to those parts had been interrupted, the merchants here have put off sending for it. That they may not suffer in consequence, I have applied to Cromwell for letters patent in the King's name, requesting the Lubeckians to restore the whole of the merchandise, and at the same time indemnify the merchants for their losses, which the said Cromwell has promised to do with perfect good-will; and I may assure Your Majesty that not only in this affair of the Lubeckians, but in the almost numberless Flemish and Spanish claims in which I have had to interfere daily, the said Cromwell has always until now behaved most handsomely, showing himself on all occasions favourable and well inclined towards Your Majesty's subjects. Would to God that he had behaved as well towards the Queen, and towards the Pope, whom he pursues and attacks more fiercely than any other man in this kingdom?
I will do my utmost, according to Your Majesty's desire, to ascertain the quality, suite, power, means, and authority in Ireland of the earl of Desmond, and what relation he is to the earl of Quildra (Kildare), the governor of Ireland, and whether that relationship, whatever it may be, ought to be made use of for gaining over that Governor, who is said to be just now on the eve of rebellion, being, as I wrote in a former despatch, the most important vassal this King has in Ireland.
The convocation of Lords mentioned in Your Majesty's letter has not yet taken place. I cannot say what its object may be, unless it is to treat of the affairs of the Queen and Princess, or have some plea and excuse for summoning the said Governor of Ireland without arousing his suspicions.—London, xxix. January 1534. (fn. 21)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, mostly in cipher. pp. 7.


1 "El dia dupues de Reyes."(?)
2 "Y a cada cosa se le satisfizo de parte de V. M. muy bien, [á] cada cosa segun la calidad della, á lo uno rengraciando mucho la buena voluntad de su Sd. y avisos y demostraciones."
3 "El sabado y Domingo yo visité por ordern del conde a ocho cardenales conel arçobispo de Capua, en los quales," &c.
4 "Tenga gran cuydado en las cosas de Alemaña, que alii es donde se [de] bate la cosa, y un aviso que él ha havido nuevamente me lo dio en esto, [para]que[lo] diesse al Conde."
5 "No faltará en nada á V. Mt. ni á la empresa."
6 Sir John Wallop.
7 "Paresceme que dexo en inglaterra señal de su hierro (?) como habia dicho á su Santidad quando me dixo hiva (sic) el dicho obispo en inglaterra, que no era buen mensajero para tierra que estava tocada de opiniones luteranas." Hierro in the above passage is a blunder for yerro; the former word meaning iron, from ferrum, whilst the latter is an "error," a "mistake."
8 About count San Segundo (Secondo), whose proper name was Pietro Maria Rosso, see vol. iv., part ii., pp. 532–3, 538–9.
9 Ou quil ne preynne allyeurs (allyence?) avec vostre Maieste, quest la cause quil ne semble à ce roi que celle (?) descosse soit asses tost marie, mais que congnoissant le dit roy, son maistre, lintencion et fantaisie de cestuy yçi auroit plus daduis et regard de non soy haster.
10 "Il y a environ trois jours que apres auoir excuse les courreries dernierement faictes sur les escoussois."
11 "Au quel iay faict toucher avec le duc" says the copy, avec le doigt?
12 "Et quil avoit obtenu sauf conduyt pour ung abbe et ung secretaire."
13 "Et si ceulx que ont de venir pour traicter sont si bien abbreuvez des affaires dyci comme telle que y est, ils nont garde de riens conclure et quelque conclusion quil y ayt venant mandement du pape ou autre legitime occasion, comme ma dit icelluy ambassadeur, ilz ne laysseroint den user comme ceulx-ci meritent."
14 "Que ceulx-cy se vantoient que vostre maieste les requeroit de plus intrinsequc amytie, et que ce roy chargeoit fort le principal secretaire du roy, son maistre, destre trop bien imperial, et que a ceste cause il nestoit leal au roy de France ni a son maistre propre."
15 "Bannez (?) d'Angleterre, that is, bannis or emigrants.
16 "E a este le dit livre tire des capitales erreurs des lutheriens et dit lon que encoires en y a y pluseurs autres a la forge."
17 "Et du surplus on distribuer aux gentilhomes, voire donnera les benefices a gens daiz, comme Cremuel le declaire aux dits ambassadeurs descosse."
18 Vaughan and Montaborinus, about whom, see vol. iv., part ii., pp. 754, 841, 877, 996.
19 "Lung estoit prestre de larchevesque de Conturbery pendant quil fust ambassadeur devers vostre maieste, lautre est ung clerc du secretaire de ce roy que desia lannee passce fust en allemagne conduit par ung serviteur de maistre elyot."
20 "Toutesfois pour telle cas, elle na si bonne vacelle quelle ne face voler (?)."
21 I have purposely suppressed a long paragraph of this letter touching the ambassador's private affairs, who frequently complains to the Emperor and to Granvelle of want of funds for his personal expenses.