Spain
March 1535, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1886

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423-435

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'Spain: March 1535, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 423-435. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87916 Date accessed: 01 October 2014.


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March 1535, 16-31

17 March.141. The Same to Antoine de Granvelle.
Wien.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, iii.
f. 29.
Monseigneur le secretaire, mon bon seigneur et frere …. All I have written to His Majesty you must consider as more than certain, and believe that this Devil of a concubine will not rest until she has gained her object, and ridden herself of these poor good ladies, to accomplish which she is working by all imaginable means .....—London, 17 March 1535.
Addressed: "A Monseigneur Anthoine Perreni (sic), secretaire destat de l'Empereur."
French. Holograph. ½ p. Cipher.
23 March.142. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½.
On the 16th inst., having called on Master Cromwell for the purpose specified lower down, he put into my hands a packet from Mr. de Lickerke, (fn. 1) which he desired me to open in his very presence, inasmuch as the English ambassador in France (Sir John Wallop) referred to the contents for fuller information respecting his views. Sure as I was that Mr. de Lickerke's letter would contain nothing in plain writing that could be qualified as offensive or injurious to this King, I had no objection whatever to have the packet opened in Cromwell's presence, and, therefore, proceeded to gratify him in that respect. There was in the packet one letter from that Imperial ambassador, of the 12th inst., besides a duplicate of that, which Your Majesty had caused to be written to him on the 25th ult.; also copy of those which the king of France has lately addressed to the electors and princes of the Empire on the subject of the General Council. This last Cromwell showed a desire to read, and I immediately handed it over to him. As to the others, which he saw were almost entirely written in cipher, he did not ask me to explain their contents. Yet, after perusing, in my presence, several which he himself had received, he began to relate certain news contained in them, which, to judge from his countenance, seemed not at all unpleasant to him, such as the trick which the duke of Ghelders had lately played the French, by taking their money and afterwards laughing in their faces; the schism and division reported to exist in Francis' Council, that King himself being extremely indignant against his own Chancellor; and last, not least, that the said king had sent letters to all parts of France, ordering all Germans within his dominions to be arrested for heresy.
After relating the above news, Cromwell added that this King's resident ambassador in France had written respecting certain overtures made to him by Mr. de Likerke, which, however, were neither honourable to the King his master nor in any way acceptable, as he himself would prove to me after I had read my foreign correspondence, for which purpose he intended calling to-morrow morning at my lodgings.
Next day, however, Cromwell sent his excuses for not coming on the plea of very pressing business, but in reality in order to ascertain first the King's pleasure, having, as he afterwards owned to me, immediately after our conference, dispatched a messenger to him. The day after, which was the 18th inst., Cromwell called at my lodgings; and, after repeating to me the substance of the conversation which Mr. de Grandvelle had held with the English ambassador residing at Your Majesty's court, on your own departure from Madrid, (fn. 2) he (Cromwell) proceeded to state that the King his master was very much surprised, and not without cause, to hear that, in a conversation with the said ambassador, Mr. de Grandvelle had declared to him that for some time past you had granted private and almost daily audiences to the French ambassador. I replied to him, "You must not marvel at the Emperor doing so, or take umbrage at it, for he happens to be so kind and so benevolent that he never refuses audience to whomsoever asks for it, much less to foreigners. Perhaps the French ambassador at the Imperial court (said I), knowing the ways of our court, as well as the many occasions there are of speaking to the Emperor, wished to make it appear as if at this precise moment he was in secret negociation with my Imperial master, and purposed to make you jealous, imagining that every nation is as suspicious as themselves, (fn. 3) whom you yourself consider the most suspicious nation on earth. Should the English ambassador at the Imperial court be as cunning and clever as I consider him to be, I have no doubt he will find the means of doing the same thing that the Frenchman is doing." This answer of mine seemed to satisfy Cromwell, for he swore on his conscience that before speaking to me on the subject he had thought of propounding the very same argument to the King. I failed not to add, by way of supplement, that it might be also that the French ambassador had a special charge from the queen of France (Eleanor), for whose sake, though the French were actually at war with the Empire, Your Majesty would not refuse gracious audiences to whomsoever came from her.
With regard to the overtures contained in Mr. de Lickerke's despatch, as well as in Your Majesty's letter of the 26th ult., Cromwell told me that the King his master had written a holograph letter to him, saying that he was disposed and quite ready to have the old friendship renewed, and to conclude any treaties at Your Majesty's pleasure, provided his honor and reputation were safeguarded. He could not for a moment suppose that an attempt upon his honor was meant, for such he considered the question upon his second marriage to be, which had been legally decided in his favor. That he could in nowise tolerate, he would rather lose his crown, nay, his life, than consent to it, or place himself under subjection to any one. The King, however, (Cromwell said) would beg two things of me; one was, that if I had no power to make different overtures respecting the marriage affair, I would keep aloof and not ask for any more audiences from him; the other was to inform Your Majesty as soon as possible of this his final resolution.
After this Cromwell began to justify both the cause and the motives of the King's second marriage, quoting the numerous opinions in support of it, as well as the promises of pope Clement, not only at Rome, but also at Marseilles, of pronouncing in favour of his divorce. He then went on to particularise the principal grounds on which the justice of his master's case rested; to all of which I listened patiently for a long time without replying, for I did not choose to debate the case with him. I only said that I should be happy if all that he told me could be verified and realised in order that the whole business might be cleared up, and all causes for contention effectually removed for the future. Had Your Majesty thought for one moment that the Queen's right was not so sound and good as it had been judicially pronounced to be at Rome, I was certain that you would be marvellously glad that the contrary should be determined where complete impartiality could be obtained such as at a General Council; and since the King his master, for the reasons alleged, considered himself in his right, why should he refuse submitting to the decision and determination of the said Council when he himself did once appeal to it. Your Majesty could not, and would not. offer him better terms than those proposed,—terms of which, if anyone was to complain it was the Queen herself, owing to the delay in the execution of the sentence, and the Pope also, whose injunctions had been completely disregarded, thus opening a door for the partial invalidation and breach of his authority. "The King your master (I added) need not fear the Pope or the ecclesiastics in that matter, inasmuch as, were they to intend harm, all the princes of Christendom would interfere, most of whom were his (the King's) friends. One thing I could vouch for; the Emperor would never take steps at the Council, or recommend measures to which you yourselves were not ready to subscribe. The King ought to consider what honor and comfort to himself, what peace and tranquility to his kingdom, would ensue were the affair determined at a General Council of the Church. It would also be a full discharge of the Emperor's conscience, inasmuch as, without the determination of that point, he really could not, as a good Catholic, refuse to obey the executory letters decreed in favor of the Queen, nor honorably consent longer to the suspension of the sentence unless it were in hope of the King's submission." With regard to my despatching a messenger to Spain with the King's resolution, I was (I said) ready to comply with the King's wishes in that respect; but it seemed to me more proper to wait for Your Majesty's answer, which could not be long coming, and at the same time hear in a more direct way what his master's express intentions and will were. On this occasion Cromwell did not hesitate to own that my suggestions seemed to him reasonable enough. He promised that in a couple of days he would again speak to the King on the subject, and represent, with his usual frankness and boldness, when alone and without witnesses, the ins and outs of the case, and, when he had seen the King, come to me and report on the whole. (fn. 4)
Then, after a few minutes' thought, Cromwell added, "The Emperor ought not to hesitate and waver in an affair of this kind, the final settlement of which would prove such an inestimable boon for Christendom as would the union between him and the King my master. Both the Queen and the Princess are mortal. Even if the latter were to die to-morrow, her death would not be a misfortune when compared with the happy union and good intelligence likely to result therefrom. He then asked me to consider and reflect, when I should be alone and disengaged, whether it would not be possible to keep the ladies' business altogether in the background; not to allude to it in the new treaty, or rather, hold it in suspense pending the King's lifetime. In the meanwhile, the General Council might assemble and deliberate on the best remedy to be applied to the troubles which distract and afflict Christendom." Besides which (added Cremuel) there might be occasion during, and even before, the meeting of the Council, for amity and friendship to be firmly established between your master and mine, when the business of the Queen and Princess might be arranged without mystery. A Congress might also be appointed conjointly by the Emperor and by the King, whereat to discuss and determine the respective rights of those ladies. Cromwell ended his reasoning by repeating to me with a certain emphasis the very words he had formerly said: "What harm or danger could there be in the Princess dying just now? Whatever people might say and think about it, would the Emperor (I ask you) have reason to regret her death?" (fn. 5)
My reply was that as we were just then trying to bring about a closer union and friendship between our respective masters, with a view not to waste time I would refrain from representing the great dangers and inconveniences likely to arise, were the Princess to die suddenly, in these times, and in a manner so open to suspicion. God forbid that such a thing should come to pass, and may she be preserved for the peace and tranquillity of the world! Besides, said I, how could the Emperor, my master, clear himself from the imputation that in order to secure a treaty he had consented to the death of his own cousin, and had, as it were, sold her to obtain peace in exchange? As to the suspension to which he alluded, it was neither honourable nor reasonable. Even if Your Majesty agreed to it, the King (I said) ought not to insist on it in view of the terrible confusion it might entail after him, which would besides burden his conscience beyond measure; whereas, were the case submitted to the determination of the Council, sufficient means of attaining the proposed object might be found much sooner than with the suspension so much desired.
To these arguments of mine Cremuel knew not what to answer, except that he would consult his master thereupon and hear what his pleasure was. Some time after, however, he began to rage against all these popes and cardinals, saying that he hoped the race would soon become extinct so that people might rid themselves of their abomination and tyranny. (fn. 6) After which he continued: "You cannot imagine how much these Frenchmen are pressing us just now to join them; but I will never allow the King, my master, to carry war across the Channel, or try to gain one more foot of land on the Continent than he has already. I have thought (he added) of what you told me the other day respecting the difficulty, cost, and expenditure of an enterprise against Flanders. I myself have refused a considerable pension from France, and intend at the next meeting of Parliament to have a Bill passed forbidding, on pain of death, King's councillors and others to accept pensions from foreign princes." (fn. 7)
On Saturday, the 20th inst., Cromwell spoke to the King; but, owing to the Festival of the Palms, (fn. 8) he made his excuse for not calling on me the day after. Yesterday, Monday, he sent me word that although he was slightly indisposed he had got up from his bed and dressed to come to me, but had felt so ill in consequence that he had given up all idea of visiting me, and therefore that he begged me go to him. Doubting whether the alleged illness was real, and believing the affair to be of too much importance to be treated hastily, I sent to ask him for an appointment, one hour after dinner, that we might leisurely attend to our business. His answer to my secretary was that just at the hour designated by me, he intended to go to bed again, as he did not feel quite well, and that since I purposed to take the trouble of calling on him, he begged me to postpone my visit until Tuesday morning, that is to day, and should anything prevent my calling personally to send one of my secretaries to him. Yet he considered it his duty to inform me that he had found the King, his master, almost as much attached to his opinion as he formerly was. He (Cromwell) begged me, in the King's name and in his own, to write home. He informed me at the same time that the Treasurer of Britanny (fn. 9) was moving heaven and earth for certain articles and clauses which the French wish them to pass; but that on that point, as well as on others, he (Crowmell) is determined to act as an honest man, not allowing anything to be done to our injury, but, on the contrary, resolutely taking our part, however specious the pretences of the French may be. Cromwell's hint had, no doubt, reference to a meeting of English and French commissioners, which is to take place shortly on the frontiers beyond the sea, the object of which people might imagine and suspect is the mere setting-up of some hostile enterprise against Your Majesty. I have not been able to learn for certain what those articles and clauses to which Cromwell alluded can be; but I strongly suspect that one of them is to this effect, that if the English cannot obtain further concessions from the French, they will try to get the same promise that the Lubeckians made them some time ago, namely, that in the event of a General Council the king of France will favour and support with all his power the King's second marriage, as well as most of his acts against the authority of the Apostolic See.
Intending to call this very morning on Cromwell, and having sent my secretary to him to know what hour suited him best, I heard that he is worse than yesterday, and therefore can not see any one. I will not insist until Your Majesty's letter mentioned in Mr. de Lickerke's despatch comes to hand. I dare say by that time Cromwell will be disposed to see me; besides which, I fancy that too much solicitude on our part might perhaps spoil the affair in hand, as it would render these people more vain glorious and intractable.
The way Your Majesty is taking to remedy the affairs of this country could not be better planned and conceived than it is, provided these people consented to respond to Your Majesty's holy intentions, and would help in all good faith the convocation and meeting of the Council—which, whatever their language, in my opinion they will never do,—and treat better the two Princesses, who are every day in greater personal danger. The mother in particular has many a time, and especially of late, desired me to write that Your Majesty would be pleased to make these people understand how grieved she is at her daughter, the Princess, being as she is entirely in the hands of her enemies, and that, were anything to happen to her, people might have reason to say that all was owing to the manner of her treatment. The Queen, as I say, is daily begging me to write to Your Majesty on the subject, under the impression that your consummate prudence and incomparable virtues will provide the means of obviating the danger in which both are. And as the Queen herself has always been of opinion that the very moment there is a chance of amity and friendship being fairly established between the parties, all danger will disappear,—as she herself wrote to her physician on hearing that Cromwell had called on me,—and that the whole case will be conducted and shaped according to the overtures, it seems to me as if I could easily persuade her to accept and approve of the whole plan. (fn. 10)
When Cromwell put into my hands the above-mentioned packet of letters, I had gone to visit him for the purpose of hearing if he had, or had not, succeeded in negotiating a change of quarters and better treatment for the Princess; but it appears he had not. He could not obtain leave from the King to have her removed to the place whereat the Queen is now staying, or its immediate neighbourhood, nor for her to remain near this city, where she could, in case of need, obtain the assistance of physicians and apothecaries. On the contrary, she is, I hear, to remain at the house, of which I lately wrote to Your Majesty. On the 14th inst. she was very ill indeed with her usual complaint, so much so that on that day and the two following days the physicians in attendance were in great apprehension of her life. On the 15th I begged Cromwell to send some one to visit her, and at the same time intercede with the King on her behalf, assuring him that his intercession would be by far the best medicine and relief that could be thought of. And I must say that Cromwell immediately after despatched a messenger to the King, informing him of the Princess's state; and that soon after an answer came, requesting him to tell me that "every care should be taken of the Princess, and that I was not to be at all anxious about her, as the King would treat her in every respect as his daughter, and that the day after, the 19th, the King would leave Anthoncourt (Hampton Court) to come to Greenwich." And so he did, for he arrived at about two o'clock on the afternoon of that day, and remained there until the following about noon, all the time inquiring from the Princess's governess, and from other ladies in her service, how she fared, and what hope there was of her speedy recovery. True is it that he did not himself inquire from the Queen's physician, nor would he speak to his own, about her. Yet it appears that the former, out of spite, took upon himself to declare, without being asked, that the Princess's illness was grave and dangerous, unless it were attended to in time; but the King rebuked him for his pains, saying that he was disloyal, and that all he said was to have the Princess removed to the Queen's quarters. He (the King) would take care that no such thing ever happened; for were the Queen, her mother, who was a proud and intractable woman, to take into her head to favour her daughter, she might well take the field, raise assemblies of men, and carry on war against him as openly and fiercely as queen Elizabeth, her mother, (fn. 11) did in Spain. (fn. 12) As long, however, as the King remained on the spot, there was no question at all of his seeing his daughter, nor did he convey to her any sort of consolatory message; on the contrary, he sent her word, through her governess, (fn. 13) that he looked upon her as his worst enemy, and that she was the cause of his being on bad terms with most of the princes in Christendom. Which formal declaration the King made more than once in public, and in a manner to give encouragement to those who may entertain designs against the life of the Princess. The King likewise gave orders to her governess that, should any of my servants go thither, as they had been wont to do every day since the Princess's illness, they were to be well entertained, though not allowed to visit the premises lest some plan for her escape should be formed.
The ambassador this King sent to Scotland some time ago has been back for the last three days. He has spread the rumour that the king of that country is really and truly expecting an answer from Your Majesty respecting his marriage to the princess of Portugal or that of Denmark. The ambassador, it is true, was much feasted in Scotland, and had many presents given to him; but I believe that his real and only mission was to take to king James the insignia of the Order of the Garter, which he has accepted only on condition of this King receiving his in exchange. I hear that the solemnity for the reception was meagre enough, when compared with that which took place when Your Majesty sent him yours, (fn. 14) for on that occasion the King himself was present in the principal church of the place where he was then residing, attending the nobility of Scotland, besides people innumerable of all classes, whereas now the ceremony took place in the King's private chapel, to the exclusion of all except a few nobles of king James's household. And if I am to believe what a worthy doctor in theology, and a native of Scotland, tells me, king James refused in this instance to take any oath whatsoever, putting it off until he had sent his own Order to the king of England, so that both might take their respective oaths conjointly, and agree first as to the form.
The same doctor assures me that he has heard king James's chancellor say that this last English ambassador had positively offered upwards of 40,000 ducats for the earl of Anguiœ (Angus) to be allowed to return to Scotland, but that the offer had been flatly refused. Also that the English ambassador, having asked James not to allow his subjects to fish in certain rivers which separate the two kingdoms, no notice whatever had been taken of the application. The same result befell another request of the ambassador respecting Hirlande (Ireland); for, upon being asked not to allow his subjects to cross over, he replied that the very prohibition would induce them to go thither; and that whenever the English could prove to him that one or more Scotchmen had crossed over, there would then be plenty of time for him to dictate measures of recall. (fn. 15) I am further told that the said ambassador, having solicited king James to attend the interview which this king and he of France are about to hold, and offered him safe passage and a large sum of money for his own private expenses, his answer was that when the time for the meeting came, if his presence was really deemed necessary, he would willingly attend the conferences at his own expense, without applying to his kinsman and friends, but that for the time being he could not be absent from his kingdom 24 hours.
The same Scotch doctor has given me to understand that the English ambassador attempted to remain longer in Scotland, say three months, but king James would not hear of it, and had actually dismissed him as quickly as he could, though in the most polite manner, for fear he should contaminate any one at his Court with his heretical doctrines.
The above is not the only intelligence I have from the Doctor. He tells me that the duke of Albany's secretary (Barbon?) was in Scotland at the same time as the ambassador, and that his mission was to solicit the King's presence at the interview, and likewise to offer him the hand of Vendosme's daughter, (fn. 16) and that the King's answer was, "We shall see."
It is not known here how Irish affairs go on. There is a rumour that this King is thinking of sending thither three or four thousand men, under the command of the old Marquis. (fn. 17)
The Vayvod's secretary (fn. 18) has gone to France without obtaining any substantial help from this King.—London, 23 March 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England 23rd March and 5th April. Received at Barcelona on the 19th ditto."
23 March.143. The Same to Viscount Jean Hannaërt.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc.229½, ii.
f. 27.
When speaking to me the other day, Cromwell affirmed that the King, his master, was ready to make the Emperor every possible concession, save those that were against his honour such as allowing doubts to be cast on his second marriage, and submitting the same to the decision of a General Council of the Church. The Emperor, he says, ought not to insist so much on those points, nor work so strenuously as he has done, and is doing still, in favour of the Queen and Princess, who, after all, are mortal. It would be no loss, he added, if the latter should die. Perhaps Cromwell on the occasion would have liked to speak like Caiaphas. He (Hannart) will thus be able to understand what plight the affairs of this country are in when people like Cromwell speak in such wise.
Cromwell says that the meeting of Henry and Francis will certainly not take place this year, perhaps not at all, if the deputies appointed to the conferences succeed in settling previously the pending questions.—London, 23 March 1535.
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 4.
23 March.144. The Same to Nicolas de Granvelle.
Wien.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, iii. f.1.
People here are thinking day and night how to rid themselves of the good ladies. It seems as if, ever since there was a talk of renewing the former friendship, they had grown bolder, for they do now speak quite openly about it. He (Chapuys) thinks that in such a state of things prompt measures ought to be taken for their safety.
The Queen wrote the other day a letter to licte Medona. (fn. 19) Had it not been for fear, she would have spoken out more openly. A man has been bribed by the concubine (Anne) to say that he has had a revelation to this effect: that she will never conceive children as long as the Queen and Princess are alive. Has no doubt that the said concubine has made the man go to the King, and speak about it, for she sent him to Cromwell a few days ago on a similar errand. Cromwell would have liked to speak on the occasion as Caiaphas did.—London, 23 March 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, entirely in cipher. pp. 2½.
23 March.145. The Same to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, III. f. 1.
It would be very desirable, and a very meritorious work indeed, to have the Princess out of the country. The Princess herself wishes ardently for it, and has again sent me a message this morning about it. The enterprise, in my opinion, would be rather hazardous; but, once out of the house where she is at present residing, there would be no difficulty, for all would favour her flight, and those who might be sent in pursuit would make no haste, but would on the contrary shut their eyes and bless her saviours.
French. Original in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 2.
— March.146. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii.
f. 32.
Has received his letters of the 9th and 25th February, as well as that of the 4th of March. Approves entirely of his doings in favour of the Queen and Princess. The English ambassador here has called on Granvelle, and told him that he did not come to him oftener for fear of arousing the suspicions of the French; but that he was most desirous of a closer friendship between his master and him (the Emperor). Granvelle answered him that the very first condition for the establishment of that friendship of which he spoke, would be a better treatment of the Queen and Princess.
Is to do all he can to favour the escape of the Princess from England; but this must be done with the utmost secrecy, and great discretion.
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
23 March.147. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E., L. 864,
ff. 116–7.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 257.
After his despatch of the 21st inst. by a gentleman coming from Sicily, His Majesty's letter, dated Medinaceli, the 8th, was duly received, ordering him to urge the grant of the "subsidio eclesiastico."
Was likewise commanded to represent to His Holiness the impropriety of his dispatching a messenger, as he had actually done, to the Vayvod (Zapolsky). The Emperor must have seen by his (Sylva's) despatches of the 15th December of last year, and 28th January, (fn. 20) that His Holiness had sent Rosario to the princes of Germany and to the Vayvod, and that the ambassador of the king of the Romans and himself (Sylva) having complained of the measure, the Pope had said that he could not do less than return the Vayvod's embassy; (fn. 21) and beyond that his Nuncio had positive orders not to conclude anything with the Vayvod, without consulting first the king of the Romans. After that, it appears that on Rosario's arrival at the court of the king of the Romans, he was ordered not to go to the Vayvod's for the considerations specified in His Majesty's letter. His Holiness was then requested to have his Nuncio recalled; but he, having heard the news beforehand, wrote to him to go on with his commission to the Vayvod as well as he could. Aware of this, he (Sylva) and the Hungarian ambassador called again on His Holiness, and strongly remonstrated against this proceeding. His answer was that Rosario was in the confidence of the king of the Romans, so much so that it was a known fact that cardinal de Trento had put him there at Rome to be his agent at the last conclave (conclavista); that his mission to the Vayvod was in no manner intended as detrimental to the king of the Romans, &c. This notwithstanding, he (Sylva) and the Austrian ambassador failed not to complain of the Nuncio's mission. It was evidently a suggestion of the French and English parties. The truth is that the ministers of the king of the Romans are somehow to be blamed for their negligence in all this affair, for they ought not to have allowed the said Papal Nuncio to pass through their country, since they had been warned in time. Neither is it to be believed that the Pope would have taken offence at it; even if he had, his discontent was preferable to the mischief caused by the Nuncio's journey.
The Emperor's commands respecting the duchy of Camarino, and the care that should be taken in preventing any violent measure from being adopted, will be faithfully attended to. He (Sylva) has already explained in former despatches the state of that affair. There has been no new incident, save that Lope de Soria proposes that the duchy be placed in the hands of the Emperor, for him to decide in justice to whom it belongs, &c. (fn. 22) Meanwhile His Holiness has publicly excommunicated the son of the duke of Urbino and the duchess of Camarino also.
Letters received from the Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys) of the 27th ult. announce that he had lately been much better treated by the King and his Privy Council, no doubt with a view to render the French jealous, and bring them on to certain conclusions and negotiations which they are not at present willing to admit. The ambassador could not exactly say what these were; but the rumour here current is that the marquis de Zenete is on the point of going to England, as His Majesty's extraordinary ambassador, which fact in my opinion favours the conjecture that there is something going on just now which makes king Francis suspicious of the English. His Holiness asked the other day whether it was true that the Marquis was going to the king of England. Answered that he knew nothing about it.
The same ambassador says that the proposed interview of the kings of France and England will not take place. The English had given out that pope Clement knew and acknowledged before dying that he had wronged king Henry by the sentence of the divorce suit; that pope Paul was of the same mode of thinking: and that the English agent residing at this Court had written home that His Holiness had sent for and instructed him to say that, should the King restore the affairs of the Church in England to their former state, means should be found to settle in a satisfactory manner the matrimonial question. He (Sylva) cannot imagine that His Holiness has gone so far as to make such a promise, however prevalent the rumour may be in London, as Chapuys advises. Nevertheless, should there be any truth in the report, he (Sylva) will lose no opportunity of acquainting His Holiness with what they say of him in England, and making him feel how injurious and scandalous the report is for the whole Christian community.—Rome, xxiiii. Martii mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3½.

Footnotes

1 Jean Hannaërt, viscount of Lombecke, who, as Imperial ambassador in France, had attended the conferences of Marseilles in October 1533, between Francis and Clement. In 1534 he continued in office, but from his having acquired, through inheritance or otherwise, the lordship of Liedkirke, Liekerke, or Likkerke, in the Low Countries, he was more generally designated under the title of Sieur, Seigneur, or Mr. de Lickerke.
2 Charles left Madrid on the 2nd of March, bound for Barcelona, where he embarked for the Tunis expedition.
3 "Imaginant que tout le monde soit si ayse a mectre en suspicion comme estoient les dits françois, que luy mesme tenoit pour la plus suspecte nation du monde."
4 "Il me confessa les dictes remonstrances estre raysonnables, et que dans deux jours yl en deviseroit bien amplement avec le dict sieur roy, luy faysant bien gouter le cas et luy parlant avec la hardiesse quil souloit quant ilz estoient seul a seul, et que incontinent me rapporteroit le tout."
5 "Me replicquant de nouveaul quel dammage ne danger seroit que la dicte princesse feust morte oyres que le peuple en mormurast, et quelle raison auroit vostre maieste en faire cas?"
6 "Et quelque espace apres il commença maulgreer de tant de papes et cardinaulx, disant quil tenoit pour tout certain que la race se perdroit bientost, et quil ne seroit plus question dune telle abhomination et tyrannic."
7 "Et quil avoit reffuse grosse pension de France, et entendoit de faire passer au premier parlement que nul anglois ne du conseil du Roy, son maistre, ne autre sur peine de la vie ne praingne pension de prince estrangier."
8 Et pour la solempnite des Palmes s'excusa de venir le lendemain." Palm Sunday of 1535 fell on the 21st of March.
9 Palamède Gontier.
10 "Et combieu, sire, que la Royne aye tousjours este doppinion que des que lon vouldra venir en aimiablete et party avec ceulx-cy, comme encoires elle escripuit dernierement a son medecin, entendant que Cremuel mestoit venu trouver toutesfols que pourroit reduire le cas selon la susdicte ouvertue, il me semble que luy feraye le tout trouver bon."
11 "Il ne senquist ne parlat point an medecin de la royne, et ne vouloit aussy parler au syen, mais le dict medecin par despit sysigera de parler de la maladie de la dicte princesse la faisant gresue et dangereuse que ny remedieroit le temps. Et pour sa peyne le Roy luy dit quil ne luy estoit loyal, et que tout ce quil disoit sestoit en faueur de la princesse pour la faire aller vers sa mere mais quil se garderoit bien lenvoyer la, car estant la Royne si haultayne de cueur luy venant en fantasye a lappuy de la faveur de la princesse elle se pourroit mectre aux champs, et assembler forces force gens et luy faire la guerre aussi hardiement que fit la royne donc Elizabeth sa mere."
12 "Isabella, Katharine's mother, soon after her marriage to Ferdinand, the Catholic King of Aragon, made war upon Juana, surnamed La Beltranaja, the supposed daughter of Henry IV. of Castille, whom the Portuguese and Castilian nobles attempted to set up on the throne."
13 Elizabeth Howard, wife of the earl of Wiltshire, Sir Thomas Boleyn.
14 In 1533 Charles sent the Golden Fleece of Burgundy to James.
15 "La dict roy descosse a aussi reffuse de faire deffence a ces gens de non passer en Hierlande disant que la dicte deffence seroit plus tost cause les y faire aller que autrement, et que myeulx bailloit que les angloix laduertissent quant il sera passe quelcung des siens au dict Hirlande et il pouruoyroit pour la reuocation."
16 "Margaret, daughter of Antoine, duke of Vendôme.
17 Thomas Grey.
18 Corsini, the Florentine.
19 See above No. 140, p. 422, where this proper name has been discussed. Though written here Medina or Medona, as in Katharine's letter, I am strongly inclined to believe some relative of that Juan Vasquez de Molina, secretary to the empress Isabella, is meant, unless, perhaps, Medina, which is a common Spanish name, be meant. I may allege in favour of the former conjecture the fact that, as long as the divorce suit lasted, Dr. Ortiz frequently addressed Isabella or her secretary on the subject, and kept her well informed of the proceedings at Rome. Isabella herself took great interest in Katharine's misfortunes, and often communicated with her.
20 "Por mis cartas de xv. de Diciembre y xxviii. de Euero proximo pasado."
21 Here the paper is very much torn, but the deficiency has been supplied by a relacion or abstract of this same despatch at fol. 269 of volume xvi. of Bergenroth's collection.
22 Again there is here a gap of two or three lines owing to the paper being much torn. By recurring to the "Relacion" (fol. 269), I find the substance to be that "though the ambassador Soria had written to say that he saw no harm in forwarding his proposal, which seemed to him admissable, he (Sylva) dared not bring it before His Holiness, for two reasons; firstly, that he had no orders from the Emperor, and, secondly, because he thought His Holiness would reject the offer."