Spain
February 1534, 1-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1886

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30-53

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'Spain: February 1534, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 30-53. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87888 Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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February 1534, 1-20

4 Feb.9. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 2.
These people cease not in their intrigues against the Pope. Every day new tracts and books are published against the authority of the Apostolic See, as Your Majesty has, no doubt already learned by the copy of the one I sent by the last post, and the one herein enclosed; the substance and aim of the said tracts being to sap and destroy the authority of the Holy See, and raise discussion on several inconvenient points, such as the marriage of priests, and the bestowing of ecclesiastical benefices on laymen, which this King is aiming at, that he may by that means attach to himself a portion of the nobility, and prevent their finding fault with him far his obstinacy in pursuing his design, which is nothing short of doing away altogether with part of the ecclesiastical benefices, usurping their entire revenues in some cases, and m others taking possession of the temporal fruits.
Were it only a question, by such books and writings (escripteaux), of defying (blasonner) the Pope and the authority of the Holy See, the measure after all would not be so important; for the English people, knowing, as they do know, that all this proceeds from passion, malice, and revenge, do not attach much faith to it, but are, on the contrary, very angry with the King for doing so. The worst is that some preachers from the pulpits—wherefrom nothing should be said that is not absolutely holy and edifying—are, under cover of religious charity and devotion, inculcating on the minds of simple persons the theories propounded in such writings; whence it is to be feared that, unless the venomous root be promptly pulled up, everything here will go to ruin and perdition. And inasmuch as the doctrines propounded in the book which this King has caused to be published are in open contradiction with those of the other one which appeared once under his name, he has now printed in English a letter from Luther to him, in which he informs us that the book in question was not composed of his own free will, but that h had written it at the instigation of the cardinal of York (Wolsey) and other prelates. (fn. 1) Your Majesty may judge from these facts how obstinate and pertinacious this King is.
I have been unable as yet to obtain such positive and reliable information as I should have wished respecting the estate and forces of count Desmond; yet I am told that he has two or three very strong castles, that he is powerful, can at any time enlist 15 or 20,000 men among his own vassals, and that he has greater power and more strongholds from which to do harm to the English residing in Ireland than any other lord in that island. He is, besides, closely allied to the count of Quildra (Kildare) and to other lords of the country, and it is reported that his uncle was once on the point of marrying the sister or daughter of King Edward. As to his personal appearance, I am told that he is well made, bold, nay a terrible man in warfare, and has besides that plenty of good sense. Will go on with my enquiries, and, should I learn any thing more, shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
Only to-day will the agents whom this King is sending to Germany leave town. Each, I am told, is the bearer of a quantity of letters to people in that country. He who goes to Lubeke carries at least 40 of them, with the King's great seal. To whom addressed, or what the agent's particular errand, I have as yet been unable to ascertain. I have, though carefully, informed Madame the Governess of the Low Countries, and will do so again, of the departure of these people, and the route they intend taking, in case she should wish to have them stopped on the road, and prevent their journey and commission; for, in my opinion, there would be more plausible and indeed righteous cause for this than was alleged for the arrest of Don Iñigo [de Mendoza] (fn. 2) by the French, when he was coming here from Spain, considering that the agents I speak of go to solicit and seduce Your Majesty's subjects against God and you.—London, 4th February 1534–5.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, almost entirely in cipher. pp. 2.
11 Feb.10. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 13.
The queen of Hungary, Your Majesty's aunt, having heard and well considered (rumine) the very prudent and most urgent reasons you had for not sending the personage from your realms, who was to come here on her behalf, and at her own particular request, the latter has adhered to your opinion, and agreed that it is far better for her interest that Your Majesty should depute some one to Rome than send anyone here, according to her request. And presuming that the said queen of [Hungary], your aunt, will write to Your Majesty on the subject, and that Monsieur de Granvelle will also report on what Madame has been pleased to write to me on the subject, I will abstain from further comment.
Your Majesty's letter of the 11th ult. has come to hand. I immediately proceeded to inform the Queen and the Princess of its contents for their mutual consolation and comfort; but I have not yet received an answer from them, owing, no doubt, to the great difficulties which the one as well as the other finds in writing or sending messages to me by trusty persons. With regard to the recommendations contained in Your Majesty's last letter to me, namely, that this is no time for attempting anything like rigorous action or movement of any sort, I can assure Your Majesty that I have already avoided, and will in future avoid as much as possible, giving offence by words or deeds. I have since lost, and will lose, no opportunity in future to persuade the Queen to have patience, and do nothing likely to lead to the inconveniences pointed out in Your Majesty's despatch. (fn. 3) For although it be true that I have frequently alluded in my despatches to the necessity there was of Your Majesty beginning to try strong measures with these people, that was only said as a confirmation of the reasons and considerations contained in my said despatches, of which I scarcely need now make a repetition: which reasons and considerations moved, nay compelled me, to write as I then did. Wherefore, I humbly beg Your Majesty to believe that neither in this nor in any other thing shall I ever disobey Your Majesty's commands, and that I will take good care not to say, do, or counsel anything from which disorderly acts, or violence, might be anticipated. (fn. 4)
The French ambassador said to me, the day before yesterday, that this King had shown great regret at hearing of the death of his own ambassador at the Imperial Court, and that he had on the occasion praised and extolled your humane behaviour towards him in sending your own physicians to attend him, and making offers of help. I am sure the King fully acknowledges the kind attentions used towards his deceased ambassador; yet, at the same time, I fancy that in thus praising Your Majesty's humanity and courtesy, his object is to make the French feel that, whatever may be the cause of the quarrel existing between you and him, Your Majesty has still much regard for his friendship, and that, were the French to abandon him, he could settle his differences with you in two hours' time, as, not later than the day before yesterday, Briantucke said to a gentleman, who came and told me.
The said ambassador further related to me that the King, on his return from a visit to his new daughter, had said to him that "he would not see or speak to the Princess, on account of her stubborn and obstinate disobedience to his commands, which, he said, she had inherited with her Spanish blood; and that upon the Ambassador remarking that the Princess had been very well educated (nourrie), tears rushed to the King's eyes, and he could not help praising her many virtues and accomplishments. Anne [Boleyn] is well aware of the affection which the King bears his daughter, the Princess, and on that account she does not cease plotting against her. Not more than six days ago, the earl of Nortambellan (Northumberland) said to a gentleman, who came and told me, that he knew for certain that Anne had been thinking of having the Princess poisoned; and I must observe that the earl must know something about it, owing to his intimacy and credit with the said Anne. The Princess, however, has been well warned to be on her guard; but, unless God comes to her aid, there will be great difficulty in her escaping the danger I speak of. Indeed I know of no other remedy for the present than to persuade the Scottish ambassador to tell expressly the King and his Council that on no account will the king of Scotland, his master, consent to a final peace being concluded between the two kingdoms unless the right of succession to the Crown of England be secured to him on the death of the Princess (Mary). To make the Scottish ambassador adopt this plan, I have carefully put down in writing, for his use, a number of allegations and reasons, which it would take me too much time to reproduce here. He has promised me to do his utmost in that line; and no later than yesterday he sent me word that he would call on me to-day, without minding the suspicions these people might form if he was seen entering my lodgings. If he comes, I will not fail to remind him of his promise.
I had likewise thought of another course to adopt in the Princess's case, namely, that after again making the most solemn and strong protests against the violence used towards her, and the apparent danger to her life in the place where she is now made to reside, she should write to the King, and offer to relinquish the title of Princess, provided she were allowed to live with the Queen, her mother. But I have since thought that by doing so Anne might be further encouraged to execute her wicked design, for fear of the daughter being ultimately reconciled to the father; or that she might think that it would be easier for her to accomplish her end, under cover of friendship, much better than at present, when there is mutual hatred and enmity between them; besides which it might happen that the feelings of those who now favour the Princess, ignoring her reason for yielding, and the protests she has made beforehand, might cool down, and cease to have the same interest for her safety. (fn. 5)
A worthy gentleman of this place has told me that Anne had sent a message to her father's sister, in whose keeping the Princess (fn. 6) now is, that she ought not to tolerate her using that title; should she continue to do so she was to slap her face as the cursed bastard that she was. And because the said Princess has hitherto been in the habit of breakfasting in her own room, and, when obliged to go down into the hall, has refused to eat and drink any thing, the said Anne is in despair, and has for this reason given orders that no food or drink should be served to her in her chamber.
The first Thursday in Lent the said Anne purposes to go and see her daughter, and stay with her two days. Please God that it may not be to the cost of the good Princess! We must place the whole in the hands of God, who will by His divine clemency know how to order and provide for the whole as will best fit His service, giving Your Majesty time and opportunity as well as the means of repairing the mischief done.
The French ambassador told me also that he was surprised to hear that there was not a good and strong guard near the Princess, to prevent her being carried away from where she is; for it would be to the total destruction and perdition of this King, if she ever found herself beyond the sea. (fn. 7) This is in conformity with what I once wrote to Your Majesty, namely, that it never crossed this King's imagination to have his daughter married on the other side of the sea.
The same ambassador has incidentally related to me that this King had told him he had spent two million of gold on Your Majesty's behalf, including in that sum his own landing in France, and many other expenses, which certainly ought not to have been put to Your Majesty's account. He has likewise affirmed to me that the King is continually watching and waiting for symptoms of war in Germany, and that he will spare no money or trouble in promoting an intelligence, and helping any hostile movements in that quarter. There is here a German in Cromwell's service, who left this city eight months ago, as I then informed Your Majesty, and has been all that time residing at the court of the duke of Saxony, or thereabouts, to watch any dissensions that might arise among the German Princes, to which chance, if there should be any, this King joins the hope of the Turk landing in Sicily,—which seems likely enough, if the report of the Grand Master of Rhodes as to great military preparations being made at Constantinople turns out to be true, as the Grand Master himself has told the ambassador.
Nor is this the only piece of information obtained from the Frenchman. He has declared to me that the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay,) had gone to Rome for the purpose of finding out if there was any means of making Pope and King agree; which, he says, is of all things that which this King desires most, and to attain which he would make the greatest efforts; for otherwise, he said, the friendship and alliance between France and England cannot continue, which will be an irreparable evil for both Kings. (fn. 8) I find, moreover, that the ambassador is by no means partial to this King; he no longer praises his government of the country, as his colleagues did in former times, and he suspects that one of these days there will be some riot, outbreak, or revolution, which, as he tells me, was prepared for the day of the Epiphany, and would have broken out then had it not been prevented some way or other. (fn. 9) His only hope of safety in such a case, added the ambassador, would be to take refuge in my house, which he knew would be safe under the circumstances, though I know not how far in a popular rising of the sort, he (the ambassador) could feel safe under my roof.
The deputies from the Commons have brought forward and passed an act in this Parliament to the effect that in future the Pope shall have no interference or cognizance in the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom; that the filling up of benefices shall be made here in England; and that whenever a bishopric becomes vacant the King shall appoint whomsoever he pleases, the new bishop to be elected and accepted by the Chapter, and then confirmed by the archbishop of Canterbury. The charges to be 20 ducats for the Archbishop, four for the King, and one noble for the clerk who draws out the bull. The act has not yet been passed by the Lords, but it is thought that in the present state of public opinion there will be neither difficulty nor opposition, and that the measure will ultimately be carried, That is the reason why the King is in no haste to forward it until he hears from the bishop of Paris whether the Pope is more tractable; for in that case he not only will go no further, but will do his best towards atoning for the past, or at least simulating to do so, though I do really believe that after some time he will do even worse against the Church, owing to his great covetousness, and his desire of appropriating the Church lands, of which he has already applied a good portion to his own patrimonial estate. In order to undermine the bishop of Paris's practices at Rome, I have written to Your Majesty's ambassador [count de Cifuentes] that if he deems it opportune, he may acquaint His Holiness with the above facts, and assure him boldly that this King aims at nothing short of making His Holiness prevaricate in this affair of the Queen, principally in order that Your Majesty may have just cause and occasion for withdrawing your friendship from His Holiness, and then, being relieved from the fear of that very friendship, which is the thing he dreads most, he will be free to do his worst against the Church, even to the making up his quarrels with Your Majesty.
To the many practises and threats which this King has lately indulged in to induce his people to be hostile to the Pope, he has added this lying statement, that there, in Spain, a large work has been composed hostile to the Pope and his authority; hence the rumour has originated and been circulated that Your Majesty wished to appoint a new Pope. Cremuel (Cromwell) on the other hand goes about preaching that the king of France, knowing the Pope's wickedness, has repented of having made a friend of him, and will in future exert all his power against him. Thus, by means of such fables and inventions, the people are being deceived and seduced. (fn. 10)
Four days since, the bishop of Norwich, an old man of ninety, and entirely blind owing to his great age, was sentenced by a lay judge to have all his property confiscated, and his person placed at the King's mercy. The cause of it all is, as I hear, that about two years ago he (the Bishop) condemned to the stake as a heretic a certain doctor, (fn. 11) companion and sworn friend of the present archbishop of Canterbury, and had him executed without waiting for the King's writ (placet). Though this latter circumstance has been made the plea for the Bishop's condemnation, it is quite evident that the real cause is no other than his having once burned a heretic, and principally his being a very rich man, since as well in silver plate as in hard cash he is said to have possessed upwards of 70,000 ducats.
It very often happens that in order to add something more to what I have said in former despatches, or to be the better certified as to the information obtained, and able to quote my authority for such information, I am guilty of repetition, thinking that in that way I may better obtain my aim, which is to let Your Majesty have as correct an idea as possible of the state of things in this country. (fn. 12) I beg to be forgiven.
This very morning, just as I was about to close this despatch of mine, some one brings me intelligence that a motion has been made in Parliament for taking away from the Queen all the landed property she has had from the King, and allowing her only to retain those estates which she was entitled to as widow of Arthur, the prince of Wales. I will not fail to inform Your Majesty of the resolution.
The wearing of silks and foreign furs has been forbidden to any but nobles and privileged persons, and the price and quality of cloth has been fixed according to the rank of such persons; but these measures are so unpopular that it is hoped they will not last long. (fn. 13) There is also some talk of forbidding the importation of serges, worsteds (demy hostades), and other stuffs, from beyond the sea. (fn. 14) —London. 11 February 1534.
French, Original. pp. 8.
11 Feb.11. Eustace Chapuys to Granvelle.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 15.
By what I write to the Emperor, you will be able to judge of the state of affairs here. Matters have not mended in the least since your departure from Flanders; but are, on the contrary, getting every day worse and worse, without the least appearance or hope of improvement, unless God take the whole affair in hand. Of what may happen hereafter I shall not fail to apprise your Signory. In the meanwhile be pleased to have compassion on me, bear in mind the losses I have sustained through the last fire at my hotel, and enable me to serve the Emperor here as I wish.—London, the 13th of February 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Monseigneur de Grandvelle."
French. Holograph. 1 p.
11 Feb.12. The Same to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 16.
Were I to live to the age of Nestor and of the Sybils, and were I to do nothing else all the rest of my life but pray God for your prosperity, since I cannot render you any other service,—were I to thank you all that time for the great favours and benefits you are daily bestowing on my humble person,—I certainly could not, as fully as I wish, acknowledge and repay the thousandth part of those you have conferred on me, nor sufficiently praise and extol the kindness and benevolence of your observations and representations, as contained in your letters of the 11th ult., according to which I will in future shape my conduct.
Nor can I forget sending you my very humble thanks for the flattering words you were pleased to convey to me in your letter of the same date on the death of this King's ambassador; which letter I immediately forwarded to Cremuel (Cromwell) that he might give cognizance of it to this King, who has thus had the pleasure of hearing its contents, though he already knew them all. I have, moreover, been thanked for my good offices in recommending to you the said ambassador, and have been requested by Cromwell to renew the declaration made at other times, namely, that this King is willing to own that in every respect I have behaved as an honourable man towards him, inasmuch as neither from his own ambassadors in Spain or Flanders, nor from the spies (expiez) he has about, had he ever heard of my having made any false reports, or of his Imperial Majesty or the Queen Regent of Flanders having spoken words to his disadvantage, or otherwise indicative of a diminution of their good-will towards him. Although the said Cromwell has expressly told me that the King, his master, had such spies about, I fancy that he has only made that assertion for the purpose of proving to me that this King's ministers are awake and vigilant. (fn. 15) —London, 11 February 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
12 Feb.13. Summary of Letters from Paris.
S.E. Rom., L. 862.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 122.
Having, on the receipt of letters of the 17th January, gone to the Grand Master (Anne de Montmorency) and thanked him for the good work he had done against the Lutherans, His Excellency answered that he had acted in the affair as the good Christian that he was, and a good servant of Our Lord, and that he would not fail to prosecute his task, though he had by so doing laid himself open to suspicion from several, and principally from the king of England.
Having replied to His Excellency, and again assured him as well as the Most Christian king, his master, both verbally and by letter, that the Emperor on no account would consent in anywise to alter the treaty of Cambray, even if it should be in his power to make an agreement with the Turk and pacify Germany, His Excellency observed that the affairs of that country were going on prosperously [for the Lutherans], and that religious opinions had taken such a root in the country that the Emperor would find in time that he had been deceived, &c.
When after this the Nuncio, at the request of the Grand Master (Montmorency), was introduced to the presence of the Most Christian King, the first thing he did was to thank him for the orders given and provision made with respect to Lutheran affairs; and the King answered that he had no doubt that Germany would be thereby purged from that most venomous heresy, &c. (fn. 16)
That king Francis after this began to discourse on the affairs of England, and say how important it was for the Holy Apostolic See to preserve, or at any rate not lose entirely, the obedience of that country; and that he (Francis) trusted entirely for that to the prudence and wisdom of His Holiness.
His Majesty owned that the king [of England] had an understanding with the German princes, and therefore considered it highly expedient for His Holiness to consider the means of withdrawing from the Lutherans that help and credit which that circumstance was likely to afford them.
His Most Christian Majesty believed that the contempt and defiance of His Holiness, displayed in England, were only a feint on the part of the King of that country, who, the more opposed he affected to be to an agreement, the nearer he considered himself to be towards attaining it; which manner of thinking His Most Christian Majesty could not in anywise applaud or countenance. (fn. 17)
The landgrave [of Hesse] had certainly come to see him at Baclacher (Beauclaire), together with Melanton (Melancthon), and told him that most of the German princes were ill-disposed towards the king of the Romans and the house of Austria, and assured him also of their strong inclination towards him. He (the Landgrave) in particular assured him (the King) that if they (the Princes) had known that he would make a longer stay at Baclacher (Beauclaire) they would certainly have gone there to meet him. (fn. 18)
To test such a disposition and understanding on the part [of the German princes], His Most Christian Majesty had helped as much as he could towards the confirmation of the Suabian League. The Imperial ambassador was to meet his own to promote a satisfactory arrangement of the duke of Wurtemberg's affairs, though the settlement proposed was rather in favour of the Duke and against the king of the Romans, now in possession of his estate, whence it was to be presumed trouble and disagreement between the parties concerned might arise. (fn. 19)
That having observed to the King that His Imperial Majesty could not have worked better and with less expense than he had done in the settlement of affairs in Germany, the Most Christian King replied that it was just the contrary, for that hitherto the Emperor had spent his treasure in Germany to no purpose, without having been able to pacify it; whereas he himself had achieved far greater things without any cost.
The conversation between the Most Christian King and the Landgrave was most secret and confidential, there being no one present at the time but the Legate and the Admiral of France (Brion). The writer, therefore, is unable to relate what passed at the interview, except that the Landgrave had offered the King as many infantry as he would like to have, and said that he had a hoard of 200,000 crs. for that purpose.
The Imperial ambassador then told him that he knew from an authentic source that, whilst discussing the matter of a future Council, the Landgrave had told the Most Christian King that Germany wished the place of meeting to be some town close to its frontiers, where the German princes might consider themselves secure, and that they wished it to be Ginebra (Geneva).
That the same ambassador informed the writer that the Suabian League had not yet been confirmed, though he thought that it would be soon prorogued, &c.
That having inquired from the Grand Master (Montmorency) whether it was true or not that the Landgrave had spoken to the King about the Council, he said that he had, but that nothing of importance was said, except that the German princes did not approve of Mantua for the place of meeting.
That Mons. de Lange (Langeais) was then at Augsburgh, and hoped to finish the negociations for which he had gone in about a fortnight or so, and then return to France. What those negociations were about no one knew.
Mons. de Labrit was also at court, expecting funds to return to Helvetia (Switzerland), and there make certain payments, which he (the writer) had been told would not exceed 100,000 crs.
A proclamation has been issued, enjoining all those who hold fiefs from the Crown to be ready for May next with their men and horses; and although there are no other signs of war, yet it is evident that His Most Christian Majesty is preparing his forces in case of need.
Indorsed: "Advices from France received by the Pope."
Italian. Contemporary copy.
14 Feb.14. Dr. Ortiz to the Same.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 93.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 125.
Your Majesty must have heard by letters from Count Cifuentes and Eustace Chapuys, your ambassadors [here and in England], the great storm of tribulation with which it has pleased God to visit Her Highness, the queen of England; which, all things considered, must not be looked upon as an adversity, but on the contrary as a singular favour, for which infinite thanks ought to be given to our Lord, permitting, as he does, Her Highness, your aunt, to become such a pattern of constancy and virtue for future generations, worthy of being imitated by all the world. Indeed, we ought all to be thankful if God in His infinite mercy and wisdom allows the good Queen to die a martyr to the persecution instituted by the King, her husband. And since this martyrdom is slowly being worked out, and we can do nothing to prevent the catastrophe, it is desirable that at any rate the Princess, her daughter, should be removed from England; for I and the rest of Your Majesty's servants are much afraid that a like cruelty such as that of Herod, who killed his own sons, may be practised on her, and that she may be put to death, or shut up in a nunnery, or compelled to marry some low-born fellow, although neither such religious vows nor such marriage would be valid. (fn. 20)
The bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) arrived here from Marseilles the other day, sent by the king of France. Count Cifuentes having ordered me to visit him in his name, I went thither, and paid my respects to him, and to the bishop of Macon (Charles Hémard Denouville), the other ambassador. On my asking for English news, and for the health of Her Highness, the queen of England, who, as the report goes, is very unwell, the Bishop asked, "Which of the two queens do you mean?" And on my replying, "You know well whom I mean, she who is the only true queen;"—"As Anne (retorted the Bishop) happens just now to be in all her triumph and glory, I thought that you inquired after her." (fn. 21) "Not at all (said I); you must know that I am queen Katharine's servant, and cannot ask for any other." Then the Bishop related to me that at the time he left England Her Highness, queen Katharine, was very ill indeed, and that the physicians despaired of her life. Having further inquired how long she had been in that state, he told me that she fell ill four days before Christmas. "How very strange" (said I); "Count Cifuentes and myself have received letters from the Emperor's ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys) dated the 27th January, and yet no mention is therein made of the Queen's illness!" I also observed to him that I was really astonished at the archbishop of Canterbury's insolence and wickedness, and that I wondered much how the English could bear with him, and how the King could have gone so far in his disobedience to the Church as to incur its censures,—he being at the time openly excommunicated. "The Archbishop (replied Bellay) is held in England in the light of a saint; and as to the ecclesiastical censures, the Emperor's Flemish subjects have been the cause of their being so little attended to; they themselves were the first to tear the placards from the gates of the churches whereto they had been fixed; they had trodden them under foot, and thrown them into the mud, to the great contempt of the Holy See. No sooner (the Bishop continued) was this behaviour of the Flemish known in England than the people were delighted, and since then had cared not a straw for the Papal censures." I asked him where in Flanders the very scandalous act to which he referred had occurred, for we (the Imperialists at Rome) had no knowledge of it at all. This he could not say, though I am told that when he related the same facts to His Holiness, he mentioned a town or village called Merlenga (Marlagne?). I replied, "You must be misinformed, for both count Cifuentes and myself are in receipt of letters of the 9th ultimo from Her Highness, the queen of Hungary, Governess of Flanders, stating that the censures had been properly intimated, but that a second intimation would soon take place in consequence of the first having been made during the time that His Holiness had suspended the execution of the said censures. Her Highness the Governess (Mary) has besides sent us by this last post a number of printed briefs against the King, and it is not likely that if such a thing had happened in Flanders, as he (the Bishop) said, that the Governess would not have punished the guilty parties, or at least mentioned the fact in her letters. "Ten to one," said I, "that if anything of the sort has occurred, it was the doing of Englishmen themselves at night, not of Flemish subjects." Upon which, and in order to make his assertion good, the Bishop remarked that some Englishmen had certainly been imprisoned in Flanders, and that it was a well-known fact that certain secret agents had been sent from England for the purpose of ascertaining whether the Flemish would really stop the intercourse of trade, or not; they had been received with great joy and feasting, and had been told that, far from suppressing trade, they (the Flemish) wished to go on with it as before. From which (said the Bishop) the English plainly saw that the Flemish cared but little for the Papal censures. My answer was that I had no doubt the deputation had been received with proper courtesy; I also believed that the Flemings had answered that their intention was not to stop commercial intercourse, because though a declaration forbidding it had been made in the Low Countries, and the kingdom of England had, by virtue of the Papal briefs, been placed under interdict, yet communication and commerce between interdicted persons and nations was allowed, except in cases of excommunication. Only the King and Anne, the King's privy councillors, as well as all those who have favoured or are favouring the King in this cause, are excommunicated, and therefore trade with the English might well continue.
When the bishops of Paris and Macon saw that their arguments proved nothing, and that they could not show the Apostolic censures to have been contemptuously dealt with in Flanders, they quietly abandoned their position and kept silence. I then called upon the Count, and related to him what had occurred, and the substance of my conversation with the two bishops [of Paris and Macon]. It appears that he (the Count) had received the same or similar intelligence from other quarters, and heard also of the Bishop's (Jean du Bellay) conversation with His Holiness, but, as he has, no doubt, informed your Imperial Majesty by this time, I will say no more about it.
Next day, the 6th of February, there was to be a Consistory, at which the Bishop was expected to explain his mission. Whereupon the Count sent me word that he wished me to accompany him thither. We spoke first to His Highness and to several of the cardinals, and prepared them sufficiently, so that, should the Bishop bring forward any of his arguments, they will know how to defeat them, and deny entirely the fact of any irreverence to the Holy Apostolic See having taken place in Flanders.
The Count must have informed Your Imperial Majesty of the desire the Pope and cardinals have of proceeding "super attentatis," as well as of going on with the principal cause, in which auditor Simonetta is working very hard, so as to get his report ready for the first or second week in Lent. The Count thinks that I (Ortiz) ought not to report to the cardinals until the Auditor has begun his task. I agree with him; it would be a very hard thing if, after my sending in a second report, couched as I fully intend it to be, no sentence should after all be pronounced, &c.
Money is wanted to pay for the costs (derechos) of the sentence, which they say will amount to a considerable sum.—Rome, 14 February 1534.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To His Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 7.
— Feb.15. High Commander Cobos to Count Cifuentes.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 97.
B.M. Add. 28,686,
f. 129.
Your despatch of the 12th ult. to the Emperor, and private letter to me, have been duly received. I hasten to reply to some of its most important paragraphs, having already done so with regard to the former, after consulting with our Emperor and master.
What you say about the king of France having sent Langeais (Du Bellay) to Germany, for the purpose of gaining over the Lutheran princes, and obtaining levies of men through their means, has not taken the Emperor by surprise; nevertheless, you are to thank His Holiness for the information. Your answer was certainly very discreet, and you did well to let us know all about it; I beg you to continue reporting. His Imperial Majesty will follow His Holiness's advice, and so shape his conduct in this, as well as in other affairs, that the service of God, the upholding of the Faith, and the support of the Church may be accomplished, trusting that the more the Emperor works in that direction, the more will His Holiness favour him in this and other affairs, since he must now clearly perceive what the French practices with the Lutherans mean, and what he (King Francis) is aiming at. (fn. 22)
With regard to the Duchess's (fn. 23) marriage, you must be careful not to let the Pope know that you have written to the Emperor on the subject. Should the affair be again mentioned in your presence, or should any questions be asked, let your answer be vague and in general terms, and let information come directly to the Emperor at once. You may avoid entering into particulars by saying that you know not what the Duchess's answer may be, &c., until we hear what the Pope will say to the propositions taken by Aponte. (fn. 24)
The same silence and discretion to be observed with respect to the Camarino marriage. Let the negociation drag on until you hear from His Imperial Majesty, and let the king of the Romans know of it also.
Your answer to His Holiness concerning the archbishop of Manfredonia (Sepontino) was wisely shaped, since it would appear that, with the help of Carneseca, he has already commenced to take a hand in Poggio's business, and tried to persuade His Imperial Majesty to write and approve of his nomination. The Emperor, however, as you must know by this time, refused to take part in the matter, and referred entirely to His Holiness. But since you yourself (Sylva) are Carneseca's friend, let Ortiz watch that archbishop's proceedings, and see how he comports himself, and what regard he is entitled to, because, should another appointment be made, he may perhaps not be so acceptable or trusty as the former one was. Thus warned as to the Emperor's intentions and wishes, you may act in this matter with caution, and altogether leave to His Holiness the appointment of the person most fit for the charge.
With regard to Germany, the Emperor is daily expecting news from thence, as none has yet come of what has been done at the Diet. The correspondence must be first examined, and afterwards it can be seen what must be done. Some letters have been received, advising that the Imperial commissioners were already examining the case pending between the king of the Romans and the duke of Würtemburg; the Diet had not yet terminated its labours. The king of France had sent thither M. de Langeais (Guillaume du Bellay), once his ambassador in England, and one of the greatest enemies the Queen ever had, as well as the King's warmest supporter. He (Langeais) was to act as intermediary between the king of the Romans and the Duke, without the former being in the least aware of it, or as if France had anything to do in the affairs of Germany. (fn. 25)
The result of the Cannaletto affair, and the rejection by the Venetian Senate of the motion brought forward by the Doge Gritti, were already known to the Emperor by Soria's despatches; but it is highly advisable to keep the whole matter a secret, in order not to lose the channel through which this information was conveyed to us.
You would do well to speak to His Holiness about Pirro de Cippiçano, as proposed, but let it be without prejudice to the Cardinal De Medici, who seems to be so good a servant of the Empire. (fn. 26) As to Gianpaolo da Ceri, and his offers of service, you are to temporize, and amuse him with general words until we can see more clearly into these present affairs, informing the Emperor if he persists in his determination, and what chance there is of his bringing the father (Renzo) to the Imperial service, but let this be done without giving or taking pledges from father or son, and acquainting us with whatever is done or said in the matter.
The application for Sicilian wheat made by the cardinals cannot be granted. The Viceroy (Monteleone) writes that so many licences to export have been granted within the last three years, that, should they all be attended to, he believes the island would be left entirely without grain. Yet, after obtaining correct information as to the quantity now existing in Sicily, His Imperial Majesty will see what can be done in favour of those cardinals, to whom he wishes to be agreeable.
Respecting the information which you are told His Holiness has received from his Nuncio in Austria, of a letter written to him by the Emperor, our lord and master, wherein he accuses the Pope, &c., you must affirm that nothing of the sort was written from hence except what Aponte himself took with him in the shape of a memorandum. If necessary, you may say so to His Holiness, and assert that the information he has received is incorrect.
For your endeavours to bring the English matrimonial cause to an issue, I am commanded to thank you in the Emperor's name. You must go on soliciting the determination by the Pope of the main cause. Since, as His Holiness assures you, the intervention of a third person to answer for the king of England is out of the question, and there remains nothing to do save to examine the process and pronounce sentence, His Holiness has acted prudently in keeping back the executory letters, and not giving them publicity. Let it be so, and the determination of the principal cause be persisted in until you see that it is decreed. I fancy that by this time the Imperial ambassador residing in England has advised the formal declaration of the King's Privy Council against His Holiness's authority, and that of the Church, a copy of which is enclosed. Were not the Queen's just claims sufficiently strong to move His Holiness to determine the case, I should say that the indignation caused by the King's insolence and want of respect would be enough to stir His Holiness to action.
You were right in presuming that the viceroy of Naples (Don Pedro de Toledo) was not authorized to treat directly or indirectly of State affairs with the Pope. The Viceroy shall be written to in a confidential manner, and without letting him suspect that the information comes from you. It was very prudent and wise of you not to make any demonstration on this point. ——— February 1534.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 4.
14 Feb.16. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S.E. Rom., L. 862.
f. 576.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 129.
Wrote last on the 24th, advising that His Holiness had appointed certain cardinals to report on the best means of resisting the Turk. Notwithstanding all his efforts, it was only yesterday, the 13th instant, that he (Sylva) got an answer. The Pope told him that, although the news lately received did not make things quite so bad as before, nor the danger so imminent, he would take care that fourteen galleys should be prepared; namely, four of the Order of Rhodes, three more of his own, and seven of prince Andrea Doria, entirely equipped at his (the Pope's) expense, with 300 light horse, and some infantry from Ancona on board, in the same manner as when that captain (Doria) started for the expedition of Coron. The Pope further said that, for the sake of resisting the Ultramontanes, he considered the 1,000 Spaniards Your Imperial Majesty had in Lombardy quite sufficient, and that, if necessary, auxiliary Italian levies might be made. He (Sylva) remonstrated, and said that the case of the "Ultramontanes" was not so light as His Holiness imagined, and as to the sea-forces, they seemed inadequate for the undertaking. (fn. 27) Also suggested that permission might be given for the sale of certain lands of the Church in Naples and Sicily, the produce thereof to be applied to the expenses of the armament. This the Pope objected to, on the plea that those countries were very much exhausted, but begged him (Sylva) to write to Andrea Doria, and inquire whether the seven galleys he intended to furnish could be fitted out at Genoa or elsewhere. If so, he would at once send thither an agent of his with the money, &c. Has written to the Prince about it, and will do his utmost to have the seven galleys increased to ten.
The Verulan (Ennio Filonardo) is still at Milan, and, in his (Sylva's) humble opinion, it will be rather difficult to make him move quicker than he does. Unless his salary for the next six months be insured, His Holiness's debts to private people in Switzerland paid, and the matters of Zurich previously arranged, the Bishop (Ennio Filonardo) declares that he cannot leave Milan, as his life would be in danger were he to go to Switzerland empty-handed. Has many a time spoken to the Pope about this, urging him to send on the Verulan to Switzerland. His answer has always been that money for his mission will be ready. As to debts in Switzerland, he says he has none; the largest he had, he recollects very well having paid; the others, if there are any, he has nothing to do with. With regard to the canton of Zurich in particular, he is willing to deposit at Milan the sum that is owed to them, but to be paid only in case of their returning to the obedience of the Apostolic See, otherwise he will not give his money to Lutherans, and thus help them to make war on Christians.
Has written about this to prothonotary Caracciolo at Milan, that he may do his best to meet the objections of the Verulan, and urge him to set off for Switzerland at once. Has also written to the said Prothonotary that the Pope proposes sending to Switzerland a nephew of that Bishop to precede him whilst the money is being procured, and matters arranged; but that he (Sylva) has refused, insisting upon the Verulan going thither as soon as possible.
The bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) arrived here about 12 days ago. Great suspicion has been raised at his coming, not only with regard to the English business, but in other respects. For His Holiness having told him (Sylva) that he really did not know what the Bishop's mission could be, unless it were to inform him of what had been done in England, and the Bishop having written to him describing the King's highly offensive and disrespectful behaviour, the news was received by His Holiness with great coolness and indifference. Respecting the former (the Pope) showed no concern at all; as to the other he dissembled, and said that he came for no purpose, unless it were to make Your Majesty jealous at his coming to Rome. (fn. 28)
The Bishop himself said to His Holiness that he had gone to England, and related to the King what had been said at the conference of Marseilles concerning the means of bringing matters between him and the Apostolic See to a satisfactory issue. He (the Bishop) had complained in his master's name of king Henry's want of courtesy, since, whilst the Pope was his guest [at Marseilles], and living as it were under his roof, he had appealed ad futurum concilium. He himself had tried all manner of means to prevent matters coming to a rupture; but he had been unsuccessful, and had left England under the conviction that king Henry would never return to the obedience of the Holy See, much less be persuaded to lead a conjugal life with queen Katharine.
The king of France, duly bound as he was to His Holiness and to the Apostolic See, had sent him (Bellay) to inform him and the Sacred College of Cardinals of these facts, inasmuch as he knew for certain that his brother of England was in treaty with several princes and kingdoms to become Lutheran, and be appointed their chief and head against the Church. "The King my master (continued the Bishop) does not presume to judge of the justice or injustice of the case; he only wishes to warn His Holiness and the College of Cardinals that some righteous means might and ought to be found without running the risk of such damage, as is likely to be inflicted on the Church and Apostolic See."
Such was the Bishop's reasoning in Consistory. The Pope answered, as he himself says, that he thanked the most Christian King of France for his kind interference in the affair; he himself had much pondered on the best means to be employed, and had on that very account delayed sentence as long as he could; at which the Queen was greatly offended, saying that he (the Pope) was the cause of all the King, her husband, had done against her and the Apostolic See. "If the most Christian King (said the Pope) has any means to propose, let his ambassador bring them forward; I have none, and, therefore, cannot delay sentence any longer."
Having further heard that the bishop of Paris,—no doubt the more to intimidate His Holiness,—had told him that at the time the edicts for the King's excommunication were affixed at Gravelinghes by the command of queen Mary of Hungary, the people of that town had torn them down with contempt, and trodden them under foot; that, moreover, when the English, for fear of the Flemings putting an end to the intercourse of trade, had sent messengers to Flanders to ask whether they intended or not to go on trading, the messengers had been very well received, and assured that there would be no interruption of trade at all—which answer had led the English to give out that the Flemings seemed to share their opinion, and were inclined to disobey the Church,—he (Sylva) determined to call upon His Holiness, and explain the whole matter, the more so that letters have come from queen Mary, as well as from the ambassador Your Imperial Majesty has in London, purporting that the king of England has actually cast off his obedience to the Holy Apostolic See, and given permission to a clergyman, once imprisoned and exiled as a Lutheran, to preach that he who calls himself Pope is no such Pope, but only the bishop of Rome, and several other heretical and disrespectful propositions of that kind.
The same ambassador (Chapuys) sent him (Sylva) certain printed papers in English, with their Spanish translation appended, which he supposes His Imperial Majesty has received by this time. They contain such abuse of the Apostolic See, and particularly of His Holiness, that he (Sylva) dared not read them to him in Spanish, but gave him only the English ones, that he may have them translated, if he chooses, and not doubt of their authenticity, as he might otherwise have done. Among other assertions one is that he (the Pope) is a bastard, and there are others equally injurious and abusive. Queen Mary's letter to him (Sylva) he read to the Pope in full, for it contained a paragraph to this effect: that not only had she put up edicts excommunicating the King and all those of his Privy Council, but fully intended to have the same thing done again, as he (Sylva) had written to her from Marseilles after the suspension ordered by His Holiness. (fn. 29) Took advantage of this to remark to him how futile the arguments of the contrary party were. What the bishop of Paris had said about the edicts of excommunication having been torn off in Flanders, to the great contempt of the Holy Apostolic See and its injunctions, was only a hoax invented for the purpose of delaying the cause. He (Sylva) knew nothing about it; if it ever happened, it was secretly done by the command of the King himself, that he might have occasion to say that the Flemings themselves had done it. The contrary might be gathered from the queen of Hungary's letter, since she declares that not only had she caused the excommunication edicts to be affixed at the proper places, but would have them affixed a second time, as he (Sylva) had written to her. As to the interruption of trade, the Flemings were quite right in saying there was no cause for it. The excommunication only attainted the King, his councillors and abettors, not his subjects, because, though there was interdict, that was not a sufficient reason to forbid the intercourse of trade.
Ended by entreating His Holiness to consider the affliction in which the queen of England was; the need she had of his support of her cause, and the King's behaviour to the Princess, his daughter, who by his commands has been removed to the house where the daughter of his concubine is being nursed, deprived of her title of princess of Wales, &c.," as they have done with her mother, who no longer is called by the people "Queen," and treated as such, and whom, some time ago, they tried to remove to a most pestiferous place. The Queen having stoutly refused to go thither, they dared not force her without first consulting the King; and yet it is feared that at this next Parliament, which is to meet on the 20th, it will be decided to have her removed, whether she will or not, to the above-mentioned most insalubrious house; for in fact her enemies will not rest until they have taken away her life. All this had been caused by His Holiness's continued delay in sentencing the cause, which was equivalent to a sentence against her. Since it was evident that the king of England had done his worst, and the Queen's calamitous and dangerous position admitted of no further delay, he (Sylva) again begged and entreated him to determine the principal cause, and issue sentence, &c.
After the Consistory, in which the bishop of Paris, in virtue of the credentials he brought from the King, his master, addressed the cardinals in the manner above related, His Holiness received the Bishop in private, and said to him, "I cannot conceive how you, who are a man of judgment and good sense, can have come to this court without having first thought of some expedient in this business of the divorce." The Bishop answered, "I have none to propose, for the King is so bent upon this marriage that nothing else can avail. Perhaps your Holiness in your innate prudence and wisdom will find some expedient in a case of such paramount importance. Should none be found, I fear that not only the whole of England will be irretrievably lost to the Holy Apostolic See, but likewise many other lands and provinces (many of them (fn. 30) larger than Italy) from which the King of that country has received frequent messages asking him to become their leader and chief."
The Pope then said that he had answered the Bishop in these words: "I can find no expedient whatever, as I said the other day in Consistory, and therefore I must needs pronounce sentence;" and went on speaking in favour of the Queen's cause. On this occasion he (Sylva) addressed the Pope in the following terms: "Though the king of France has promised Your Holiness not to interfere, or in anyway impede or prevent the course of justice, it seems to me as if he were doing it in an indirect way, and that the coming here of the bishop of Paris has not been for the purpose of finding or proposing means of conciliation between Your Holiness and the king of England; far from it, since it is quite plain that the latter has been and is doing all he can against Your Holiness. Since he cannot intimidate Your Holiness through his own subjects, owing to the smallness of his kingdom, yet, determined as he is to disobey the Apostolic See, he is now trying to do that by means of foreign nations, over which he has no influence at all; nor can he expect that they will follow his steps in such disobedience. If, contrary to the Emperor's expectations, Your Holiness still delays the sentence, the King may thereby gain a shadow of authority, and see some probability of turning against the Holy See the people of those kingdoms and lands of which the Bishop speaks, who, perceiving that the king of England has not been punished for his attempt, nor has otherwise been proceeded against, may perhaps be induced to follow his lead," &c. Ended by again requesting His Holiness to determine the principal cause; "for this disobedience to the Church is merely an act of the King's, not of his own people, and by delaying longer the affair Your Holiness will not only give occasion for the Queen to lose her life in the meanwhile, but will be the cause of that kingdom being for ever forfeited to the Holy See. I am certain that, though the bishop of Paris pretends not to have any expedient to propose, he has one, which he dares not disclose, preferring to have the sentence delayed."
Again did His Holiness declare that he is quite ready to pronounce sentence. But he (Sylva) has been told by some cardinals that his wish is to proceed "super attentatis," believing that to be a better course to follow, as he says he can all the same deprive the King of his kingdom, and invoke the assistance of the Emperor's secular arm. Yet, for the reasons specified in former despatches, he (Sylva) will not ask for that, nor consent to it not even conditionally on the approval and in the name of Your Majesty's ministers but will prevent it as much as he can until further instructions.
Has been rather long and explicit, not only on account of the importance of the matter itself, but because the peculiar bias which this affair is taking will show His Majesty what may be the intentions and aim of the parties concerned, los unos y los otros, and because he is told that Miçer Sixto, once cardinal Ancona's auditor and a good Imperialist, is now about to be despatched to Your Majesty with a message from the Pope, purporting that it is unreasonable for him to pronounce sentence before knowing first how far Your Majesty wishes for its execution, and at the same time report what has occurred here since the arrival of the bishop of Paris.
Cardinal de' Medici sent him the other day a message by bishop Gambaro, and then by his own secretary, to say that the Pope had ordered him to accept 8,000 crs. pension on two abbeys, which the king of France had some time ago bestowed on him. That, having positively refused, the Pope had again sent him most pressing orders, couched in rather strong terms (con palabras de algun rigor), commanding him to accept at once, if he did not wish to offend him. He (the Cardinal) still persisted in his refusal; but as he might be unable to hold out any longer, he hastened to say so beforehand, with the assurance that, should he have to accept in the end, he will nevertheless continue to be Your Majesty's faithful servant. The Cardinal, moreover, asked for his advice. His (Sylva's) answer was the same as at Marseilles, when he spoke on the affair. Fancies that he will in the end take what is offered to him, though up to this time he has not said what his final resolution has been. Has informed the cardinal of Jaen (Merino), who at his request has had a talk with bishop [Gambaro] and with the Cardinal's secretary, and told them, and especially the latter, that it was not in his master's interest to accept such gifts from the king of France.
This Cardinal [Ippolito de' Medici] has a good number of captains living with him in his palace. His household, besides, is chiefly composed of soldiers of fortune, whom he has enlisted and engaged to live under his roof. He himself is now in bed, taking wormwood. (fn. 31) To some of the captains he himself issues pay through the hands of the bishop [Gambaro]; others whom the Pope has taken under his pay, have been sent to serve at sea. The Cardinal says that these last are destined to guard the coasts [of the Roman States]. Be this as it may, he (Sylva) cannot help thinking that all this gathering of captains and military men is intended for some other object, which Your Majesty will no doubt guess much better than he can.
Marcio Colonna and other Colonnese are now in Rome, staying at the palace of cardinal de' Medici, who spends his money very freely with them, gives them help, &c. Hears that some of these Colonnese are discontented because they receive no pensions now from His Majesty as in former times. Should recommend that to three or four of them pensions should be again allotted, and that Marcio Colonna, who is at the head of them all, should be favoured with the title of count, which he has for some time been soliciting at the Imperial Court through one of his agents.
Advices from Germany of the 16th ultimo state that at the Augsburg Diet the Suabian League has been prorogued for one year more, and that hopes are entertained that during that period of time His Majesty and the king of the Romans will be able to prorogue it further. The duke of Witemberg (Würtenberg) had been unable to get what he wanted through the help of the Lutheran princes and of the kings of England and France. Between the duke George of Saxony, the Catholic, and the other one (John Frederic), who professes Lutheranism, great dissension had arisen in consequence of the former having punished certain Lutherans within his estate, which the Lutheran duke pretends could not be done without infringing the treaties made at the time they divided the dukedom of Saxony between them; this notwithstanding it has been again resolved and settled among the greater part of the German princes that any prince or secular lord may punish his subjects and vassals as he thinks proper; at which the king of France, and those who share his opinion, are not at all pleased.
Appointment of cardinals, &c.
Pirro Colonna took the other day 6,000 or 7,000 sheep from the Sienese, as His Majesty has, no doubt, been informed. Spoke to the Pope about it, and wrote to Pirro himself, telling him that as the Sienese had sent an ambassador to complain, he had better come to Rome to answer the charge. Pirro answered that he could not come, but would gladly return the sheep to their owners, with the exception of a few which his men had eaten.
The Pope and the king of the Romans.
The landgrave [of Hesse] is reported to have gone to France to see what he can accomplish in favour of the Lutherans. Should rather think that he goes for his own ends and purposes. Rome, 14 February 1534.
Signed: "Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 25.

Footnotes

1 "Et pour ce, Sire, que ce que cestuy roy fait est droictment contre le livre compose au nom du dit roy, il a fait imprimer en anglois une lectre que Luthere lui escripuit de ce temps la, par la quelle Luthere luy escript le dit liure nestre procede de son franc vouloir, ains quil avoit ete seduit a ce fere par le cardinal diorch et autres prelats."
2 On Don Iñigo's arrest in June 1526, see vol. iii., part i., pp. 763, 1015, 1039.
3 "Et au regard davoer de mon coste advys et soigneuse consideration quil nest temps ne saison convenable dintenter chose tendant a rigueur ou esmotion quelconque, iadverty et asseure vostre maieste que cest la chose du monde ou iay autant de soing et regard, et que ne tasche riens plus que denfouyr toute occasion dont a mon endroit que den persuader la royne tant quil mest possible tout ce quest aliene et desvoyant a tels inconvenients."
4 "Me gardant de dire, fere ou consailler chose dont puist naistre occasion de desordre ou rigueur."
5 "Jauoye aussi pensé pour autre remede que la princesse apres avoir fait solempnes et suffisantes protestacions de la force que lui est faicte, et du danger apparent ou elle estoit, quelle ouffrit au roy destre contente de non estre appellee princesse, pourveu quelle fust en liberte daller resider avec la royne sa mere. Mais ce faisant il seroit par adventure danger[eux] que la dito Anne print alors plus dardyment dexecuter sa maulvayse volonte craignant la reconciliation avec le pere, et penseroit que a lheure a moindre soupçon elle pourroit ce faire soulz umbre damytee, que maintenant ou la haynne et inimite est ouverte, et dailleurs pourroit estre que ceulx qui fauorizent a la princesse non saichant les causes et protestacions se refroidiroient."
6 "Quelle ne deust souffrir que la dite princesse usat dicelluy tiltre (sic) et que le faisent (sic) quelle luy donnait (donnat) des buffes comme a une mauldicte bastarde telle quelle estoit." The governess was Alice Boleyn, widow of Sir Thomas Clere, of Ormesby, in Norfolk. Her husband died in 1529; she herself in 1538. See above, pp. 13 and 33, and Gairdner, vol. vii., p. 69.
7 "Quil estoit esbay que lon ne tenoit bonne et grosse garde auprez de la princesse pour la garder destre amblee (sic), que seroit la totale destruction et perdicion de ce roy si une fois elle estoit dela la mer, quest conforme a ce quay par çi devant escript a vostre maieste que ce roy navoit garde de la marryer dela de la mer."
8 "Car autrement il seroit impossible que lamytie entre le dit roy son maistre et cestuy çy dure, que comme il disoit, seroit grande desplesir et mal pour lung et pour lautre."
9 "La quelle mutinierie, comme yl me dit, pensa de commencer environ la feste des roys, quil ny eust obvié."
10 "Oultre les practiques et menasses que le roy a use pour induire ses gens contre le Pape il y [a] adiousté nouvelle ruse, car il dit que en Espaigne sest composé ung bien fort gros livre contre le Pape et son auctorite, et doys la sest respendu le bruyt que vostre maieste vouloit faire un nouveaul Pape. Et Cremuel va preschant de lautre couste le roy de France ayant cognu la mechante [intention] du Pape, se repputoit (sic, reppentoit?) de lamytie, et vouloit faire merveilles contre sa Sanctité, de sorte que par telles fables et inventions ce peuple est mene et seduict."
11 The Bishop's name was Richard Nixe; the Doctor's, Thomas Bilney.
12 "Pluseurs foys yl aduient que pour adiouster qulquechose a ce quay par avant escript, ou pour en estre mieulx certiore et alleguer laucteur ie use de repetition et redicte, pensant estre plus seur ce faire quaultrement, pour quoy," &c., &c.
13 "Lon a içy prohibe le portaige des soyez et des forreurez estrangierez saufx aux personnes privilegiesez, et hauxe le pris des draptz selon lestat des personnes, chose si estroicte quel ny a espoer de longue duree."
14 "Il se traite aussy de fere deffeudre les sargez, demy hostades et autres telles choses que viennent de dela de la mer."—Sarge (serge), in Span. "sarga;" hostade is, I believe, worsted, but what is demy hostade?
15 Here follow two lines in cipher, the deciphering of which was most likely omitted by the clerks. The cipher itself being different from that used by Chapuys in his official despatches, I conclude that he had another to correspond with Granvelle. Immediately after the ciphered lines follow the words: "comme de vostre grace vous a pleu de faire dont, Monseigneur, ne vous sçaurais onq[ues] assez humblement remercier"; and therefore I am inclined to think that the ciphered passage alludes to some ecclesiastical benefice or some other pension lately conferred on the ambassador.
16 "Che senza alcun dubio seria quel regno purgato di tal veneno."
17 "Crede la dirisione et ludibrii fatte contra S. Sta in Inghilterre esser fatte artificiosamente da quel Re, il quale quanto si mostra piu alieno de la concordia, tanto più spera gli deba esser facile il conseguirla."
18 "Aveva offerto a S. Mta che senza molto discostarse di Barlach una gran parte di quelli Principi sarian venuti a trovaria."
19 "Dubitando che con tale occasione non siano travagliate di lei tutte le cose loro."
20 "Gozarame yo mucho si la serenisima Princesa pudiera estar fuera de aquel Reyno, por que mucho nos tememos aqui que con crueldad de Herodes (?) que mato á sus proprios hijos, no la maten ó fuerçen á entrar en religion, ó casarse con alguna persona baxa, aunque la tal religion ni casamiento no valga nada."
21 "Y respondiendo yo que bien sabie él por que Reyna yo demandaua, y que yo demandaua por la que era verdaderamente Reyna, me respondió: como está con tan gran triumpho y pompa la Ana, crei en verdad que me preguntabais [por ella]."
22 "Confiando que tanto mas su Santidad favorescerá en esto, pues que vee tan claramente los medios que el Rey de Francia (como el mismo dice) usa con los lutheranos y otros, desviando y apartando esto mismo."
23 By the "Duchess," Margaret, the Emperor's daughter, is here meant. She had been, in 1530, betrothed to Alessandro de' Medici, duke of Florence.
24 Aponte had been sent to Rome in 1533. His instructions on that occasion are in Vol. IV., Part II., No. 1162.
25 "El rey de Francia ha enviado a esta Dieta un Langres (sic), que ha estado en Ingleterra contra la Reyna, como medianero entre el Rey [de Romanos] y el Vitemberg, sin saberlo el Rey, y [eso] que no tocaba al de Francia entremeterse en cosas de Alemania."—Note by Cobos on the margin.
26 "Que procureis remediarlo respetando al Cardinal, pues se muestra tan servidor de su Magd."
27 "Y que para los ultramontanos no habia su Beatitud de pasar asi sucintamente por ello, que lo mirase y lo pensase mejor, y que para lo de la defensa por mar contra el Turco, me parecia poco lo que su Santidad ofrescia."
28 "En lo uno no so alteró nada y en lo otro dissimuló diciendo que no venia por ninguna cosa, si ya no fuesse por poner gelosia con esta su venida á S. Md."
29 "Que no solamente havia puesto la descomunion contra el Rey de Inglaterra y sus consejeros, mas que tornaria otra vez á ponerla, como yo se lo avia escrito de Marsella por causa de la suspension que Su Santidad alli havia dado."
30 "Porque sino la tomava no solamente era en peligro del acabar de perderse aquel reyno mas otras mayores tierras y provincias que significó ser mas[grandes] que Italia, de las quales el Rey de Inglaterra tenia mensajeros que le querìan tomar por caudillo."
31 "El [se] está en la cama tomando el palo de las Indias."