Spain
December 1535, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1886

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574-589

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'Spain: December 1535, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1: 1534-1535 (1886), pp. 574-589. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87927 Date accessed: 17 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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December 1535, 1-15

7 Dec.232. Viscount Hannaërt to the Emperor.
P. Ar. Nac.
Neg. & Pap. de'S.,
1484, 137.
Olim B. 322.
B.M. Add. 28,588,
f. 66.
Spoke to the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency), and communicated the letter he had received. The Grand Master's answer was that great was his amazement at seeing that after the frank and honest declarations made by his master, the King, the Emperor's answer should be so meagre and vague. He was sorry for it, for on Mr. de Noircames' assurances of the Emperor's goodwill and readiness to treat the King, his master, had certainly put off the proposed interview with the king of England, and promised most solemnly not to enter into any confederacy either with him or with other princes. During that time the Emperor had tried everywhere to make friends and had caused him to lose his, besides inducing the new Pope to join the Italian league which was tantamount to shutting the gates of Italy against him.
With regard to the marriage of the duke of Angoulême to the princess of England, the Grand Master observed that it was impossible without offending against the friendship and allegiance existing between the two countries. King Francis would on no account lose the friendship of England. In short, the Grand Master said, "I will get you to see the King, and you will then hear what his answer is on each of the three principal points."
Some days after he (Hannart) had audience of king Francis in his dressing room (garde robe). At first he was alone with the Grand Master, but afterwards came in his three sons, (fn. 1) who listened to what he had to say, which was to ask the King for a more explicit and categorical answer than the one given to Mr. de Nassau respecting the three principal points of the Emperor's memorandum; namely,—1.. What were his intentions concerning errors in Faith. 2o. The resistance to the Turk and Barbarossa. 3o. The peace between them.
Respecting the first, the King declared that he would punish rigorously all those who were found infected with heresy within his dominions. He had done so already, as most Christian King that he was, and would continue to do so in future. He had no objection to the meeting of a General Council, he wished for it as much as any other Christian prince, provided it were held in a secure place, not in one open to suspicion.
With regard to the resistance to the Turk and Barbarossa he said that he was always at the service of Christendom, as his predecessors had been; he was ready to keep and defend what might fall to his share, and be present at the head of his forces when required by the Christian princes, provided those same princes gave him free passage through their dominions. This he had offered many a time, though his offer had not been accepted. As to those who accused him of sending ambassadors to the Grand Turk, or receiving letters from Barbarossa, he had as much right to do that as the Emperor, or the king of the Romans, his brother, had to send agents to propose a truce or make peace, without consulting either the Pope or the rest of the Christian princes. Indeed, Pope Clement told him at Marseilles that the Emperor had sent a man to Constantinople to negotiate a truce without informing him (Clement) of it, or asking permission of the Church. The King further said that the Grand Turk (Soliman) had solicited his alliance precisely in the same way that the Emperor had done, and had promised to help him (Francis) with 100,000 men, if necessary; but that he alone would attend to his honour and reputation, (fn. 2) and if any one dared accuse him, he would appoint one of his knights against another of the Emperor's to answer the challenge. (fn. 2)
Respecting the third point,—that is, the general peace in Christendom,—he (Francis) was ready to treat of and to conclude one so reasonable and advantageous to all the parties concerned, that the interests of his friends and allies should be equally safeguarded. Surely the Emperor would not propose a thing that he himself could not accept, if offered. He, the King, had many substantial claims on the duke of Savoy (Carlo II.), and in the case of a general peace, would demand that his claims should be discussed and determined "à l'amiable."
The marriage of the duke of Angoulême (Charles) to the princess of England (Mary) could not be made. After listening to what he (Hannaërt) had to say in virtue of the instructions lately received, the King said that his councillors objected that it was not in his power to do so (fn. 3) ; neither did they think that the thing could be achieved during Henry's life; and if the marriage was contracted without his consent he might ruin or destroy the Princess. Besides, added the King, I am his friend and ally; I have received pleasure and assistance from him in the hour of need; and it is not for me to forsake and abandon him in the present circumstances. In fact, were I to accept the terms proposed, and give up my claims on Milan,—which, after all, is the inheritance of my sons,—it would be equivalent to leaving the certain for the uncertain, working against my friends and allies, and losing them when they might be most useful to me.
After this the King entered into a series of recriminations such as these: The Emperor (he said) did not want his friendship, since upon every occasion he had preferred strangers to him who was his own brother-in-law. Were his renunciation of the dominion [over Flanders and Artois], considering the time and circumstances in which it was made—he or his sons being detained prisoners—to be legally considered, it would be found that many doctors and lawyers considered the same as invalid and null, inasmuch as vassals cannot and ought not to demand such a thing from their superior without incurring pain of confiscation (caso de commiso). By similar means was the duchy of Guienne, which the English formerly held, lost to them. Since he saw that the Emperor gave no other answer, he considered himself at liberty to make friends and contract alliances wherever he liked. The king of the Romans and his ministers had given out that Mr. de Nassao had made a treaty with him to destroy the Lutherans. That report was spread, as is well known, for the purpose of making him lose the friends he has in Germany. The Pope and the Venetians were evidently not in favour of the pretended union. The latter wished Milan to remain in the hands of the poor Duke (Sforza), that they might, after his death, get hold of it, and prevent the Emperor or him from having any power over it. Sforza, moreover, had done him great injury by causing Squire Maraveglia, his ambassador, to be executed.
The duchess of Orleans (Caterina) is still treated as usual. Some of her maids of honour had heard the King say that he had not been well advised when he made his son marry her. (fn. 4)
After writing, as he did the other day, that the Vayvod's man has at last been dispatched, he now finds that he has not, and that they still lull him with promises and words.
The King has not spoken on the affairs of Ireland; neither has the Admiral (Brion) returned from England. What his charge was he (Hannaërt) has not yet been able to ascertain. Nor has he been more successful with Barbarossa's man: the only thing is that they are sending a gentleman and captain Cazadiavolo to Barbarossa in a brigantine.
Queen Mary has presented this King with two gerfalcons (gerfaults) and falcons, at which he is much pleased, and she intends sending him hunting dogs.
Spanish. Original, pp. 8.
233. The substance of various despatches of the Ambassador in France (Hannaërt) addressed to Mr. de Granvelle.
P. Arch. Nat.
Neg. et Pap. de
Simancas, L. 1484,
f. 139.
Olim, B. 3. No. 17.
B. M. Add. 28,588.
f. 70.
That the English ambassador spoke to him again on the day of the great procession in Paris, and that he answered, "The military preparations now being made are exclusively destined against Barbarroja and for the defence of Christendom; towards which, by the way, no Christian prince helps except the Pope." The English ambassador showed great pleasure at hearing such a declaration from Hannart's mouth, because (said he) there was a rumour that the armament by sea was for another purpose. He would not fail to apprise the King, his master, thereof. After this the English ambassador visited him (Hannart) at his lodgings, and repeated the same words, or nearly. He also stated that he had received an answer from a friend [in England], stating that in his opinion a way might be found of establishing a firmer and more lasting peace between the Emperor and the king of England, his master, and that many good Englishmen preferred peace with His Imperial Majesty and his dominions to war. Should a new peace and friendship be established, the Emperor could more easily resist the Turk and have Italy under his sway, as he has it now; the French would not then brag and boast so much as they do now, nor throw impediments in the Emperor's career. To this end the English ambassador inquired whether any honourable means could be found for insuring that neither during the lives of the two monarchs (the Emperor and the king of England), nor in any other way, should any innovation be made with respect to the King's second marriage, the sentences and all other Papal acts remaining in suspense, as they now are, until some expedient, more to the common advantage and contentment of the parties concerned, could be found. Meanwhile the good Queen, he said, would be better treated. (fn. 5)
The Imperial ambassador replied, that certainly both the Emperor and the King have always lived in peace and friendship,—a state of things which not only was very advantageous to the subjects of both, but which was most desirable in order to guard against the ambitious projects of other princes. He (Hannaërt) had written to some friends at home to know whether, on the part of His Imperial Majesty, there could be any objection to renew the mutual friendship. He was shortly expecting an answer, which he would communicate to the ambassador with all reserve. Hannaërt, therefore, begged him to keep the thing secret, and advised that if he had any overtures to make to proceed at once with them, for fear the King, his master, should proceed to meddle in other affairs. (fn. 6)
Hannaërt thinks that it would be advisable to divide and separate the two kings, but he is afraid that the English wishes to keep up a defensive league with the French, and not to declare so soon as might, be wished against him.
French. Original, pp. 2.
6 Dec.234. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S.E., L. 864, f. 37.
B.M. Add. 28,588,
f. 71.
Wrote last on the 5th inst.; since then no letter from His Imperial Majesty has come. The enclosed from Lope de Soria contains the intelligence that the duke of Urbino [Francesco Maria della Rovere] has applied for and obtained from the Signory [of Venice] leave to kiss the Emperor's hands [at Naples], and that ambassadors of that republic had already left for a similar purpose. They will not, as it appears, pass this way, at which His Holiness will be anything but pleased.
Has been told that both the archbishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay), and the bishop of Macon, resident ambassador at this Court, (fn. 7) have told His Holiness that Jean Renart, the ambassador, had promised the admiral of France (Brion), in His Imperial Majesty's name, that if king Francis agreed to forsake the friendship of the English king, he would give up to him the duchy of Milan; and that the French king had answered that on no account would he abandon his brother of England; that if the Emperor, nevertheless, chose to yield to him Milan and its duchy, he might, but without any compensation like the one offered. Such is the substance of what the Archbishop and ambassador reported to His Holiness, but they suggested that the best means for the fulfilment of His Majesty's wishes, and at the same time to safeguard their master's honour, was for His Holiness to deprive Henry of all his possessions, and excommunicate all those who gave him aid. When that was done, not before, king Francis might forsake that King's alliance and friendship. The Pope's answer was couched in general words,; upon which the bishop of Macon replied, "Now is the time for Your Holiness to make all the Christian princes agree." Let all personal feeling be put aside with respect to the duchy of Camarino. Should Milan be given up to him, the King, our master, engages to compel the marquis of Saluzzo, whose right to Monferrato, a much larger and important estate, is indisputable, to make it over to Pier Luigi Farnese. To this proposition the Pope, they say, made no answer. He (Sylva) does not vouch for the truth of the report, said to come from Jean Renart; believes, on the contrary, the whole of it to be a French invention, and that the ambassadors went to His Holiness with the story in order the more to prejudice the king of England against His Imperial Majesty, and thereby gain in authority. As this report and others of the same kind might be injurious to Her Highness the queen of England, he (Sylva) hastens to inform the Emperor thereof, that proper measures be taken to counteract French malice. The more persuaded is he of the wickedness of their plans, that, in conversation the other day with one of the legates after they themselves had taken leave of His Holiness, he hinted, though with the greatest possible caution, at something of the above. Has likewise heard that on the arrival of the legates at the Imperial Court, orders shall be sent to Pier Luigi to return [to Rome] immediately. He himself has not positively said so to him, but if the Emperor wishes to know his (Sylva's) private opinion of the affair, it is this: Let Pier Luigi be kept amused (entretenido) until His Imperial Majesty's arrival; he will always be a good token of security in our hands.
His Holiness has this very day sent a message to ask whether he (Sylva) wishes cardinal Medici's cook to be delivered into his hands, as he was imprisoned on the charge of having poisoned his master. Wishes for instructions how to act, what is to be done with the culprit, and in whose hands he is to remain. He has been put to the torture and examined.
Some time ago the count Fürstemberg went to France, and saw the King, after which some of his Privy Council gave him commission for Germany, to raise 6,000 German lanskenets, and keep them in readiness on the frontiers of Burgundy towards Italy. As this news did not come from a reliable quarter, and as, besides, if there was any truth in the report, His Majesty was sure to know of it through the Imperial ambassador at the French Court, he (Sylva) refrained to write about it; he does so to-day because the intelligence is now confirmed.
The legates were to leave to-day; they have not left, nor will they tomorrow either, according to report. The reason, they say, is that Sena is not yet ready.—Rome, viii. Decembris 1535.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original, pp. 5.
9 Dec.235. The Emperor's Instructions to Pier Luigi Farnese.
S. E., L. 863, f. 31.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 74.
Is to tell His Holiness that, considering the miserable state in which matters of Faith stand now-a-days, it is incumbent upon him, as Head of the Church, to provide an adequate remedy to such an evil. Let him, therefore, whilst we go and visit him at Rome, look out for the means of parrying the blow aimed at Christianity, at himself as the Vicar of God on earth, and subsequently at ourselves; since it is evident that many who ought to stay and counteract the evil are, on the contrary, fostering it as much as they can. To that purpose it seems to us as if two things were principally required: 1st, the convocation of a General Council, without which, in our opinion, no remedy can be applied in matters of Faith, and no definition made of the errors of Lutheranism and other worse sects. Nor would it be possible, in our opinion, to treat with the dissentient princes of Germany without convoking the Council, as otherwise our common efforts would be useless. Cardinal Campeggio knows very well, since he was present at both Augsburgh and at Ratisbone, that all our endeavours to adjust matters in those diets proved vain, and that all the excuses and evasive arguments used by the separatists (desviados) have been, are still, directed to one sole object,—that is, to live on in their errors without danger of correction of any sort, and in a situation that enables them to spread such errors with impunity. In this attempt they have been assisted by certain Christian potentates with a view to forward, in the midst of much obscurity and confusion, their own private ends. Even if there should be a hope of coming to terms with the Lutherans, and making them accept those proposed by us, the convocation and meeting of the Council would still be necessary; for it is probable that the said separatists, fearing their discomfiture and ruin in the Council, will sooner subscribe to it than wait for the help and assistance of those princes, who, by throwing impediments in the way of the convocation, are only serving their own interests.
The other point is to look out for the means of putting a stop in the meanwhile to the progress of heresy. His Holiness must be aware that all the princes of Christendom, excepting the elector of Saxony and the king of England, are well inclined towards the convocation and meeting of a General Council, and the remedy of the said errors. And, to tell the plain truth, the only impediment lies with king Francis, (fn. 8) who, without further reference to the past, has most probably done, and will do, all he can to prevent its meeting. On this account it would be necessary to know resolutely what that King's intentions are, and that His Holiness should urge him to declare himself. Since the King himself acknowledges that the Council is a necessity and a convenience for France, let him make a public declaration to that effect, and allow its convocation and meeting at Mantua, the city lately chosen by His Holiness, and likely to be approved of by Germans of all classes and conditions. (fn. 9) Let him send thither his proctors and lawyers, unless he himself chooses to attend with a moderate train. Let him agree that no business shall be discussed or transacted in that Council except that which relates exclusively to matters of Faith, and, all difficulties being thus removed, there will be no excuse for the delay. But at the same time His Holiness ought to write to the King, informing him of his full determination to have the Council convoked at once, and telling him that he hopes he (the King) will not directly or indirectly oppose it, but, on the contrary, will favour it as is his duty.
The better to ascertain the intention and will of the king of France in this particular, as well as remedy the great injury and offence that he of England has done to His Holiness, and to his Apostolic dignity, and that of the Roman See, such as the separation of the English kingdom from the obedience of the Pope and Roman Church, it would be necessary that His Holiness verily and truly should admonish king Francis to forsake all dealings and intelligences with the king of England, and to give securities for the future as to the offer he once made to His Holiness of remedying the evil in England as to the two above-mentioned points; because, should his Imperial Majesty's late answer be attended to, namely, that it was very doubtful whether king Francis would help in a case of that sort, but that, on the contrary, he would most probably throw impediments in the way, and, taking advantage of the proceedings instituted at Rome against the king of England, and of the assistance demanded of His Imperial Majesty, with which the king of France would not fail to advise and threaten, the latter would try to make his profit. Indeed, advices have come to the effect that France and England are now more friendly than ever, and prepared to contract still closer alliance. To this effect has the bishop of Ubicastro (Winchester) gone to France, and therefore let not His Holiness be deceived as to the intentions of those two Kings. Let him well ponder in his mind how much these two affairs—that of the Faith in general, and that of the English king in particular—the latter having separated from the Church in such a manner, and getting worse every day,—as well as the injury done to His Holiness, to the Apostolic See, and to the Roman Church,—import to the welfare of Christendom, &c.
Should the king of France consent to co-operate in good faith in the remedy of, and provision for, the above two points, it is very just that His Holiness should consider him as his son, and be a common father to him and to us; (fn. 10) if on the contrary, in no wise can he exercise the office in common, &c.
With regard to Camarino, the Emperor is only waiting for the arrival of the duke of Urbino, who has been summoned by express messenger. When the Duke's intentions and His Majesty's wishes are known, His Holiness will be informed of the result. Nothing could be more agreeable to the Emperor than to be able to serve the Pope in this particular.
The bishopric of Jaen, &c.
Spanish. Original minute, pp. 16.
12 Dec.236. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 864, f. 20.
B. M., Add. 28,588,
f. 83.
The general of the Franciscans (Fr. Vincencio Lunel) has told him [Sylva] that the cause of his being summoned to Rome was that he had written to His Holiness from Palermo relating his conversation with the Emperor. As the conversation turned on the General's mission, and was couched in rather ambiguous terms, the Pope had sent for him to explain them. Such is the explanation he himself gives.
The news from France, as received by the Pope, says, in date of the 2nd inst., that king Francis is in good health, and enjoying himself at a place of the Admiral (Brion) two leagues from Lyons, which city he would not visit till after Christmas. That Langeais, whose journey to Germany had been put off, as the Pope himself had told him, had recently started for that country to attend the meeting of certain lords. The King, moreover, had sent money to the duke of Gheldres, and had conferred some time with the bishop of Winchester, Ambassador of the king of England, who had solicited him to make closer alliance with his master, to prevent the Council, and to make war. There was much talk of it at the Court of France.
The same letter said that the sister of the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency) had actually been dismissed from the Queen's household for the reasons mentioned in a former despatch, although it was rumoured that the Grand Master would recover his favour and influence over the King.
The above news is confirmed by letters which he (Sylva) has received.—Rome, xii. Decembris 1535.
P.S.—Besides the information furnished me by the Pope this morning, a message from him has this afternoon been received at this embassy to the effect that intelligence has arrived from France stating that England is now offering upwards of one million of ducats to Francis, and a large infantry force, if he will make war against the Emperor; and the king of France, I am told, has said this to the Pope, through his ambassador, and besides that he is in league with several free towns of Germany, and that he will cause a Turkish fleet to come and scour the Mediterranean.
His Holiness has to-day left for Hostia (Ostia), but will return on Thursday next. The General of the Franciscans says that before his departure the Pope said to him, "On my return to Rome you shall hear of great things."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
13 Dec.237. Katharine Queen of England to Dr. Ortiz at Rome.
S. E., L. 865, f. 73.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 86.
Doctor, your letter of the 13th ultimo came to hand, the contents of which were both a consolation and a comfort to me, since you exhort me to persevere in my firm purpose of resisting any temptation and danger of offending God, as well as continuing in my belief that justice will ultimately be obtained. Since His Holiness himself wishes it so, and tells you (Ortiz) that what is now and will in future be done on my behalf is the only efficacious remedy to prevent the evil and harm that I and my daughter, with other good souls in this kingdom, are suffering, I shall have patience and wait. But you, Doctor, ought there [at Rome] urgently to solicit from His Holiness that, the good work to which you allude in your letter, and which he (the Pope) has commenced, should be promptly executed; for, should there be the least hesitation or delay, it will be tantamount to letting the Devil, who, hitherto, has only been half bound, entirely loose and at liberty to do mischief. (fn. 11)
I cannot, indeed dare not, write to you in clearer terms. It will be sufficient if, as a prudent and wise man, you understand what I mean. I do not write to Count de Cifuentes, as I wish to spare him the trouble of a letter; but you will inform him, in my name, that by his letters to the Emperor, I learn what he is doing there [at Rome] for me, and that I did not expect less from him and those of his lineage. May our Lord [Jesus] give you good health for his holy service, and be sure that your have in me a good friend. (fn. 12) —From Quimbolton, 13 December [1535].
Signed: Catherina.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
13 Dec.238. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, i. 141.
I received one day, lately, Your Majesty's letter of the 22nd Oct. (fn. 13) and previously at various times those therein referred to. I have also from time to time imparted to this King the good news they contained, giving him to understand that I was sure of their being all pleasant and agreeable news to him, as Your Majesty has, no doubt, been informed by several of my despatches in answer, which I hope have reached their destination since the date of your last.
I will, therefore, add nothing more to their contents, except to say that since I last wrote to Your Majesty [on the 1st of November] this King has not ceased to declare and show in public how pleased he was at the reported damage caused by Barbarossa at the island of Minorca, and his reconquest of Tunis, until a commander of Rhodes arrived here, and told him that the whole was a fable and an invention; that he himself had been present at the taking of Tunis by Your Majesty. The King having interrogated the commander as to the forces under Your Majesty, the latter magnified their quality and their number; so much so, that this King, finding he could not bite, began to say that, with all that, Your Majesty would be now more unprovided than before, since you had been obliged to take with you to Italy the whole of your army, who were doing incredible damage to the country, especially the Germans (added the King), which he said was a great shame. By which words, as uttered by the King, in the presence of his courtiers, Your Majesty will be able to judge how good and sincere his intentions are.
With respect to Dr. Adam, I must say that he left this shortly after I wrote to Your Majesty about him, but these people kept so vigilant an eye upon him that he was unable to communicate with me, as he had promised. Should he come back here, or should I find secure means of writing to him before matters in Denmark are finally settled, I will try and ascertain what foundation he has for the proposition he once made.
As to listening to any proposals of fresh understanding put forward by this King's ministers, I have taken all possible care to avoid it (fn. 14) It strikes me that Master Cromwell considers Your Majesty's important occupations at this moment a sufficient excuse for your delaying an answer; yet both the King and himself, seeing no appearance of Your Majesty granting their demands, as men without resolution, obstinately blind, and despairing now of any help on the side of France, are evidently trying to gain time, placing all their hope, as all bad payers do, in the demise of their creditors. (fn. 15) Cromwell himself no longer complains to me, as he once did, of the delay of that answer, though he never ceases sending me messages through a confidential friend of his, who has called on me several times for the last fortnight, to beg and entreat for my good offices in obtaining an answer to his propositions in the King's name. Whenever I have occasion to send one of my men to him, he never fails to admonish him to urge the matter on me; yet, with all that, as I say, there is no sign of any fresh proposal; and about a week ago he again, though incidentally as it were, brought forward the marriage of the prince of Spain [Philip] to this King's last-born daughter [Elizabeth].
Having called upon him about ten days ago to solicit the payment of certain arrears due to the Queen, and at the same time hear news from the King's court, Cromwell told me that he had just despatched a man to inform the King of the indisposition of the Queen, who, he said, was very poorly. As I was not aware of that, I naturally was somewhat alarmed at the news, and asked for permission to go and visit her, or send one of my men thither. This he readily granted, authorising me at once to send someone to inquire, and signing letters to that effect; but as to his allowing me to visit her, that he could not do; he would, however, speak to the King about it, and on his return from Court would let me know the answer. He has not spoken to me since, nor have I again mentioned the subject to him; for, thank God, the Queen has recovered, and is now well. As I was coming out of Cromwell's rooms, I received a letter from the Queen's physician, stating that, with God's help, there was no fear for the present; and that, should I not hear of her being worse, I was not to trouble myself with asking for leave to see her; I therefore have since desisted from the application.
Cromwell informed me that two days before, the Scottish secretary (Erskine?), returning from France, had dined with him, and had a long talk after dinner concerning the marriage of king James and the daughter of Vendosme. He said to me that the secretary (Erskine) seemed in bad humour, and dissatisfied at the turn affairs were taking in France, saying that perhaps his master [of Scotland], hearing of the death of the duke of Milan, might be tempted to suspend all negotiations in the French quarter, in the hope of marrying the Duke's widow. (fn. 16)
On this same occasion Cromwell repeated what he had once said to me, namely, that the King, his master, had been informed that the count Palatine (Frederick) aspired to the throne of Denmark; which (observed Cromwell) the King and I find very strange, for he (the Palatine) has no title whatever to it. He likewise told me that the King, his master, had received letters, informing him of an Imperial diet shortly to be held at Spires, in order to declare null and void the grant which the emperor Constantine once made to the Apostolic See of Rome and other countries, and that the Pope began already to perceive that Your Majesty's design in going to that capital was to seize the ecclesiastical temporalities. The report has caused great discontent at Rome. As since that time the French ambassador has told me the very same thing, Your Majesty will easily understand the nice inventions (bourdes) with which these people are daily fed.
About ten days ago the bailiff of Amboise arrived here, accompanied by a son of his, and only one servant. Though rather old and heavy, he himself rode past. He, no doubt, imagined that his arrival would not be noticed, owing to the privacy of his travelling; but no sooner had he alighted at his lodgings than the French ambassador sent his own brother and some of his staff to visit him, and request he would call at the embassy. After long excusing himself on the plea of the haste in which he was to call upon the King at Richmond, and his having nothing particular to communicate to the French ambassador, the bailiff at last consented to go, inasmuch as the road to Court passed by the French embassy. The bailiff, therefore, went thither, and gave him to understand that he had a mission from Madame d'Allebrecht (Albret), the widow of Henry, whom the French used to call "king of Navarre." His mandate was to tell this King that she wished to make a pilgrimage to St. Thomas of Canterbury. And upon the French ambassador, suspecting that this was but a feint, and that, had the bailiff's mission been such, the said lady would not have failed to inform him, her particular and especial servant thereof, he sent next day one of his own men to Master Cromwell, to acquaint him with his suspicions concerning the said bailiff, who, he said, came no doubt under false pretences, at the same time begging him to retain him in England until the return of a man whom he had despatched to France, to ascertain, if possible, the object of his secret and mysterious mission. Cromwell, it appears, approved of the ambassador's plan, and suddenly dispatched some of his own servants to follow the bailiff wherever he went. The latter, however, went to Court, did his business, whatever it was there, came back, and has since returned to Richmond. I fancy he will remain there until a man whom Cromwell has sent thither in all haste comes back. Whatever may be the issue of this business, I shall not fail to apprise Your Majesty.
In conversation the other day with Cromwell I tried in various ways to learn from him something concerning the bishop of Winchester's late mission to France, but all in vain; I could learn nothing about it. Nor is the French ambassador himself, as I am told by one of his most familiar and confidential friends, less perplexed at it, making all manner of conjectures as to the nature of his mission. After a good deal of reflection on the matter, the ambassador has come to the conclusion that the object of his mission can be no other than to prevent the meeting of the Council, and persuade the Most Christian to appoint a head of the Church in his kingdom; on which point the Bishop has lately composed the, oration which I am now sending to Monsieur de Granvelle. The ambassador is of opinion that to the first article people in France may perhaps listen, but that the second cannot be granted.
As soon as the news of the death of the duke of Milan arrived in this town, Master Cromwell sent to inform me thereof, though he might well know that I was already aware of it. Yesterday, in conversation with one of my men, who went to him with a message from me, he spoke of it by way of congratulation, extolling the nature of the duchy, and adding that it was so valuable that Your Majesty ought by no means to give it away.
To eradicate and do away entirely with Papal authority in this kingdom the King has lately issued letters patent enforcing the immediate abolishment of all indulgences, and using the same clemency in the case as was used with the books and writings of that holy martyr the bishop of Rochester (Fisher), as appears by the enclosed copy in print, of which I now forward a translation to Mr. de Granvelle.—London 13 Dec. 1535. "Eustace Chapuys."
The present despatch being closed, I received a letter from the Queen, Your Majesty's aunt, which goes along with this. In addition to its contents, which are sad enough; she commands me to call your attention to her sufferings, and relates to you several particulars, which would move a stone to pity and commiseration; but having frequently written to Your Majesty about this, and knowing that in your prudence and wisdom you know better than anyone in this world what remedy can and is to be applied under the present circumstances, and, moreover, that you have those affairs more at heart than the Queen herself, I will abstain from troubling you further on that score. (fn. 17)
French. Original, mostly in cipher, pp.
13 Dec.239. The Emperor to Thomas Cromwell.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 72.
Has heard by letters of Chapuys the good service which he (Cromwell) has rendered to the cause of the queen of England, his aunt, and to the Princess, her daughter, for which he (the Emperor) is as thankful as if it had been done to himself. Asks Cromwell to continue in such loyal service, and on his part will be glad personally to gratify him in anything that may occur, so that he (Cromwell) may know that he has not ill-employed his pains.—Naples, 13 Dec. 1535.
French. Original draft. p. 1.
13 Dec.240. The Same to Chapuys.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 73.
Was met on the road [to Naples] by the messenger, who brought his letters of the 13th and 15th of September, and 13th of October, and on the 6th inst. his despatch of the 6th ulto. was also duly received. After maturely weighing all their contents, he (the Emperor) decided to dismiss the messenger, and send him back with this present letter, and with instructions for the queen of Hungary (Mary), and the count of Roeulx conjointly; the substance of which instructions he (Chapuys) will hear from the messenger's lips.
Chapuys will be well rewarded for all he has done, but as matters are pressing, his messenger is sent off at once without further delay. Cannot, therefore, enter into more details for the present, but hopes to hear from him often. Is to leave for Rome on the 15th.—Naples, 13 Dec. 1535.
French. Original minute, pp. 2.
13 Dec.241. Eustace Chapuys to Nicolas de Granvelle.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 69.
The French ambassador suspects that this bailiff of Amboise is a heretic and a runaway from France. He was once a great friend of Mr. de St. Blancay. The bishop of Tarbes thinks that the bailiff is here for no other purpose than to offer his services to this King, and likewise those of a son of his, who has resided long in Germany. The Bishop, moreover, is afraid that this man, whoever he may be, may divulge something about the negociations now pending between Francis and the Emperor, our master, to the detriment of Henry. I am of a different opinion; I think that he has been sent here by Madame d'Albret, who, being so good a Christian, is naturally desirous of receiving the blessing of the pope of England. (fn. 18)
The bishop of Winchester, who hitherto upheld the supremacy of the Pope, has now published a book against it. I hear he is again going to France to persuade and urge the people of that country to forsake the Holy See, though the pretence will be that the Bishop goes for the purpose of contracting a firmer alliance with this King.
A fine of 4,000 ducats imposed last year on the Venetian merchants for having contravened certain regulations of the Customs here, has been remitted, and the merchants allowed to export wool from this country. However, as the Secretary of Venice informs me, the merchants of his nation care little for that permission, and seem rather inclined to make no use of it, for fear a Papal decree should, one of these days, be issued against the English. In fact, I hear that the merchants of that nation have been advised to quit this country as soon as they can, as most of those of other nations have been.—London, 13 Dec. 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, partly in cipher.

Footnotes

1 That is to say, the Dauphin (François), duke de Bretagne, the duke of Orleans (Henri), and Charles duke of Angoulême.
2 "Tambien dezia que el dicho Turco le havia embiado [á] apuntar á él lo mismo que Su Magestad le havia embiado á pedir, y á offresçer demas dello cient mill hombres; mas que él usaria á su honra, y que sy alguno le queria cargar en lo contrario daria un cavallero contra otro para responder á ello."
3 "Que le ponian delante que no era en el arbitrio ni poder de su dicha Magestad."
4 "Que la duquesa de Orliens es todavia tractada como solia, y que algunas de sus damiselas dezian que avian oydo dezir al Rey que no havia sido bien aconsejado en hazer el dicho casamiento." By the duchess of Orleans, Catharine of Medicis is meant.
5 "Sy Sn Magestad seria contenta de assegurar por algun honesto medio que no se haria ó attentaria mas adelante por via de hecho durante las vidas de uno y del otro, ny de otra manera innovar contra el nuevo casamiento, y que las sentencias y todas otras cosas quedassen suspensas, como agora estan, hasta tanto que se pudiesse hallar otro mejor medio en la seguridad y contentamiento de las partes y que entre tanto la buena Reyna seria bien tractada de su persona."
6 "Por tanto que desseava que lo que dezia el dicho embaxador fuesse secreto y [que] le parescia que sy queria negociar en esto, lo mas presto lo mejor antes que el Rey, su amo, le metiesse mas adelante en otros negocios."
7 Charles Hémard Denonville from the 20th of November to 1538, when he was transferred to Amiens, preserving, however, the bishopric of Macon. He was created cardinal in 1536.
8 "Y solamente queda por dezir la verdad redondamente, por el impedimento que sin hablar mas de lo pasado el Rey de Francia querrá poner en esto."
9 Literally "Germans, good or bad: que buenos y malos de Alemania condescenderian mas presto que se hiciesse alli mas que en otra parte ninguna."
10 "Que Su Sd le deva tener por comun padre entre Su Md y el dicho Rey de Francia."
11 "Doctor, lavuestra carta de xiii. de Nouiembre recebi, y me dió harto descanso lo que por ella me hazeis saber asi cerca de la constancia que devo tener en resistir a qualquier peligro por no ofender á Dios, como en ser cierta [de] conseguir la justicia como Su Santidad quiere hazery da á entonder. Lo que se haze y hará ser el verdadero remedio para impedir el mal y daño que yo y mi hija con otras buenas personas tanto tememos. Lo que por servicio de Dios debeis procurar es instar con toda diligencia á que se ponga por obra con toda brevedad lo que en vuestra carta dezis, que aflojar ay sera de todo soltar al Demonio, el qual aun hasta agora está medio atado.
12 "No os puedo ni oso mas claramente hablar; bastará ya que como cuerdo me entendais. No escribo al conde de Cifuentes por no le dar pena con mi carta; mas dezir le [h]eis que por la que escribe al Emperador sé lo que haze, y que yo no esperava menos de él ni de los que vienen de su sangre. Nuestro señor os dé mucha salud para su santo servicio, y sed cierto teneis en mi una buena amiga—de quimbolton, xiii. de Deziembre.—"Catharina."
13 See above, No. 216, p. 558.
14 "Au regard dentretenir laffaire de la practique de la nouvelle intelligence qua este mise en avant par les ministres de ce Roy, ce y ay tousiours eu le soing et regard quil ma este possible."
15 "ils serchent de gaigner temps ayant leur espoir en lancre (?) des mauvais payeurs."
16 The duke Francesco Sforza died at Milan on the 24 Oct. of this year. He had been married a few months to Christine or Kristierna, daughter of the king of Denmark (Kristiern II.).
17 "Sachant aussi que par vostre grande prudence cognoissez mieulx ce quest necessaire au remede de ces affaires que nulle personne, et que icelle [maieste] les a plus a cueur que la royne mesme, me depourteray de atedier vostre maiesté."
18 The sentence in italics is, as already observed, in cipher. As to Madme d'Albret, her name was Marguerite d'Orleans, sister of Francis I. She had been married to Charles IV., duke of Alençon, who died on 14th of April 1525, shortly after the battle of Pavia.