Spain
December 1534, 1-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1886

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335-354

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'Spain: December 1534, 1-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 335-354. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87910 Date accessed: 01 August 2014.


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December 1534, 1-31

5 Dec.114. Eustace Chapuys to the Same. (fn. 1)
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,Fasc. 228,
No. 67.
Last Wednesday the admiral of France departed hence, after negotiating so secretly that no one seems to know the pith of his mission. Some gentlemen of his chamber, and others of his suite, however, give out that their master was anything but pleased at the result, in consequence of this king having refused to grant any of the requests made in the name of King Francis, not even that of the marriage of the Dauphin to the Infanta of Spain, which the King strongly opposed, as I hear, on the strength of some previous treaty existing between them. To show his disappointment and displeasure, the Admiral had refused this king's invitation for Vvintsorre (Windsor) and other royal manors, which he at first had accepted at his (the King's) desire. These perhaps are rumours or conjectures to which no great faith ought to be attached, and yet I have deemed it necessary to mention them in connexion with the Admiral's late mission, which, if the report be true, must have failed on most points.
In consequence of the moderate and kind words which the said Admiral said to me immediately upon his first arrival in this country, and in order to convince those who hold for the Queen that Your Majesty's friendship and understanding with France, if accomplished, would in no wise be prejudicial to the interests of the said Queen and Princess, and that the Admiral's mission had no reference whatever to them; in order likewise to cross-question the said Admiral, and draw out of him some information likely to convey consolation and comfort to the two ladies, especially as several personages of good position were encouraging me to visit the Admiral at his lodgings, who, they said, was not at all pleased with these people, and, moreover, that the gentlemen of his suite spoke in very high terms of Your Majesty, I determined to visit him, and after my first call on his arrival (17 Nov.) went twice to his lodgings, one on St. Andrew's day (November 30), the other a few hours before his departure. On the former occasion, having repeated exactly the very same words, which he had told me once respecting the negotiations of Monseigneur de Nassau in France, I told him, that he might the better open his heart to me, that although such matters were, strictly speaking, out of my reach and extraneous to my official charge, yet if he thought that I could in any wise help, I would do my best, as all good and faithful servants of Your Majesty and of the King, his master, were bound to do.
The Admiral thanked me most politely for the goodwill I showed in the matter, and said that he wished above all things that the overtures made to Mr. de Nassau at the court of France should be accepted, and some agreement entered into, for (said he) any delay at the present moment in the execution of so good and necessary a negotiation might be injurious rather than profitable under the circumstances, inasmuch as many people, who were wide awake, were trying to throw obstacles in the way of such negotiation. The King, his master, said he, had been from various and many quarters solicited to work against Your Majesty. He knew very well, and had no difficulty in owning, that not one of those who addressed themselves to the King, his master, did it out of sympathy or affection felt for him, but merely out of selfishness and wishing his ruin and that of Your Majesty, whom they fear, and whose power they envy. Your Majesty, said he, might easily thwart such wicked practices by merely condescending to gratify the King, his master, in a few trifles. He, himself, asked for nothing of what Your Majesty wished to keep; he only asked for what you did not want, and had bestowed on people to whom you were not bound by bonds of consanguinity or affinity, and whose friendship was by no means so valuable or profitable as that of his master, who, he added, might have a good and legitimate cause for complaint. If Your Majesty, however, would seriously look into the affair, you would find that the whole would turn out to your honour and profit, since with his master's help and assistance you would redress wrongs, calm the discontented, and achieve great enterprises, &c. (fn. 2)
Clearly perceiving what the Admiral of France was aiming at, and that the discussion of such political matters was extraneous to the duties of my charge, I purposely abstained from making any remark or comment, merely answering in general terms, that I was sure Your Majesty would gratify the King, his master, in all that was just and legitimate, rather for the sake of the affinity which united you both, and the sincere friendship which Your Majesty professes towards him, than for the other motives of which he had spoken. Upon which the Admiral replied, "Please God the thing may soon take effect; such is my ardent wish: for my part," he added, "I should have no objection to explain my views before the Emperor even more clearly and openly than I have done to you."
Before I left the room, the Admiral thanked me again for the trouble I had taken and for the honour of my visit, which, he said, was particularly pleasant to him, not only for the qualities with which he considered me adorned—as he was courteous enough to say—but in order that the world at large should have knowledge of the friendship and goodwill existing between Your Majesty and the King, his master. Hearing which, and by way of returning his compliment, I said to him, that since he was pleased with my visit, I would certainly call again before he left England.
According to promise, I called on the Admiral a few hours before his departure, as I said above. On my arrival at his hotel, I found him in the centre of a great hall surrounded by the Treasurer, the Grand Squire, and several more of the king's courtiers (cortisiers), without counting Master Cromwell, who was also there for the purpose of bestowing on him a present in the King's name. When he saw me enter the room, he suddenly dispatched the business he had in hand, and with a sad countenance, as one who is by no means pleased, he separated himself from the throng of visitors, which was rather thick, and approached me, and with a mien and aspect singularly contrasting with that which he had before, took me to a window, and said, among other things: "Just imagine these people; they have shown me the Tower and many other sights, and yet they have not shown me the most singular and valuable gem in all this kingdom, namely, the Princess;" and upon my enquiring: "How is that?" he replied, that he was exceedingly sorry that he had been unable to pay his respects to her: notwithstanding all his endeavours and applications he had not been allowed to see her. Having then asked him whether his application had been actually refused, he owned that the truth was he had made no express application for the purpose, only in an indirect way, and that the King had not taken the hint. He had never heard so much praise bestowed on any woman as he had on the Princess, even by those who were ill-disposed towards her, and ready to cause her trouble. He himself professed to be a true and very faithful servant of the Princess, not only on account of her great virtue, but because she was so close a relative of the Queen of France, and he hoped ere long to be able to render her great service. This he repeated twice or thrice, in very affectionate terms, as it seemed, telling me that this king had sent for him and made him come for a different purpose than the one he imagined. He, himself, thought he had been summoned to England partly to treat of the Princess' affairs; he was mistaken, the King had not even mentioned her name.
Having expressed himself in these terms, and shown some discontent at the manner in which these people have treated him, I thought the moment had come for his making some revelation, and so it was, for after a moment's silence he exclaimed: "Let us persuade our respective masters to be on the side of God, and all the rest will go right." Upon which I replied, as if I fully assented to his proposition respecting this king's disobedience to the Church: "It seems to me as if, in order to obtain a universal and lasting peace, the first thing to be done is for your master to begin, as the most Christian king, to set right the affairs of religion." The Admiral's reply was that it was not his master's province to concern himself with this king's conscience, and that on such matters he referred entirely to him. Which answer makes me suspect that the Admiral does not entirely disapprove of the King's conduct in Church affairs, and that he and the French will be glad of his continuing in his folly, that they may always keep their finger in Your Majesty's eye. And it is to be feared, that whatever mien the French may put on, they will pursue their course as before, and that there is no chance whatever of their applying a remedy to the evil, for this king having no power at present to extort money from the Churches, will spare no means to create disturbance, and if he only provide the affairs of this country, as he can very easily do, the French, who, as it would seem, ask Your Majesty for certain conditions, might well take them from the English, and be bound to observe them.
Besides having his expenses paid out of the Royal treasury, the admiral of France has been invited to two most splendid banquets, one at the duke of Norfolk's on St. Andrew's eve, the other at the duke of Suffolk's the day after. On Tuesday the King invited him to dinner, when all the gentlemen of his suite were present. I am assured that the present he has received at parting consists of gold and silver plate of the value of 8,000 ducats, and that most of his attendants have also received considerable gifts. During all the time he has been in London he has only despatched one courier, and that one, as he himself told me, was not to France, but to Germany, at this king's desire. It is likewise at the latter's request that Mr. de Langes (Guillaume de Langeais), who has been here with the Admiral, and who boasts of enjoying good credit in that country, has gone thither, the object of his mission being, as I am given to understand, to secure the services of 50,000 lanskenets (fn. 3) for king Francis, whenever he should want them.
This king considers it certain that before the month of April next he and the king of France will hold an interview. He himself made the announcement to his courtiers on the night of the banquet given to the viscount of Diope (Dieppe), who arrived here last Sunday with a galleon well filled with artillery and men, to take back to Calais the Admiral's baggage and suite; and not only has this king openly said this to his guests at table, but Langes and the other Frenchmen of the Admiral's suite have also said so in public to whomsoever would listen to them.
Cromwell, who, according to his own statement, has always maintained that Your Majesty would never give help and assistance to the Irish, did the other day, as I am informed, at table, during a dinner attended by several Lords, affirm the contrary, adding that the King, his master, was exceedingly displeased at it, and had already begun to take his revenge by not wearing this year the badge of the Golden Fleece, of which he is a member. Indeed, on St. Andrew's eve, instead of attending vespers, as he is in the habit of doing, he went to play at fives with the Admiral, and on the ensuing day he remained indoors, and would not go out, to avoid wearing the badge in public.
With regard to Irish affairs the news at Court, at least that published by the King's ministers, is that whilst le seigneur de Childre (the lord of Kildare) was encamped ready to march against the Royal forces, one of his brothers deserted him and went over to the English, in consequence of which, the said Childre (Kildare) had taken to flight, and gone to one of his castles, which the royalists had besieged. Few people here believe news that has no appearance whatever of being correct, at least in the form in which it is published.
From Scotland I have nothing to report save that one, who came last from that country, tells me that Your Majesty's agent was still there. Perhaps the Scottish king is delaying his departure until he hears whether the Admiral has, or has not, succeeded in obtaining this king's consent to the marriage of the daughter of France.—London 5 Dec. 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original in cipher. Deciphering appended. pp. 6.
5 Dec.115. The Same to the Same.
Wien,
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 269,
No. 68.
Has been told from two credible sources that the admiral of France (Philippe Chabot) had summoned the king of England, according to the letter of the existing treaties between him and the king of France, to look to the consummation of the marriage of the Princess, his daughter, with his son, the Dauphin, the Admiral protesting at the same time that his master was in no way anxious about it, as, in case of a refusal, he would try to marry the Dauphin to the Infanta of Spain, or elsewhere. This news, however, agrees with the information conveyed by the English ambassador in France, who has written that the general opinion in that country is, that though the King's marriage had been declared null, the Princess was nevertheless the legitimate heir to the Crown. In order to lead to the observance of the said treaties, several of the Admiral's attendants had positively assured various courtiers that no formal proposal had been made of marrying the said Infanta to the Dauphin.
That some of the Admiral's people had said everywhere that their master was anything but pleased with the results of his mission, for the King had obstinately refused to grant any of his requests, even that of the marriage alliance between the Dauphin and the Infanta above alluded to, which the former resolutely opposed in virtue of certain clauses of their mutual treaty.
That by act and ordinance of the Courts of Justice and Parliament, the king of England has been declared and confirmed suzerain chief of the Anglican Church, and that in such capacity the tribute in money, which the country formerly paid to the Apostolic See, as token of obedience, is henceforward awarded to him. Every measure enacted by the preceding Parliament against the Holy Apostolic See had been ratified, putting aside all the conditions and suggestions which the Act formerly contained.
That the King, as supreme head of the Anglican Church, had at first the idea of taking possession of all ecclesiastical property in his kingdom, distributing among its ministers the portion deemed necessary for their support, and keeping the remainder for his own use. He had, however, consented to allow the Clergy of his dominions to retain the first fruits thereof on condition of their consigning and paying him annually the sum of 150,000 crs., besides the revenue in the first year of all vacant benefices, whether bishoprics or minor ones, which is supposed to amount to a most incalculable sum.
That the English bishops are now disputing with the doctors summoned by this king from Germany concerning the sacrifice in the Mass, and as to whether Faith alone without good works be sufficient for the salvation of man. The dispute is carried on in writing, and if the German doctors, who belong to a man to the Lutheran sect, carry the day, there is every probability of their infecting all this kingdom with their errors.
French. Original abstract. (fn. 4) pp. 2.
7 Dec.116. Instructions to Tello de Guzman for Rome and other Countries.
S. E., L. 29,
ff. 14–5.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 141.
What you, Tello de Guzman, gentleman of our chamber, will have to do in this your mission to Italy.
You will go by way of Genoa, and deliver to our ambassador there (Gomez Suarez de Figueroa) the letter you have for him. You both will then call on the prince of Melfi, (Andrea Doria,) and tell him, after the delivery of our letter, that We have expressly commanded you to touch at Genoa that you may be the bearer of a letter from him (Doria) to the count de Cifuentes, informing him of what measures and assistance he must solicit from the new Pope with regard to Barbarossa and the Turk. The said Doria is likewise to put himself in communication with our viceroy of Naples (D. Pedro de Toledo), and let him know what armament, ammunition, provisions, &c. he may want for his fleet of galleys, where it is to be stored, at what time ready.
This being done at Genoa, you will start for Rome, and deliver to count de Cifuentes the letter or letters of the said Andrea Doria, as well as our own. Then, in union with the said Count, our ambassador, you will wait on His Holiness, and ask for as much help and assistance as he can give us in this affair of the Turk, and at the same time solicit the quick dispatch of what we have asked him concerning the Clergy and the Military Orders in our dominions. You will tell him in our name the substance of our conversation respecting the peace of Christianity and the affair of the duke of Urbino, about which you came here, as well as that of the new cardinals about to be created.
This being done at Rome, without staying there more than the time absolutely necessary for an audience from His Holiness and the delivery of your message according to these instructions, you will start for Naples, give the Viceroy the letters of Andrea Doria, and concert with him the best means of ensuring the provisioning of the Imperial fleet in those ports. You will tell him that We rely on him to have in readiness for the time appointed, by Doria all this captain may require for his fleet, and that We should be glad if the number of the Neapolitan galleys that are to accompany that admiral should be six instead of four, as previously agreed.
Your commission at an end, you will return to Rome to the embassy under count de Cifuentes, as formerly.—Madrid, 7 Dec. 1534.
Spanish. Original minute.
11 Dec.117. Cardinal Palmeri to the High Commander.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 90.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 144.
Has written twice before. Knowing from the Imperial ambassador (Sylva) and from other persons how pleased His Imperial Majesty has been with his letters from Rome, and being now in a better position than ever to procure reliable information, he will, though his former communications have remained unanswered, continue to report.
And first he (Palmeri) must declare that His Holiness' righteous and good intention is to promote, as far as is in his power, the welfare of Christendom, and the peace between Christian Princes. To attain those objects, he (the Pope), is determined to work with all his might, disregarding entirely the individual interests of Princes or his own. Knowing how necessary it is to uproot the Lutheran sect, he has decided, with the help of God, and through the medium of Your Majesty, to convoke a general council.
He himself would very much wish to join in the undertaking against the Infidel; but the strait in which the Apostolic See is now placed, the suppression of certain tributes and tithes (dacios, gavelas y decimas), which the clergy of this city (Rome), paid unduly, and which have since his own accession to the pontificate been reduced by 25,000 ducats annually, and many other causes, have so exhausted the Papal treasury, that it is quite impossible for him to do anything that way. He has ordered his nuncios in foreign countries to abolish at once the use of cipher, or secret way of writing, and state what they have to say clearly and openly. He has chosen for the government of the State six cardinals; Siena, Sancta Severina, and Cesarino; for the government and reformation of Rome, Campeggio; Grimano and Cesis for the government of the ecclesiastical domain, and the reform of existing disorders and vexations.
His Holiness (the Pope) does not choose the ecclesiastical estate to be henceforward governed by simple clergymen, but by the best and most virtuous prelates that can be obtained, and as in every province there used to be formerly a governor, he has now ordered that there shall be one in each city to avoid (excusar) several disorders that occurred formerly, and give some repose to the vassals.
Is very grateful for His Imperial Majesty having sent Waury. The marriage of the son of the duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo della Rovere) to Isabella, the daughter of the duchess of Camarino (Giulia), has been contracted without his knowledge or permission. That and the Duke's intrigues at Perugia, and elsewhere, have certainly grieved the Pope; His Imperial Majesty ought not to countenance the Duke.
With regard to Ferrara and its differences with the Holy See, the Pope (Paul) says, that should the Duke come to terms with honest conditions the affair may be settled amicably. (fn. 5)
The College of Cardinals, being unanimously of opinion that His Holiness on his accession (assumpcion) to the Pontificate ought naturally to bestow favour on his own relatives, have proposed for the cardinalate two nephews of his, now at the college of Bologna, one aged 16, son of the late Pier Luigi Farnese, (fn. 6) the other 17, named Blasio de Sanctaflor, brother-in-law of the said Pier Luigi. His Holiness makes certain difficulties about that, and will not accede to the wishes of that college, but at last he will yield and create those two, leaving for another occasion those that he intends as an ornament and glory to the whole college.—Rome, 11 Dec. 1534.
Italian. Original. pp. 2.
19 Dec.118. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Wien,
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 228,
No. 70.
On the receipt of Your Majesty's letter of the 9th ult., I immediately proceeded, in compliance with the orders therein contained, to inform both the Queen and the Princess of what concerned each of them in particular. It has been of such consolation and comfort to them that no words of mine could convey an idea of the joy both have experienced at it. Indeed, I may say that they were greatly in need of such consolation, considering the rude treatment they have been, and are still, subjected to, which, far from being amended, is apparently waxing worse and worse every day. Nor is there the least hope of an alleviation of their mutual sorrows taking place in the future, nor of their household officers and servants being restored to them, as they seem to write to Your Majesty from Rome. On the contrary, every day the household of the Queen and Princess is more and more reduced. Only the other day, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty, one of the Princess' maids, the same who was sent to prison, though released shortly after, was forbidden to return to her service. I really believe, however, that all this ill-treatment of the Princess has principally originated in the hatred of the Lady Anne, and is carried on without the King's knowledge, who occasionally shows love and affection to his daughter. Of this he has lately given manifest testimony, for the Princess, having fallen ill, he immediately sent his own chief physician to attend on her, intimating that nothing would grieve him so much as the loss of his daughter. Having, moreover, heard from the physician's lips that her illness was partly the result of the worry and extreme annoyance to which she had been subjected, the King began to sigh deeply and exclaim: "Is it not a great misfortune that my daughter should be so obstinate, and persevere in a line of conduct that prevents my treating her as I should wish, and she deserves?" (fn. 7) And upon the physician himself insinuating that, if sent to the residence of the Queen, her mother, the Princess might live there at less expense, be more honourably treated, and recover more surely, and besides, that in case of mishap (which may God forbid), all suspicion of foul play might be removed by the presence of so many witnesses, (fn. 8) the King owned to him that he was right in what he said, but that there was one great drawback in such a plan, which was that were the Princess sent to reside with her mother, it would be impossible for him to bring her to his wishes, and make her renounce her legitimacy and her right to the succession.
Since the date of Your Majesty's letters, several of mine must have been received, containing a full and satisfactory answer to most points touched on in them, owing to which, I shall be as brief as possible. With regard to the Lady (Anne) it is quite true that occasionally this king seems to be angry with her; but, as I have already observed in some of my previous dispatches, such outbreaks are merely lovers' quarrels, of which no great notice need be taken, unless, indeed, the King's passion for the young lady, about whom I once wrote to Your Majesty, should continue and was stronger than it is at present, of which, however, there is no certainty considering this king's fickle and capricious humour. I hear from the Grand Squire (Guildford), that upon the Lady [Anne] addressing certain remonstrances to the King, and complaining that the young lady in question did not treat her with due respect in words or deeds, the King went away in a great passion, complaining loudly of her importunity and vexatiousness. Neither is there any further sign of the King's ill-humour towards the Lady's relatives, (fn. 9) except that which is naturally connected with their occasional quarrels; though it must be said, that Rocheford's wife was dismissed from Court owing to the above mentioned cause, (fn. 10) and that he himself has been unfavourably treated by the King in a question or dispute he had with Master Bryan. The Lady's sister also was banished from Court three months ago; but her exile as necessary, in consequence of gross misconduct, and it would not have been either honorable or decent for her to appear at Court enceinte. (fn. 11)
Though I was at first given to understand that the Admiral of France (Chabot), had actually made overtures concerning the marriage of the Princess to the Dauphin, yet I hear from a good quarter, that previously to the receipt of Your Majesty's letter, an application for her hand had been made for the duke of Angoulême, and that this king had twice refused to entertain the subject, taking it as a hoax or mere joke on the part of the Admiral; and that upon the latter, at a second audience, insisting that he had mandate from his master, to apply for such a marriage, this king maintained that Francis could not have spoken seriously of that affair, but merely by way of a joke, (fn. 12) so that when the Admiral mentioned the subject a third time, he was actually obliged, as I have been told, to exhibit his written instructions under the great seal of France, which, according to the testimony of a worthy citizen, who knows the person who held them in his hand and read them throughout, contained among other commissions that of applying for the aforesaid marriage, exhorting this king to return to the obedience of the Roman Church, and acknowledge the legitimacy of his daughter. According to information received the King's answer was, that he had no objection to the marriage, provided the Princess and her intended husband made firm and solemn renunciation of all rights and titles they might have, or pretend to have, to the crown of England. It is highly probable that when the Admiral spoke to me of the great service he expected to render shortly to the Princess, he alluded to this very marriage, which he imagined might be effected. However this may be, I very much doubt of the marriage ever taking place; when both Kings come to consider the probable consequences of such an alliance, they will cool upon it most likely and drop it altogether.
Courtiers here are spreading the rumour that the royalists in Ireland, have taken one of Chieldra's (Kildare's) castles; but I attach no faith to the report. Both English and Irish have lately agreed upon a more regular system of warfare, and there is no longer a question of burning each other's villages. (fn. 13) On the side of Scotland there is no stir at all for the present. I have not heard of this king having sent thither anyone since those who went for the ratification of the peace, nor has the King of Scotland (James) sent here anyone to replace the abbot, who came for the swearing to and ratification of the said peace. A Scotchman, who arrived from Edinburgh a week ago, tells me that Your Majesty's agent was still in that country.
I hear from a good quarter that since the Admiral's departure Cromwell has boasted in the presence of several good companions (en bonne compaignie), of having made a plot, out of which Your Majesty could not extricate yourself in less than one year. The French ambassador himself, I am told, has spoken about it in more explicit terms, and in the French fashion, adding, that Your Majesty after so many injuries, oppressions and extortions practised upon the King, his master, had only offered as a compensation some marriage or other, and that the time had come for the king of France to ask for a reparation of the wrongs and injuries received at your hands, as well as for the recovery of everything violently taken from him; otherwise that Your Majesty would lose Sicily and the rest of your possessions in Italy, besides other things; that the Turk in person, or at least Ibráhim, Bashá, would come down on Italy with a most formidable power, independently of Barbarossa, with whose ambassador, lately arrived in France, the said Admiral made a great fuss, meaning, no doubt, that his mission was one of great importance.
I hear also that the 100,000 crs. which the French were to have paid these people on the last St. John's term, have taken the road to Germany, to brew the liquor whereof Cromwell spoke so boastingly. (fn. 14)
This king after getting the additional 30,000 pounds sterling from the Clergy, and accepting from the laics last year's grant of 15% (une quindesime ordinaire), amounting altogether to about 28,000l., did last week, with the authority of his Parliament, levy a tax of 20 per cent, on the property of his subjects, all foreigners in his dominions being bound to pay exactly the double of that, which will amount to a very considerable sum indeed. All these are suggestions of Cromwell, who boasts that he will soon make of his master the richest prince in Christendom; but the said Cromwell forgets that by such means he alienates the hearts of this king's subjects, who are already in great rage and despair at it, and, moreover, so oppressed and weakened thereby, that without help or foreign intervention, it will be impossible for them to break out into open disaffection. (fn. 15) If so, Cromwell will pull them still further down, taking example by the Turk, whom from the despotism he exercises over his subjects (Cromwell observes) is well worthy of the titles of King and Emperor. Meanwhile, no words can convey a sufficient idea of the sad and afflicting condition of the English people, and of their wish to declare themselves, especially the Welsh, from whom the King has quite lately taken away all their laws, privileges and customs, which is the thing in the world which the inhabitants of that country are least disposed to put up with, and I really cannot understand how during these Irish troubles the. King could be imprudent enough thus to meddle with the Welsh, unless God chose to blind him altogether.
Two days ago a secretary of the Vayvod [of Transylvania], who left Hungary four months ago, arrived here. He has spent some time at the court of France.
I am told that Parliament is to be prorogued to-day till the Thursday after Ascension day. No discussion has yet taken place on matters of Faith, at which the Lubeckian doctors are rather displeased, saying that it is evident this king does not care at all for the reformation, of the Christian religion, and thinks of nothing else but promoting his own personal affairs.
The King has no great trust in the oath that has been exacted from his people respecting the validity of this his second marriage, and the succession to his crown. Not being at all satisfied with the arbitrary penalties decreed against those, who might be convicted of having spoken or written against the ordinance, he has now caused a new statute to be promulgated by far more rigorous than the first, imposing pain of death and confiscation of property on whomsoever shall designate the Queen and Princess by their respective titles, or speak unfavourably of his second marriage.
In the same way the Parliamentary bill passed last year forbidding importation here [in England], of new wines from France before the Purification of our Lady, and navigation except in English bottoms, has been revoked as a contravention to the treaties and leagues with France. — London, 19 Dec. 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French, in cipher. pp. 8½.
— Dec.119. The Emperor to Count Cifuentes.
S. E., L. 28, f. 179.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 147.
His Imperial Majesty wishes to know how far His Holiness is inclined towards the Cardinal and Duke; (fn. 16) what means the former has at his disposal, and what foundation there is for the undertaking he meditates; and lastly, whether he has or has not an understanding with France respecting his plans. The latter conjecture seems very probable, considering his intimacy with Strozzi, who is a Frenchman at heart, &c.
You (Sylva) were quite right in telling His Holiness that whatever chevalier Casale may say respecting English affairs, is nothing more than a device of his to have the proceedings in the divorce suit suspended. You shall, therefore, continue to act in conformity with your instructions, especially those taken by Mons. de Waury, still thanking His Holiness for his goodwill towards us, and his desire to do justice in the matrimonial case, and entreating him to carry out his determination on that point. As to taking out the executory letters (executoriales), you had better not be too hasty about it until it is known here what has been the result of Mons. de Waury's mission. This, however, must be done with a certain dissimulation, and in such a manner that We may not be accused of want of zeal (tibieza) in the affair.
Respecting the French, We can easily believe that they are at this moment trying to gain the Pope to their side. You shall inform us from time to time of what you may hear on the subject, that no opportunity be lost of defeating their intrigues.
Of what count of Nassau negotiated in France you were duly apprised at the time, through Mons. de Waury; since then no advance has been made in the negotiation. You did right in assuring the Venetian ambassador that the suspicions of the Signory were quite unfounded. The same statement has since been made to the one who resides here at this our court, and We have reason to believe that the Signory will be —and, indeed, it appears is—satisfied with our explanation.
We were glad to hear of the restitution of Novi to the duke of Ferrara; but at the same time We hear of his death (fn. 17) by a messenger of [Hercole II.] his son. As we intend making as much of the son as we once made of the father, we command you to take care of him and of his affairs in accordance with our instructions. La Mirandola, we hear, has not yet been restored to its legitimate heirs; you will take care that it is so, and will request His Holiness in our name to see that justice be done in that quarter.
With regard to the Nuncio, whom His Holiness thinks of sending to reside next our person, you may say that if he be an ecclesiastic, in whom we may trust, zealous and well-intentioned, His Holiness may choose whosoever he pleases. True it is that We have a good opinion of Giovanni Poggio; We know him to be a good servant of His Holiness, and well intentioned, and therefore should be glad of his nomination; but any one, We repeat, is good enough for us, provided he has the above-named qualifications.
You say that, in consequence of the Strozzi, bankers of that city, having refused to pay two bills, of 1,500 ducats each, drawn by Antonio de Leyva and prothonotary Caracciolo, on the plea that they bad not been presented in Clements lifetime, it had been decided that two lawyers should look into the case, and see whether there was ground enough for the refusal. We cannot conceal from you the displeasure caused us by the intelligence, for certainly it is not for lawyers, and certainly not for the Strozzi, (fn. 18) as depositaries of the funds of the Italian league, to decide whether bills drawn by the Imperial commissioners are to be paid or not. It is their business to pay, as they have paid other expenses of the League, and certainly were We to bring in a bill for our own expenses in keeping the Spanish infantry, all the funds received on account of that league would be insufficient to repay us.
Letters from Germany inform us of the death of Luigi Gritti.
It is well that 1,000 ducats should have been paid to Andrea Doria for his own expenses, at the time that pope Clement had the Genoese galleys armed.
Of Miçer Ambrosio, the Pope's secretary, We have heard much good, and know the trust that is placed in him. (fn. 19) ........................
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 6.
—Dec.?120. —— to the Emperor. (fn. 20)
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 83.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 155.
Considering the many services that Cardinal Farnese has rendered, and is still rendering, especially in the matrimonial cause of England, of such importance for His Imperial Majesty, and of his being a person of so much authority, and dean of the Sacred College; considering how important it is to secure his goodwill in the English business, as in other affairs, which may spring up any day, it would be well if His Imperial Majesty should grant him favour at the first ecclesiastical consulta; for besides his being well worthy of reward, his services have not yet been acknowledged. Although the Emperor granted to him, and to each of the cardinals present at his coronation at Bologna, the right of naturalization, it would be advisable to send the diploma to him in due form, inasmuch as he feels much hurt just now at the summons he has received to appear personally or by proxy before an ecclesiastical court in Spain under pain of losing his naturalization, &c. The canonry he owns is now held by licte Baeza.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
Dec.121. Idiaquez's Report on the Affairs of France.
P. Arch. d. l'Et.,
Neg. Pap. de
Sim. (olim
k. 1483, No. 27).
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 160.
In view of viscount Haunart's despatches, and the King's persistence in his former answer, delivered through Mr. de Nassau, rejecting the proposed marriage of his third son, the duke of Angoulême, to the princess of England, the councilors beg leave to report as follows:
Firstly. Whether the negotiations for a lasting peace with the king of France ought to be abandoned altogether, and no reliance placed on the promises by him made on former occasions to observe existing treaties, considering that though he has often pledged his word, and said so in writing to the the Count, he seems to have since changed his mind; or whether the Emperor ought to temporize with him, and thus gain time the better to convince His Holiness, the Venetians, and the rest of the Italian powers, of his utter inability to bring the French king to reason, &c. (fn. 21)
Secondly. Whether, in order to try every possible means of cementing the peace of Christendom, it would be advisable to offer the king of France some sort of compensation for his disappointment in the affair of Milan, especially in the event of the present duke (Francesco Sforza) dying childless, as has often been proposed; or whether it would be better to leave matters as they are at present, since the King persists in having the Duchy unconditionally, at or before the Duke's death, with sons or without, as well as Genoa and Asti, besides the securities and pledges which he demands from this time, which would make him the sole and real master of the Duchy—a thing which, besides offending the Venetians and other Italian powers, is sure to bring discredit and be the cause of our losing Genoa.
Whether the King's offers respecting the General Council should be accepted, or the endeavours which, he says, he is making to bring it about, provided it be held at a secure place, and his own deputies and ministers admitted, as has been done on other occasions, trusted in: or whether it will be preferable to place the whole affair in the hands of His Holiness for him to treat of and discuss with the King himself, since it is quite evident, as may be gathered from his answer, that king Francis, under colour of selecting a town secure for all parties, will ultimately raise all possible obstacles against the meeting. If he does, as no doubt he will, oppose the Council, that will be a proof to the whole of Christendom of his bad intentions on that subject.
Whether any answer is to be made by word or in writing to the French ambassador residing at this Imperial court, or to the one in France, for them to look out for an opportunity of ascertaining what truth there is in the report that king Francis had said to the late pope (Clement) at Marseilles, that the Emperor had actually sent some one to treat with the Turk without his knowledge or consent. Of course his Majesty cannot invoke the testimony of a Pope now dead, but it is, nevertheless, a notorious fact that count Salm (fn. 22) and Sancho Bravo (fn. 23) were expressly despatched to pope Clement from Alessandria [della Paglia] to ask his opinion and consent respecting the mission of Cornelis and Geronimo Zara [to Constantinople]. Witnesses to this are some cardinals and several other persons well worthy of credit, such as the said count Salm and Sancho Bravo, who will readily attest that Pope Clement approved of the mission and praised its object. He did more, he recommended that Cornelis should return [to Rome] a second time, and therefore that ambassador was particularly instructed not to treat in His Imperial Majesty's name, but in that of Pope Clement, and of the kings and princes of Christendom with His Holiness' consent, not otherwise.
Whether a declaration of this kind ought to be addressed to the new Pope, and the King's assertion contradicted, especially when it is known that he himself has been in constant communication with the Turk (as Pope Clement has often reported) without his knowledge or consent, and without declaring, before or afterwards, what was the nature and result of the negotiations, &c.
Whether count de Cifuentes at Rome and the Imperial ambassador in England (Chappuys) ought to be informed of the proposed marriage of the princess of England and the duke of Angoulême, that both and each of them respectively may be prepared to answer all questions, and show that the Emperor's intentions were sound and honest.
Whether the Imperial ambassador in France ought to be told something more of the contents of the private and secret instructions forwarded to the count of Nassau respecting the security of the marriages, which the King said could not be enforced, inasmuch as when the parties came of age, a change might come over them, to which question the Ambassador has answered nothing; or whether it is preferable to leave matters as they are, since there is no probability of such a step being profitable, and, on the contrary, it might be the cause of their asking conditions from which he could not disengage himself.
Whether the said ambassador (Hannaërt) ought to be informed of what the king of France falsely attributes to the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), and whether the latter ought to know that king Francis accuses him of having once said and published that "between the Emperor, his brother, and him (the king of France) an agreement would shortly be made to punish the Lutherans," all with a view, as he said, to making him lose his friends and allies in those parts; and whether the king of the Romans ought not to be warned against such false imputations, calculated, perhaps, with great duplicity to incense the Lutherans and render them more bitter and obstinate against His Imperial Majesty and the king of the Romans.
Whether, by way of trust, the King's aspersions against the Venetians, and what he says of them and of their wish to become masters of the Duchy, ought to be confidentially shown to the ambassador of the Signory residing here; and whether count de Cifuentes ought also to have copy of what that king says of the present Pope, and make such use of the information as he may think most fit.
Whether the Imperial ambassador in France ought to be written to respecting the King's accusation that We wanted to divert him from his purpose by means of calumnious charges; (fn. 24) or whether it is better to dissemble and take no notice of such insulting words, telling the ambassador that whenever such controversies occur, he must, though entirely in his right, answer with modesty, as behoves His Majesty's representative.
Whether the ambassador is to answer the King's objections as to the seignory (fn. 25) of Flanders and Artois, or whether it will be preferable to leave matters alone, for fear of casting doubt upon what is considered certain; besides which, it is not a thing within the ambassador's province, and although the answer is, on the other hand, irrefutable (irrefragable), because, even supposing the Emperor to have been the vassal of the king of France (as he pretends) for the lordships of Artois and Flanders—which he never was, yet, as the king of France had without just cause or reason, and against the existing treaties, waged war against him, His Majesty could have shaken off the pretended allegiance, especially having vanquished the King on the field of battle, and made him his prisoner; the more so that by the treaties of Madrid and Cambray the King fully consented to it.
Whether information should be sent to Rome of what the archbishop of Lunda (Lunden) and Mr. d'Andalot have had occasion to observe, namely, that during their stay in Germany the French ambassadors have been in continual communication with the Lutherans. If so, the Count might be recommended the utmost discretion, and not to affirm anything, but refer only to letters in German received from that country.
(fn. 26)
Whether letters ought to be written to the Imperial cities of Germany, stating in general terms that His Imperial Majesty has been given to understand that some people who are only looking out for means of promoting dissension and war in Germany, have stated, and are still stating, that His Majesty is about to use force, which is entirely untrue and false. They (the Germans) must by this time have found out that His Majesty has always used his utmost efforts to preserve peace in Germany, and by means of a General Council bring its inhabitants to a good and Catholic union; he (the Emperor) has never attempted or thought of attempting anything during the recesses of the Imperial Diets. The cities and other German estates should not lend an ear to the above imputations, which are entirely devoid of truth; they ought to expel from their country and severely punish the spreaders of such false rumours and accusations only calculated to engender suspicion and cause dissension in Germany. Letters so worded might profit at this juncture.
Should the king of the Romans be addressed in similar terms, referring him to the above-mentioned German letters, and to the offer he himself has made of arresting the King's ministers and ambassadors (Langes and Dr. Gervaise), (fn. 27) who for the last five or six years have continually been at the bottom of certain intrigues both in Germany and Switzerland? Langeay, in particular, has been most active in the divorce affair. Should the King's offer be accepted, and the abovementioned individuals arrested, we might easily learn from them what has been done in matters of Faith and of the pretended divorce, as well as the reasons which have induced the kings of France and England to refuse the help and assistance against the Turk at the time that His Majesty was in Germany, and we might also ascertain what are the King's plans for the future, and who are his allies and friends. This might be accomplished secretly, in the name of the king of the Romans, he assuming all the responsibility of the affair without His Majesty seeming to have anything to do with it. An excuse could easily be found in the late undertaking of the duke of Würtemberg against the king of the Romans, which, as is well known, has been conducted by the said Langeais. Or whether it will be better for the above considerations, and the Emperor's wish for peace, to leave matters as they are, and not give occasion to the King to shut the passes into his kingdom, and perhaps do something worse.
(fn. 28)
Spanish. Original. pp.

Footnotes

1 This despatch is ciphered throughout from beginning to end.
2 "Et que a la faueur et assistence du roy son maistre pourriez remectre les desuoyez et ceulx qui grondissent, et fere autres entreprises."
3 Thus in the original deciphering, but the number seems excessive; perhaps 5,000 were meant.
4 It is indorsed: Extrait des lectres de lambassadeur en angleterre du Ve de docembre, and begins: "Que lon la aduerty do deux coustes dignes de foy, &c.," whence I gather that it is only an abstract of Chappuy's despatches 112 and 114 prepared for the Emperor's perusal.
5 "La cosa ayase (sic, habrase?) de determinar por via de concordia."
6 Pier Luigi Farnese, lord of Montalto, left two sons; Alessandro, who became Pope, and Bartholomeo, who married Iolande Monaldeschi di Corvaro. I know of no other Pier Luigi in the family of Farnese. As to Blasio de Sanctaflor, or rather Santafiore, I find no mention of his name in the Italian genealogists. One Francesca Farnese, daughter of Angela, the Pope's sister, did marry a sister of Santafiore, but the latter's name was Julio (not Blasio) Sforza.
7 "Le dit roy commença jecter ung grand suspir disant si ce n'estoit point ung gros malheur quelle demourast ainai obstinee, et quelle luy osta[t] toute occasion de la tres bien traytter commil vouldroit."
8 "Ou elle seroit a moindre coustange plus honnestement et seurement [traictee] pour sa sainté, [et] ou a tant temoings en cas que mesadvint dicelle princesse."
9 "Quant a lindignation de ce roy contre les parans (sic) de sa dite dame il ne sen appart autrement."
10 See Chappuys' despatch of the 13th of October, No. 97, p. 280.
11 Mary Boleyn, Anne's sister and widow of Sir William Cary; also called Mary Rochford and Mary Cary. In 1534 she married Sir William Stafford. "La soeur de la dite dame a aussi este puis trois mois bannye de la court, mais il convenoit ainsi fere, car oultre quelle avoit este trouve[e] en malefice, il neust este honnorable ne duisaut la veoir ensaincte (enceinte) par la court."
12 "Et que ce roy par deux fois sestoit voulu desmeler dentrer en telles matières, et le print en ieu et gauldisserye."
13 "Et quil ne sera plus question de brusler lung sur lautre."
14 "Lon ma dit que les Cm escuz que les Francois deuoient paier a ceulx-cy pour le terme de la S. Jehan passe auoint prins le chemin dAllemaingne pour fere le brassin dont comme dessus Cremuel se vante."
15 "Mais ilz sont tant amutinez et oppressez que sans ayde et assistance estrangiere il ny a ordre de grondir."
16 By "the Cardinal," Ippolito de' Medici is meant; by the Duke his brother, Alessandro, married to Margaret duchess of Florence. See the Emperor's letter to Count Cifuentes (No. 113, p. 332), dated Nov. —, which seems to be an abstract of this one.
17 Alfonso I., duke of Ferrara, died, according to the best accounts, on the 31st of August 1534.
18 See above, p. 333. The Strozzi were the bankers, at whose house the funds of the League were deposited. The bills, as it appears, were worded, for the expenses incurred by the Spanish infantry sent to Genoa, in 1533, to defend that town against Barbarossa. It was alleged that if such expenses were to be paid out of the funds of the League for the defence of Italy, the Romans had also a right to demand what had been spent by them on the fortifications of Ostia and Civitta Vecchia."
19 This is only a fragment, or rather sheet 4, of along minute which happens to be imperfect. It has no date, and was placed by Bergenroth after a paper of the 11th December 1534, at fol. 147, vol. xvi., of his collection of papers from Simancas; but as Clement's death took place on the 25th of September of that year, that of Alfonso duke of Ferrara on the 31st of August, the election of pope Paul in October, and the final restitution of Novi shortly after; as, moreover the Emperor was holding his court at Madrid, where he arrived on the 10th of October, to stay until the 2nd of March 1535, I have not hesitated in calendering it here. As to Micer Ambrosio, the Pope's secretary, see above, p. 333.
20 "The letter, which is anonymous, may be an abstract of one of Sylva's despatches, or else of Ortiz, Aceves, or any other of the Emperor's agents at Rome; but though dated December, and placed at the end of the volume it is almost certain that it belongs to the year 1533, before Clement's death' and when Farnese was still dean of the college of Cardinals.
21 A note by secretary Covos on the margin of this report (consulta) has the following: "Let a gracious letter be addressed to the King, explaining the reasons His Imperial Majesty has for not granting his request; also circular letters to all the powers informing them of the breaking off of the negotiations, as well as to the Germans, warning them against the enlistment of troops."
22 See vol. iv. part ii. p. 666.
23 Secretary at Naples in 1532–33, vol. iv. part ii. pp. 402, 780.
24 "A lo que el dicho Rey de Francia ha dicho que le querian entretener calumniosamente, y si sera mejor dissimular."
25 "Superiority (superioridad in Spanish) is equivalent to "domain" in French.
26 "Y no ha jamas pensado ny entiende Su Magd hazer cosa ninguna contra los recessos de las dietas Imperiales."
27 "Si se devra scrivir al Rey de Romanos sobre esto, señaladamente quanto á lo que él [mismo] ha scripto [de] las cartas en Aleman, diziendo que él podria prender los dichos ministros y embaxadores, los quales son Langes y el Doctor Gervasio," &c.
28 The copy in Bergenroth's collection is singularly defective, as if the original had been mischicvously torn.