Spain
June 1535, 16-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1886

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492-506

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'Spain: June 1535, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 492-506. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87921 Date accessed: 22 September 2014.


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June 1535, 16-30

16 June.174. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½.
No. 35.
This very morning Your Majesty's letter of the 29th ult., announcing your embarcation, has come to hand; besides which the French ambassador residing at this Court has also heard from the sieur de Vely (fn. 1) that you intended sailing straight for Constantinople, without going first to Tunis and attaching Barbarossa, for fear of losing such a seasonable and favourable opportunity as the present to conquer that city and the rest of Greece; which undertaking the Venetian ambassador (fn. 2) residing at your Imperial Court recommended very strongly, soliciting and persuading you to do so, and assuring you that his Signory would take care that Barbarossa did not move or do harm to Christendom in the meantime. This news the French ambassador has imparted to many people here, authorising them to have it published. He has likewise communicated them to the Venetian Secretary, (fn. 3) who now-a-days fills the functions of ambassador, requesting him, as he himself tells me, to call at the French embassy that they may have together some conversation on the subject. I cannot help thinking, however, that the aforesaid news is merely an invention [of the French], and that the publicity given to it is not without some mysterious reason, as Your Majesty, with your incomparable wisdom and perspicacity in such matters will no doubt guess.
As soon as this King heard that the bishop of Rochester (Fisher) had been created cardinal, he was so angry and indignant at it that he said to many who were present at the time, that he would soon give him another and better hat, for he would send the Bishop's head to Rome for that purpose; immediately after which he sent to the Tower for the members of his Privy Council to summon again the Bishop to their presence, as well as Master Mur (More), and make them acknowledge him as head of the Church, threatening, unless they did so, to have them executed as traitors before St. John's Day. But no threats or promises have as yet had any effect on them, and it is generally believed that both will be shortly executed. As, however, they happen to be men of great reputation and credit throughout this kingdom, the King has already ordered that sermons should be preached against them in almost all the churches of this city. That work commenced on Sunday last, and is to continue through the next in order to silence the murmurs of the people. Yet as there seems to be no sufficient cause to sentence them to death, the King is looking out for some misprision of treason to convict them thereof, and an investigation is now being carried, on to ascertain whether the Bishop really applied to Rome for the cardinal's hat, to which end several relatives of his, and even gaolers and guards, have been arrested. It is impossible to describe the sorrow and affliction of the Queen and Princess at hearing of such doings, they themselves being afraid that after the execution of those personages, the King may proceed to further violence, as I have already informed Your Majesty.
Out of spite for the said nomination, and to vent more openly his hatred of the Roman Church, the King has sent orders and letters patent to all the bishops, curates, and other preachers in his dominions to propound certain articles against the Apostolic Church. He has likewise commanded every schoolmaster to teach his scholars to speak ill of Papal authority, and likewise that in all missals, breviaries, and books of hours, whether it be in the almanacks or elsewhere, the Pope's name should be erased. It is also reported that an order exists that the reading of the Gospels should in all churches be in French;—the whole of this being, no doubt, done for the purpose of infecting his people with Lutheran doctrines, and rendering them more obstinate and prone to repulse foreign invasion, from whichever side it may come, as I have already had occasion to inform Your Majesty.
And not only is the King extremely indignant at the bishop of Rochester having been created cardinal, he is likewise sorry at the nomination of the bishop of Paris, (fn. 4) in whom he particularly trusted once, considering him before his creation as a very bad Papist (maulvais Papiste); nor has he had much pleasure either at the nomination of the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Ghinucci). To divert him from such like annoyances the Lady has lately feasted him at one of her residences, where she prepared beforehand an entertainment and a farce, (fn. 5) to which many people were invited, though she entirely forgot to ask the French ambassador, who has not been at all pleased at her neglect. She has, however, so well managed to banquet and amuse her guests that, as the Princess sends me word this very day, the King loves his concubine now more than ever he did,—a fact which has considerably increased the Princess' fears, especially seeing how long the remedy is in coming. (fn. 6) In this last sentiment almost all in this country concur, believing it as certain that, should Your Majesty only forbid English commerce with the Low Countries and with your other dominions, matters would soon mend both here and there, as I have often written to Your Majesty, and many friendly personages of this country are daily pointing out to me.
The duke of Norfolk is expected here from hour to hour, together with the other deputies to the Calais assembly. Two days ago the French ambassador was heard to say that the meeting would be prorogued for 20 days more. I cannot guess what the motive may be for lengthening the period of the said assembly, nor do I know for certain what affairs were discussed therein. I have, however, been told that the thing on which the French insist most is to have the Princess married to their Dauphin. Nevertheless, there is actually a rumour among the lower classes that the deputies have already parted dissatisfied with each other. (fn. 7) Should I hear more particulars of the meeting and its object, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.—London, 16 June 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 2.
17 June.175. The Empress to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 31,
ff. 182–4.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 325.
Received your letter of the 30th May by Ruy Gomez. Glad to hear that you have sailed for the coast of Tunis, and I hope that since your efforts are directed against the Infidel, and for the welfare of Christendom, God will grant victory to your arms.
(Cipher:) I highly approve of your answer to the Papal Nuncio respecting matters of Faith and the convocation of the Council. Will keep it in mind to reply, if necessary, to such points when urged. (fn. 8) Cannot help wondering at what His Holiness sent to say by his auditor about your going to Constantinople; the reasons and arguments contained in your reply sufficiently show that the expedition at present seems impracticable. I wonder still more at His Holiness insisting on having your help in the affair of Camarino and Urbino at this present moment, and of his threat that, should you fail him in that respect, he will seek the assistance of France, by which the suspicion you entertain that His Holiness is no longer to be relied upon becomes a certainty. (fn. 9)
Respecting the kings of France and England, anything may be apprehended from them. They will be on the lookout, and see what becomes of the powerful armament you are now directing against the African Moors and the corsair Barbarossa. There is no probability, however, as you think, of their doing anything else this year; yet we ought to be prepared for all contingencies. I have written to the viceroys and captains on the frontiers of France and Navarre. Pedro del Peso is gone to inspect the fortifications of St. Sebastian, Fontarrabia, and Pamplona, and see what is wanted there. I have also ordered those of Logroño to be inspected, and a report of their state forwarded to me. The duke of Alburquerque (D. Beltran de la Cueva) has been written to, that he may immediately proceed to Aragon. I have no doubt that he will obey orders, and when he does that he will be paid according to his contract (arriendo) and Your Majesty's directions. The 1,000 men destined for Perpignan will start soon, and be there quite in time. The Constable of Castille (Don Pedro de Velasco), now at this court, has been spoken to. I have told him what Your Majesty expects of him, should his services be wanted. His answer has been as usual, that he is ready to obey your commands. In short, every precaution is being taken to meet any attempts of the king of France to invade this country.
Should the Irish, now in open rebellion against the king of England, send here for help and favor, Your Majesty will decide what answer is to be given, or what to be done with them.
Respecting the marriage of the French Dauphin to the infanta of Portugal, the daughter of the most Christian queen of France, our sister, I have no news, except what Luys Sarmiento, Your Majesty's ambassador at that court, wrote lately, namely, that Onorato had arrived from France on purpose to negotiate about it. Should they write to me from Lisbon, I will shape my answer according to Your Majesty's wishes and instructions.
The health of the queen of England has continued to improve. As I wrote to Your Majesty, Her Highness the Princess is doing well.
Care will be taken that the ordnance and field artillery be ready when wanted.
Count de Ureña has been summoned to deliver the castle of Peñafiel to Don Manrique de Lara. He has made no objection, and written to his lieutenant about it. The Council of Castille will proceed in the affair with justice, and obey your orders.
The marriage of the marquis de Cuellar and Doña Maria Enriquez is in suspense. Something has occurred to prevent it, of which the most reverend cardinal of Toledo will inform Your Majesty.
The 400 rebaptized (rebautizados), who were to have come from Flanders arrived on the coast of Guipuzcoa, less four of them, who died at sea. The Corregidor sent them in avessel to Malaga, and I have sent orders to the proveditors (proveedores) to receive them and keep them, making them work, in order to diminish the expense of keeping before they are transferred to the galleys.
Gold and silver to be prepared at Seville for coinage at the Mota [de Medina]; the dies which Juan de Naso (from Nassau?) is to bring have not yet been received.
By the enclosed letters from the governor and inspectors (veedores) of Melilla, as well as of the purveyors of Malaga, Your Majesty must have heard of the attempt lately made by the king of Fez to surprise that town. The opportune succour sent by the biscayan tenders (pataches vizcaynas) saved the place. I wrote immediately to the duke of Medina Sidonia and to his brother Don Juan Alonso [de Guzman] to strengthen the garrison and send provisions there, which was done; but as a regular expeditionary force might be required one of these days, as the Duke himself is in bad health and the marquis de Mondejar far off; and as the "Asistente" of Seville is not there either, I propose that Don Juan Alonso may be appointed Captain-General of Andalusia for this time alone, and that Don Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza be written to to have in readiness the forces of the kingdom of Granada.
The cardinal of Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoza) is dead. His death has caused me much grief, not only on account of his having been a very good servant of Your Majesty, but because he was closely related to the count of Miranda and to Don Juan de Çuñiga. And since the former of those two has sons at the University, now reading for the Church, I beg Your Majesty to bear them in mind for any vacancies resulting from this promotion.
Gomez Xuarez de Figueroa, ambassador in Genoa, writes on the 22nd of May that he has drawn upon the Imperial treasurers for 2,500 cr,, payable in August of this year, or at the time of the fair of Rioseco, to the order of Gaspar Grimaldo. The ambassador, as he says, borrowed them from Agostino Grimaldo by your order. The 2,000 to remit to the officer of Besançon, to be employed in behalf of the Catholic cantons of Switzerland; the remaining 500 crs. on account of his salary. Madrid, 17 June, dxxxv.
P.S,.—This courier I send purposely to have news of Your Majesty. I myself am in good health just now, so is the Prince [Philip] and the Infante, our sons; for although the former has been slightly indisposed, he is now quite well.
Spanish. Original draft. Partly in cipher. pp. 9.
20 June.176. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E., L. 863,
f. 40.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 330.
On the last day of May I acquainted Your Majesty with the martyrdom of four holy Carthusian monks, whom the king of England caused to be sentenced to death by his judges. As by this time our Lord has had their names entered in the glorious book of life, it is well that Your Majesty know who they were:—Juan Howughton, general of all the Carthusians of England, and prior of the convent in London, Roverto Lorenço, prior of the convent Velle Vallis, Augustinus Unester, prior of Ahlome, all of them Carthusians; the fourth was Ricardo Rainaldo, of the convent of Sion, of the Order of St. Brigidis.
Since then, on the 22nd, ambassador (Chapuys) wrote to say that four more Carthusians have been confined to prison for the same cause, and kept in a most ignominious dungeon, where whoever enters, rarely, if ever, gets out except for execution. That holy man Cardinal Rophensis (Fisher) and Thomas Mauro (More), though threatened with martyrdom on the 4th, unless they did change their opinion and retract within eight days, had not yet been executed on the 22nd, though they had been threatened with death unless they acknowledged what is called their error. May our Lord be pleased to put an end to the King's iniquitous doings!
Respecting the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) some Irish who came here lately say that in the city of Dubilinia (Dublin), which holds for the king of England, the archbishop of Canterbury has had an indulgence and a jubilee proclaimed for all those who should take up arms in the King's favour and against the count of Kildare.
The Queen and the Princess her daughter are in good health; God be praised for it.
Up to this moment nothing is known of what the ambassadors of France and England are doing at Calais, nor what they are negociating about; but certainly it would be a great boon if, whilst they are there, the executory letters on the principal cause were promulgated, which letters, though decreed in Consistory during the pontificate of Clement VII., have not yet been issued, no doubt owing to the malicious interference of king Henry, or because he himself is afraid of his own subjects. (fn. 10) Indeed, the silence observed by His Holiness on the prosecution of this cause is most unaccountable, for the King's obstinacy being so evident and manifest there was no need, in my opinion, of waiting so long for the resolution of the English and French ambassadors, inasmuch as, if we are to judge by past times, and by the little fruit the former interview of the two Kings bore at a time when England was not so perversely inclined as she is now, there is no hope of any good coming from the proposed conferences.
No official news of the Emperor since his embarkation [at Barcelona], though there is a rumour that Tunis is taken. (fn. 11) —Rome, 20 June mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
21 June.177. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. Roma, L. 861,
ff. 87–8.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 332.
(Cipher:) Wrote last on the 11th by Hernando Niño. Hears from persons, friends of the Signory, but not of the ambassador at this court, that His Holiness is now persuading the Venetians to make a league with him, pretending that the Emperor wishes to become master of Italy, and that in order to prevent that he (the Pope) wishes for a Council, as he will then be able to oppose any designs against them. Matera pretends that it is the Signory that has made the first overtures offering to take away from the duke of Urbino the command of their forces, and give it to Pier Luigi Farnese, with many protestations that even after the death of His Holiness they will keep him in office, &c. They will help the Pope to take possession of Camarino and Urbino, and ruin and destroy the Duke, in whom they place no trust, owing especially to the Emperor having lately conferred on him the duchy of Sora, and bargained for Mantua, without their knowledge. It is also said that the Venetians will grant His Holiness the presentation to the bishoprics and eclesiastical benefices of their Republic,—a thing which they have hitherto refused. Matera affirms all these things as if they were the Gospel. I myself am not so sure of that, and cannot believe that the Signory has really entered into such a negociation. However, as State affairs generally produce jealousy between the parties concerned (gelosos), I considered myself bound to inform you thereof. I will try to ascertain what truth there may be in the report which is current here as well as in Venice, without showing any mistrust, because, as I say, if the Signory is persuading the Pope to make a league, how is it that the Venetian ambassador, who resides here, and who professes to be attached to Your Majesty, has said nothing to me about it? This, notwithstanding, Matera affirms in the most positive manner that the Pope will not enter into the said league, or any other that may be proposed to him, and that if he ever does he is sure to know of it, and will let me know. Should I see that Pier Luigi's preparations to go to Your Majesty's court are really in earnest, I shall attach more credit to that Cardinal's words. Having urgently inquired some time ago, though in a somewhat indirect way, when Pier Luigi's departure would take place, I was told that two days after Your Majesty's fixed place of residence was known he would immediately quit Rome; and they tell me now that His Holiness has promised him money towards his travelling expenses.
No definite answer has yet come to His Holiness from Venerio, his nuncio in Germany. As this might be a stratagem to delay the convocation, I have written to the king of the Romans to try and get the Prince-Electors to send their consent as soon as possible, for fear these people should make that an excuse for their procrastination.
(Common writing:) Pedro Çapata must have informed Your Majesty how Pirro Strozi (Strozzi), the son of Philippo, whilst coming back from your Imperial court, as he says, was attacked close to Modena by a party of armed men paid by the duke Alessandro [de Medici], who attempted to kill him and likewise that the brother of cardinal Cibo, the bishop of Marseilles, had formed a conspiracy against the life of that Duke. I, therefore, need not enter into more particulars.
Recommends Tello de Guzman for the command which has become vacant by the death of Juan de Lanuça.
His Holiness has lately given orders for the enlistment of 500, others say 1,000, infantry, for the purpose of recovering certain castles which the Baglioni of Perugia seized shortly after his ascension to the pontificate. As any levies of troops under the present circumstances might give rise to suspicion, I have boldly signified to him that he cannot do it. His Holiness is sorry for that, for he says it is very hard that he cannot punish a rebellious vassal when he likes. He maintains that it is a very simple thing, and that it can be done without scandal; but yet I will try to prevent him.—Rome, 21 June mdxxxv.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Emperor and King our Lord."
Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 4.
30 June.178. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Wien.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, No. 36.
After secretary Cromwell's return from Court, where he had been staying ever since the duke of Norfolk and others of his colleagues in the deputation came back from Calais, he called upon me, in order to signify in his master's name that the promise once made that nothing [injurious to Your Majesty's interests] should be discussed or concluded thereat had been absolutely fulfilled. At which that Secretary was exceedingly glad and proud, inasmuch as he had shown himself to be faithful, and a man of his word, having prevented, as he said, any dealings likely to mar the progress of our negotiations, and likewise because the King was now as free as ever. He therefore came to advise me to dispatch a messenger in all haste to Your Majesty, to inform you that the conferences of Calais had been broken up without the parties coming to any conclusion whatever.
My answer to Cromwell's application was that I was ready to comply with the King's wishes in the matter, and despatch one of my secretaries to Your Majesty, provided there was something substantial to announce; but that it would be a vain and indiscreet action on my part to send a messenger on purpose merely to announce the breaking up of the conferences, which was a notorious fact, of which I myself had informed Your Majesty a week ago; that most likely you had the same news from France, and if you had not you must at least have expected it for some time, since I had repeatedly written home on the faith of his own promises that nothing important would be achieved at the conferences. Besides (said I to him), if your master is now, as you assure me, free and disengaged, would it not be the time for his accepting His Majesty's overtures, or propounding others?
Cromwell answered that he had no commission to make overtures: he was not a man to say to me first one thing, and then another, or advance a proposition which he could not maintain. With regard to Your Majesty's proposal that his master should submit to the determination of the Council, that was out of the question: the King would never agree to it, nor was there any cause for his doing so, as he had once shown to me by the reasons he alleged. Besides which (added Cromwell), owing to the great hatred which all this English priesthood, as he called them, (fn. 12) bore him, for his having attempted to put down the tyranny of the Church and reform the Clergy, joined to the circumstance that most of those who were to go, to the Council belonged to that set, there would be no means of getting justice thereat. It was not to be expected (he added) or thought of for one moment that the King, his master, or indeed, anyone of his subjects, would ever attend a Council convoked by the Pope, even if it were assembled under Your Majesty's authority.
After this Cromwell began to speak about the reform of the Clergy, which had already commenced by the King's orders, adding that I should see before Christmas two statutes for the said reform, which would differ considerably from those of the Pope; and that he (Cromwell) had no doubt they would turn out to be a singular mirror for all Christendom. That evidently Your Majesty delayed working the same reform in your dominions for fear of the Pope revoking the sentence once obtained in favour of the Queen. My answer was, that he was very much mistaken; for even in the event of Your Majesty renouncing the Pope as universal head of the Church, that would in no wise invalidate the sentence, inasmuch as the King himself had been the first to apply to His Holiness for justice; and that, had the Pope been the smallest and most insignificant bishop in the world, the sentence he gave would stand good, and could not be revoked.
To these reasons and others, which I alleged on the occasion Cromwell knew not what to answer, but he went on to declare that, had God taken away the Queen and the Princess, all matters would soon be settled, and that there would be no disagreement, as nobody would then dispute the King's second marriage, or the right of succession to the Crown, unless it were, perhaps, the king of Scotland, of whom no account was taken in England. As to other princes (he said) not one could pick a quarrel with or establish a right against them.
To the first of Cromwell's assertions I answered that, according to Canon law, the only rule for Catholics to follow in spiritual matters, as well as in those relating to conscience, it would be found that the King's second marriage was necessarily null and void, even should the Queen die before the King. And this I proved to him by reciting various chapters and articles of the Canon law bearing on the subject; at which Cromwell was perfectly amazed and bewildered. With regard to the second point, I said to him that the English ought not to think too lightly of king James; for, after all, were he to bring forward his rightful claims, God, who was the true executor of justice in this world, might furnish him with friends and helpers in England and elsewhere. And upon Cromwell observing that at any rate there would be no other pretender, I replied to him that as the case was not likely to happen, I had never taken the trouble of thinking about it, but that since he pressed me so hard I would tell him what my ideas on the subject were. I thought, on the contrary, that several princes might be pretenders to the throne of England now or hereafter. Cromwell's answer was that perhaps I alluded to the common right of princes, which was founded on the sword, or to the Imperial title, which pretended to exercise certain supremacy over all kings. "No, I do not mean that," was my reply; " England may be at rest on that point; the Emperor is not " ambitious enough to bring forward such a right; yet should " the Pope fulminate censures against your master, and " invoke the aid of the secular arm, depriving him of his " kingdom and giving it away to the invader, would not that " be the most just and catholic title for any prince to have?" Not to embitter the question, or touch on sore points, I would not allude to the king of Denmark's (fn. 13) or any other prince's title; and yet the little I said served my purpose, and will most likely induce them to take more care of the good ladies, and remove the very dangerous opinion they seem to entertain that, were they to get rid of them, they would be quiet and unmolested. Indeed, I almost think that my words had some effect upon Cromwell, for he seemed very much put out by them, and kept silence for some time, until, after a moment's thought, he said, "The truth is that the King, my master, has so many treaties "with the Emperor and with the French, that I cannot " imagine how anyone can contravene them." (fn. 14)
Cromwell then related to me that the English ambassador in France had written to the King, his master, that as soon as the admiral [Chabot] returned to Court, he had declared to all foreign ambassadors that at the conferences of Calais affairs of the utmost importance had been discussed and settled, to the great contentment and satisfaction of the parties concerned; and that this King had immediately sent to contradict the Admiral's report, and answered the letter of his ambassador, telling him the plain truth, and requesting him to inform the Imperial agent in France thereof; most affectionately begging him to write to Your Majesty, and do his best to bring about the renewal of the said friendship. The same prayer and request did Cromwell address to me, with sundry flattering words and praises respecting my valuable assistance, adding that he cared not to die the most cruel death that could be imagined if only friendship between Your Majesty and his master could be established for ever. That once done, he thought that Your Majesty could very easily get half, perhaps a whole, million of gold from his master to aid in the enterprise against the Turk. He added, that the differences about the King's second marriage could only be settled between Your Majesty and the King at a personal interview. After which Cromwell began to inveigh most bitterly against the French, accusing them of ingratitude, cunning, and duplicity; for he knew (said he) that all the time they were negotiating with the King, his master, they had been doing the same with Your Majesty, and that the sieur de Morette had lately declared to him that unless this King agreed shortly to their proposals, they (the French) would be obliged to form an alliance with Your Majesty.
Having spoken to Cromwell of certain arrears still due to the Queen on the revenue of the landed estates in her possession, he with much good grace answered that not only should the sum owing be paid, but that if the Queen wanted more she had only to write me a letter, and any cash she needed for the expenses of her household would be immediately remitted to her. If, however, she preferred having a treasurer at her own residence to attend to these matters, he would be appointed. He likewise begged me to see to this, and ended by inviting me, in the King's name, to hunt in the royal parks whenever I pleased, adding that he would give proper orders that I should be well received there, and insisted upon my not refusing the invitation, "for (said he) it will please the King, and you will pass your time agreeably." At last he could not help adding that it was fit and becoming for me to do so, in order that people might witness the favour I enjoyed with his master. There was no need for such declaration, for I knew very well what he was aiming at. He wanted people to believe that Your Majesty approved of everything they had done, and were doing. Indeed, they have not been ashamed of telling and persuading the French at Calais that, provided the Pope was prevented from disturbing Italy, you would undertake to reform the Church in your own dominions, as they (the English) had done. This information comes from a very reliable quarter, and when I happened to speak about it to Cromwell he had nothing to say in answer. (fn. 15)
On Cromwell's first arrival, and before we had actually begun our conversation on the above political matters, he made two charges in his master's name. The first was that Your Majesty not only tolerated but even allowed that a German doctor of the name of Cocleus (fn. 16) should from time to time compose and publish the most execrable and defamatory books that could be imagined against him, so much so (he said) that no greater injuries could be heaped upon him, were he Jew or Devil. The second was that the ambassador this King was sending to the Vayvod had been arrested by order of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand).
With regard to the first charge, my answer was that Your Majesty, I was sure, would be highly displeased at it, and would remedy the evil of which his master complained, as well as he could. That the King, however, ought to bear in mind that affairs in Germany being in the state they are, in such license and disorder, it would be a hard matter for you to moderate people's tongues,—at this moment so free and impudent that no respect was paid to God or man, much less to princes themselves; and that since the said Cocleus was now residing at the court of George of Saxony, the King, who once considered that Duke his friend, might very well write to him on the subject.
With regard to the second charge, I said to Cromwell that I really knew not what to answer, having not heard from the king of the Romans to that effect. Perhaps the ambassador had been detained without the King's knowledge; if with it, the King, your master, said I to Cromwell, would have greater cause to complain of the ambassador's temerity than of the king of the Romans' precaution, since after all the latter (as I had been told by certain merchants) had peremptorily refused him a passage through his territory,—and not without reason, for it was generally known that matters between the king of the Romans and the Vayvod were on the point of being adjusted, and therefore the mission of an ambassador at such a time might throw back the negotiations, or at least there was every reason to think they would, considering the recent French dealings in Germany. They had seen how the king of France, without such a reason, and, indeed, having none in his favour, had detained for upwards of four months, under some pretence or other, the cardinal bishop of Burgos, coming to England as ambassador from Your Majesty. (fn. 17) Nay, if I were allowed to speak my mind, I would declare that in my opinion the mission to Hungary of an English ambassador, at such a time as this, was unnecessary on many accounts, and, above all, because the Vayvod himself had no accredited agent in this country, and neither France nor any other power kept one at his court. Cromwell's answer was that he never had a great idea of that ambassador's wisdom, but that on the present occasion, if he really had attempted to pass through the dominions of the king of the Romans against his will, he was to be blamed for his folly. The King (said Cromwell) had sent him on that mission at the recommendation of his brother Gregoire de Cassel (da Casale), and merely to give him temporary employment. He could positively affirm that during the six or seven years that he had resided at Venice as this King's ambassador he had not received three letters from England, and that the king of the Romans would be very much mistaken and disappointed if he thought he could gain any information through his arrest. Nor will he be able to learn anything from the Vayvod's secretary, (fn. 18) who accompanies him, and has, they say, been arrested also, for he is a downright fool, and the King had set him down as such the very first time he spoke to him.
I fully expected that in proffering the above charges Cromwell would also complain of Your Majesty's intelligences in Ireland, but he made no allusion whatever to that point. True is it, that for some time past no news has come from that country, though the rumour is afloat that the King intends sending thither some troops and ammunition.
The King, moreover, is still having field artillery cast, and since the return of the Calais deputies has sent to the island of Garnese (Guernsey) a few heavy guns for fear of the French. Besides which the Princess has heard from a very reliable quarter that the King had lately said that he was afraid he should soon be at war with the French.
On the 17th inst. the good and holy bishop of Rochester was sentenced to death for having refused to swear to the statutes lately made against the Pope, and the Queen's rights, and on the 22nd he was publicly beheaded at the same place where the duke of Buckingham was executed. There is no describing the immeasurable regret and pity felt by all people. They tell me that on the scaffold he was often and often solicited to comply with the King's wishes, grace and pardon being offered to him in the King's name, but that he kept firm to the last and died most exemplarily. They gave him as a confessor a sworn enemy of his, and the staunchest Lutheran in the world, as well as the originator of all the devillish acts practised here; who, however, was so much edified by the Bishop's countenance and noble behaviour on the scaffold that he ceases not to say that one of the best and holiest men in the world has been executed. Cromwell tells me that the Pope (Paul) was the real cause of the Bishop's death, for having foolishly made a cardinal of the King's bitterest enemy; and that the reason he alleged was still more foolish, for when he heard of the Bishop's execution he said to Sir Gregory da Casale, "I did " it in contemplation of the approaching Council, for as I " intended to summon cardinals from all provinces and " kingdoms in the world, I thought of him, and gave him " a hat that he might represent England therein."
The bishop of Tarbes, (fn. 19) the nephew of cardinal Grammont, arrived here three days ago as ambassador in the room of Mr. de Morette. He was at Calais at the time of the conferences, with the intention of crossing over immediately; but as things did not turn out exactly as some people imagined, he went back to France with the Admiral, in order to proceed to a fresh deliberation on the matters under discussion. If I am to believe what a familiar [friend] of his said to a person who repeated it to me, this new ambassador's principal charge consists in asking for the hand of the Princsss, and using all manner of threats in case of refusal, as, for instance, that the king of France, his master, would let the Pope, whom he has until now tried to amuse and restrain, proceed at once to fulminate censures, &c. He is, moreover, to describe him (Francis) as ready and willing to obey the commands of the Holy See. The said bishop of Tarbes and Morette sent yesterday morning to invite Cromwell to dinner; but he excused himself, and sent word that he knew very well what they wanted to tell him, and that they had better go and see the King about it; which answer to their invitation the two ambassadors did not at all relish.
This King's master gunner (fn. 20) returned three days ago from Lubeck and Denmark, and it is said that he has brought back with him no less than one hundred experienced men, chiefly gunners and captains, although only two of them have been seen with him in this city, one of whom is the brother of the captain of Lubeck. (fn. 21) —London, the last day of June 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, mostly in cipher. pp. 7.
30 June.179. The Same to Nicolas de Granvelle.
Wien.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 37.
I send you a bold and remarkable interpretation of a chapter of the Apocalypse, (fn. 22) acted at the pageant (triomphe) which it is the custom here to celebrate on the night of St. John's eve; and to attend which this King came the distance of 30 miles, about two o'clock in the morning, walking 10 of those miles on foot, with a double-handed sword in his hand, and traversing a good part of this city to enter a house from which he might see the whole pageant. (fn. 23) So much pleasure did he receive at seeing the heads of these ecclesiastics cut off, that in order to laugh more at his ease, also to encourage his people to persevere in such amusements, he sat bareheaded. (fn. 24) Indeed, the thing seemed so good to him that next day he sent his lady a message that she would do well to come and assist in the representation of the same mystery, which was to be acted again on the eve of St. Peter.
I also send you Papal bulls in conformity with the interpretation of the above-mentioned prophesy, the reading of which will convince you of the little hope there is of matters being amended in this country, and that unless a prompt remedy be applied everything here will go on to perdition. Indeed, it is a wonder to me that all the English have not yet become Lutherans after the way this King is going on. I hear from Rome that the Pope (Paul III.) is deliberating about issuing the executory letters, and that he will not be stopped by the death of that good bishop of Rochester; of which measure, as well as others, equally unjust and tyrannical, I have not failed to apprize you as soon as I could, not omitting to remind our Emperor that the advice of all sensible and worthy people in this country has been, and still is, that if, in virtue of the said executory letters, the intercourse of trade [with the Low Countries and Spain] should be put an end to, all classes of society here would at once rise in rebellion, and would of themselves apply a remedy to the evil, notwithstanding our present differences with Francis: for many begin already to show discontent, saying that ever since these executions it has never ceased raining in England, and that that is God's revenge.—London, last day of June 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 2.

Footnotes

1 French ambassador with Charles; his full name was Claude Dodieu.
2 At this time Richard Pate, archdeacon of Lincoln, was ambassador in Spain.
3 His name was Hironimo Zuccaro. On the recall of Carlo Capello in January 1535, he remained in charge of the Venetian embassy in London.
4 Jean du Bellay was appointed cardinal on the 21st of May, at the same time with Girolamo Ghinucci, auditor of the Papal Chamber, formerly bishop of Worcester.
5 "Pour le desennuyer de ces fascheries la dame luy a ces iours fait ung festin en une sienne maison ou elle fit pluseurs braues mommeries."
6 "La dite dame a si bien banquete et momme que a ce que ma auiorduy envoye dire la princesse la dict roy est plus raffole delle quil ne fut onques, quest chose que augmente grandement la craincte de la dicte princesse considerant la longueur du remede."
7 "Il ny a point deux jeurs que lambassadeur de France disoit que la dicte assemblee dureroit encoires vingt jours; ie ne sçay la cause du racourcissement (?) de la dicte assemblee, ne autre particularite des affaires dont se traictoit, synon quil ma este confirme que la chose a quoy plus instoyent les françoys, estoit davoir la princesse pour leur dauphin, et se dit entre le commung quils sont partis mal contens les ungs des autres."
8 "Y lo terné en memoria para responder conforme a ello quando el caso se ofreciere como V. Mt lo manda."
9 "Está cierta la sospecha que V. Md siente."
10 "Sin duda ansi por la malicia del Rey, como por la estimacion del pueblo da grande daño este silencio que hasta aqui[h]a tenido Su Santidad en la prosecucion desta causa por que," &c.
11 The Emperor sailed from Barcelona on the last day of May, arrived at Mahon on the 3rd of June; at Cagliari in Sardinia on the 11th, at Porto Farina, on the African coast, three days after, and then before Tunis and La Goleta, which, after a short siege, was taken by storm. See Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos V., lib. xxii., chapters i. to xxv.
12 "Et dauantaige que la grande hayne que toute ceste prestraille, comme il lappeloit, lui pourtoit," &c.
13 That is the dethroned Christian II. of Denmark, whom the Imperialists still designated as king of that country, though the throne had been occupied since 1523 by Frederik and by Christiern III.
14 "Et apres avoir pense une bonne espace, ne me sçeut que dire synon que le roy son maistre avoit tant de traictez avec sa maieste et avec les françois, que ne lui povait entrer au cerueaul que nul eust le eueur de y contravenir."
15 "Et a la fin ne se peut tenir de dire quil convenoit que ainsi se feisse afin que le monde apperceut la faveur que le roy me faisoit. Il nestoit ia besoing quil se me declarat, car ientendoye assez quil ne tachoit que de donner entendre a ce peuple que vostre maieste aduouhoit (avoueait) tout ce quilz ont fait et font, et nont eu honte de a calais vouloir persuader aux françois que pourveu que sa maieste eust pourveu que le pape ne puist troubler les affaires ditalie que icelle entendoit reformer leglise de ses royaulmes et pays commilz avoient faict, et ce sçay ie de bon lieu, et quant ien parlay au dit Cremuel il ne me respondit parolle."
16 John Cochlæus, a Roman Catholic, the author of several controversial tracts on religious matters. "Le premier de ce que vostre maieste tolleroit et permettoit que ung docteur allemant nomme Cocleus compousat et publiat livrez les plus execrables et diffamatoires contre le dict roy que lon sçauroit ymaginer et que lon nen pourroit plus dire dung juife ou dung diable."
17 That is Don Iñigo de Mendoza, about whose detention in France in 1526 the reader had better consult Part i. of vol. iii., pp. 1016–7.
18 Andrea Corsini, the Florentine; about whom, see Vol. iv. Part. ii. pp. 839 and 982.
19 Antoine de Castelnau, who, upon the appointment of his uncle (Gabriel de Grammont) to the cardinalate, became bishop of Tarbes (1534–9).
20 Candish (Cavendishe?). If so, Richard, officer of the Ordnance.
21 The name of this captain must have been Mark Maier or Meger, as appears from papers in the Record Office, abstracted by Mr. Gairdner, vol. vii. pp. 41, 110, &c.
22 "Une gallante et notable interpretation dung chappitre de lapocalipse."
23 "Pour la quelle representation veoir ce roy vint de trente milles loing diçy environ les deux heures de nuyt, traversa dix mille a pied avec une espee de deux mains une bonne partie de la ville pour entrer en une maison," &c.
24 "Et print si grand plesir veant que [lon] coppoit les testes de ces eclesiastiques que pour rire a son plesir, [et] aussi pour donner plus de cueur au peuple de continuer en telles choses, il se descouvrist (?)"